Hindunationalismus - Hindutva

Chronik ab 1947-08-14 bis 2013

von Margarete Payer


Zitierweise | cite as: Payer, Margarete <1942 - >: Hindunationalismus - Hindutva : Chronik ab 1947-08-14 bis 2013. -- Fassung vom 2018-07-09. --  URL: http://www.payer.de/hindunationalismus/chronik1.htm                                                        

Erstmals hier publiziert: 2018-06-02

Überarbeitungen: 2018-06-03/04/05/06/10/13/14/18/19/20/21/22/23/26/27/28/29/30 ; 2018-07-02/03/04/06/07/08/09 [Ergänzungen]

©opyright: Creative Commons Lizenz (CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 DE - Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Modernes Indien von Tüpfli's Global Village Library

Diese Chronik zielt nicht auf Vollständigkeit. Es sollen nur wichtige Ereignisse genannt werden bzw. Ereignisse, die beispielhaft für viele ähnliche sind.

Hindu, Hindi, Hindustan -- हिन्दु हिन्दी हिन्दुस्तान


Indian Independence Act 1947: "An Act to make provision for the setting up in India of two independent Dominion states, to substitute other provisions for certain provisions of the Government of India Act, 1935, which apply outside those Dominions, and to provide for other matters consequential on or connected with the setting up of those Dominions."

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_Independence_Act_1947. -- Zugriff am 22018-02-22

Text: http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/Geo6/10-11/30. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-22


Teilung Indiens

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teilung_Indiens / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Partition_of_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01

Abb.: Teilung Indiens
[Bildquelle: Themightyquill/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

1947-08-15 - 2018

Prime Minister Indiens und ihre Parteizugehörigkeit

Abb.: Prime Minister Indiens und ihre Parteizugehörigkeit 1947 - 2018
[Bildquelle: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liste_der_Premierminister_Indiens. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-25]

1947-08-15 - 1964-05-25

Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi: जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889–1964) (Congress) ist Prime Minister von Indien

Abb.: Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi: जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889–1964), 1947
[Public domain]


Es erscheint:

Sivananda <Swami> [ஷிவானந்த்] <1887 – 1963>: All about Hinduism. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/AllAboutHinduismSwamiSivananda. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-11


In a meeting of the Sanatana Dharma Sabha, Lokamanya Tilak said: “A Hindu is he who believes that the Vedas contain self-evident and axiomatic truths."

The Hindu Maha Sabha has given another definition: “A Hindu is one who believes in a religion which has originated in India.”

" Those who burn the dead are Hindus." This is another definition given by some.

”He who protects the cows and the Brahmins is a Hindu.” This is another definition given by some.

Some define: “A Hindu is one who regards India as his motherland and the most sacred spot on earth.”

Some others define: "He who calls and considers himself a Hindu is a Hindu.”

Some define: "He who accepts the Vedas, the Smritis, the Puranas and the Tantras as the basis of religion and of the rule of conduct, and believes in one Supreme God (Brahman), in the Law of Karma or retributive justice, and in reincarnation (Punarjanma), is a Hindu."

"He who follows the Vedic or Sanatana-Dharma is a Hindu." This is the definition by some.

"He who is a follower of the Vedanta is a Hindu." This is another definition given by some others.

"He who has perfect faith in the Law of Karma, the law of reincarnation Avatara, ancestor worship, Vamashrama Dharma, Vedas and existence of God, he who practises the instructions given in the Vedas with faith and earnestness, he who does Sandhya, Sraaddha, Pitri-Tarpana and the Pancha-Maha-Yajnas, he who follows the Vamashrama Dharmas, he who worships the Avataras and studies the Vedas, is a Hindu.” This is the definition given by some highly cultured men, This is the only correct and complete definition.



India is the sacred land which has given birth to countless sages, Rishis, Yogins, saints and prophets. India is the land that has produced many Acharyas or spiritual preceptors like Sri Sankara and Sri Ramanuja; many saints like Kabir, Ramdas, Tukaram and Gauranga Mahaprabhu; many Yogins like Jnana Dev, Dattatreya and Sadasiva Brahman; and many prophets like Buddha and Nanak. Buddha is our flesh and blood.

India is proud of Guru Govind Singh and Sivaji. India is proud of king Bhoja and Vikramaditya. India is proud of Sankara and Kabir. India is proud of Valmiki and Kalidasa. Krishna, Rama and all Avataras were born in India. How sacred is India! How sublime is India! The dust of Brindavan and Ayodhya, the land trodden by the sacred feel of Krishna and Rama, still purifies the bean of countless people. Even Jesus, during the missing period of His life, lived in Kashmir and learnt Yoga from the Indian Yogins. Glory to Mother India!

India is a spiritual country. India never conquered territories or annexed dominions. Military conquest is not her ambition. She wants her children to have Atma-Svarajya or Absolute Independence. She does not call upon them to rule over others. She wants them to have conquest over internal and external nature. She wants them to possess brilliant divine virtues, moral stamina and inner spiritual strength born of wisdom of the soul. Ahimsa is her weapon to have the spiritual conquest and the conquest of the minds of others.

People of India have Self-realisation as their goal. They do not, generally, bestow too much attention on material prosperity and advancement. They want Yoga or communion with the Supreme Being. They practise Ahimsa, Satya and Brahmacharya. They wish to enjoy the eternal bliss of the Absolute. They are always ready to renounce worldly possessions in order to possess or realise the inner Atman or Brahman. They will sacrifice anything and everything in order to attain the immortal Atman. They are always spiritual-minded.

India is the sacred land with several holy rivers and powerful spiritual vibrations. The hoary Himalayas attract the people of the whole world. It is a land peculiarly suitable for divine contemplation and Yogic practices. Every country has its own special attractive features. India is the land of Yogins and sages. This is the special attractive feature of India. This is the reason why people from America, England and all parts of the world come to India for the practice of Yoga."

[a.a.O., S. 3ff. -- Fair use]



1947-09 - 1947-11


Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1947_Jammu_massacres. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01


20.000–100.000 Muslime
20.000+ Hindus and Sikhs

Abb.: Lage von Jammu Dogri: जम्मू , Urdu: جموں )
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1947-10-22 - 1949-01-01

Erster Kaschmirkrieg

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Erster_Indisch-Pakistanischer_Krieg / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Pakistani_War_of_1947. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-23

Abb.: Kashmir (Urdu: کشمیر)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi: जवाहरलाल नेहरू,  1889 - 1964) über den RSS an die Chefs der Provinzialregierungen:

"We have a great deal of evidence to show that the RSS is an organisation which is in the nature of a private army and which is definitely proceeding on the strictest Nazi lines, even following the technique of organisation. [...] I have some knowledge of the way the Nazi movement developed in Germany. It attracted by its superficial trappings and strict discipline considerable numbers of lower middle class young men and women who are normally not too intelligent and for whom life appears to offer little to attract them."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 87. -- Fair use]


Gründung der Nachrichtenagentur Hindusthan Samachar -- Hindi: हिन्दुस्थान समाचार


Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindustan_Samachar. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Swami Karpatri (Hindi: स्वामी करपात्री, 1907–1982) gründet die Akhil Bharatiya Ram Rajya Parishad (ABRRP) --   Hindi: अखिल भारतीय राम राज्य परिषद ("Allindische Gesellschaft für die Herrschaft Ramas")



Gründung der Bharat Gosevak Samaj (Hindi: भारत् गोसेवक समाज - Indische Gesellschaft zum Kuhschutz)


Es erscheint die Sondernummer der Zeitschrift कल्याण (Kalyan, Gita Press):

नरी अंक [Frauen-Nummer]. -- 801 S. -- Online: http://www.kalyan-gitapress.org/pdf_full_issues/nari_ank_1948.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-18

Abb.: Titelblatt
[Fair use]

"Nari Ank celebrated ideal mothers and the mothers of‘strong heroic sons’ throughout world history—from Mary the mother of Jesus, to the mothers of Napoleon, George Washington, Lenin, Mussolini, Hitler, Chiang Kai-shek, and closer home Syama Prasad Mookerjee and Jawaharlal Nehru."

[Quelle: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9. -- S. 364. -- Fair use]

"Kalyan’s Nari Ank extracted short pieces from the writings of diverse people, from noted progressive Hindi writer Premchand who admonished his Indian 'sisters for borrowing from Western ideals and reducing themselves to instruments of pleasure' to Adolf Hitler appealing to German women not to get involved with the outside world but confine themselves to becoming good housewives and mothers. An extract from Colonel James Tod and William Crooke’s Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan praised the domestic happiness and independence of Rajput women who stayed within the home by choice."

[Quelle: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9. -- S. 367. -- Fair use]

"Nari Ank profiled more than a hundred such satis [Sanskrit: सती = Witwen, die sich auf dem Scheiterhaufen verbrennen] from myth, folklore and history, including Sati Parvati, Savitri, Anasuya, Sanyogita, Padmini and Lakshmi Bai."

[Quelle: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9. -- S. 375. -- Fair use]


Erste Nummer der RSS-Wochenzeitschrift पाञ्चजन्य (Panchajanya) (in Hindi).

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Panchjanya_(magazine). -- Zugriff am 2018-04-07
Webpräsenz: http://www.panchjanya.com/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-07 

Abb.: Titelblatt der Ausgabe 2017-10-08
[Fair use]


New Delhi (Hindi: नई दिल्ली): Nathuram Vinayak Godse (Marathi: नथूराम गोडसे, 1910 – 1949) ermordet Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (Gujarati: મોહનદાસ કરમચંદ ગાંધી, 1869 - 1948).

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nathuram_Godse / https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nathuram_Godse. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-03

Abb.: Büste von  Nathuram Vinayak Godse (Marathi: नथूराम गोडसे, 1910 – 1949) im Gwalior (Hindi: ग्वालियर) Office der Hindu Mahasabha (Hindi: हिन्दू महासभा), 2017
[Bildquelle: ©https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/nathuram-godse-mahatma-gandhi-mahatma-gandhi-mahasabha-1091075-2017-11-21. -- Fair use]


Wegen der Verbindung zu Nathuram Vinayak Godse (Marathi: नथूराम गोडसे, 1910 – 1949), dem Mörder Gandhis wird der RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh - Hindi: राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ) verboten.

20.000 Swayamsevak (Hindi: स्वयंसेवक) werden verhaftet.

Das Verbot wird 1949-07-11 aufgehoben.


Sultanpur (Hindi: सुल्तानपुर): Purshottamdas Tandon (Hindi: पुरुषोत्तम दास टंडन, 1882 - 1962) in einer Ansprache:

"The Musulmans must stop talking about a culture and a civilisation foreign to our country and genius. They should accept Indian culture. One culture and one language will pave the way for real unity. Urdu [اردو] symbolises a foreign culture. Hindi [हिन्दी] alone can be the unifying factor for the diverse forces in the country."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 97. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Purushottam_Das_Tandon / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Purushottam_Das_Tandon. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23


Indien annektiert mit Gewalt den Fürstenstaat Hyderabad (Urdu: حیدر آباد). Es folgen schwerste Ausschreitungen von Armee und Hindus gegen Muslime.

27.000 bis 200.000 Tote

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_annexation_of_Hyderabad. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-03

Abb.: Lage des Fürstenstaats Hyderabad (Urdu: حیدر آباد)
[Public domain]


Bericht von Muhammad Ibrahim, Inspector of Waqf (Arabisch: وقف‎ - fromme Stiftung), über die Babri Masjid (Urdu: بابری مسجد) in Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या):

"On investigation in Faizabad [Hindi: फ़ैज़ाबाद] city it was revealed that because of the fear of Hindus and Sikhs no one goes into the [Babri] Masjid to pray Namaz Isha [Urdu: نماز عشاء ]. If by chance any passenger stays in the Masjid he is being put in trouble by the Hindus. Out of the Sahan [Hindi: सहन - Innenhof] of Masjid there is a temple where many Pandas [Hindu-Pandits] reside and they harass the Muslims whosoever visit inside the mosque. I went at the spot and from inquiries it was revealed that the said allegations are correct. Locals went on saying to the extent that there is great danger to mosque from Hindus that they may harm its walls etc."

[Zitiert in: Jain, Meenakshi [मीनाक्षी जैन ]: Rama and Ayodhya. -- New Delhi : Aryan, 2013. -- 342 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-81-7305-451-8. -- S. 144. -- Fair use]

1948-12-09 - 1949-01

Satyagraha [Hungerstreik] des RSS gegen sein Verbot. 60.000 Swayamsevaks werden verhaftet.


Es erscheint:

The R.S.S. Constitution. -- Delhi : Bharat Mudranalaya, 1949

Article 3:

"The Aims and. Objects of the Sangh are to weld together the diverse groups within the Hindu Samaj [society] and to revitalise and rejuvenate the same on the basis of its — Dharma and Sanskriti — [roughly meaning religion and culture], that it may achieve an all-sided development of the Bharatvarsha" (India).

Article 4:

  1. "The Sangh believes in orderly evolution of the Society and adheres to peaceful and legitimate means for the realization of its ideals.
  2. "In consonance with the cultural heritage of the Hindu Samaj, the Sangh has abiding faith in the fundamental principle of tolerance towards all faiths.

"The Sangh as such, has no politics and is devoted to purely cultural work. The individual Swayamsevaks, however, may Join any political party, except such parties as believe in or resort to violent end secret methods to achieve their ends; persons owing allegiance to such parties or believing in such methods shall have no place in the Sangh."

[Zitiert in: Curran, J. A. (Jean Alonzo <Jr.>): Militant Hinduism in Indian politica : a study of the R.S.S. -- New York : International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1951. -- 94 S. -- Online: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015031477741;view=1up;seq=7 . -- Zugriff am 2018-05-29. -- S. 25. -- Fair use]


Gründung der Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) - Hindi: अखिल भारतीय विद्यार्थी परिषद - एबीवीपी -- All India Students' Council

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akhil_Bharatiya_Vidyarthi_Parishad. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Aufhebung des Verbots des RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh - Hindi: राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ) vom 1948-02-04

Freilassung der noch 50.000 verhafteten Swayamsevak.


Gründung der Partei Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK ; Tamil: திராவிட முன்னேற்றக் கழகம் -- Dravidian Progress Federation)

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dravida_Munnetra_Kazhagam / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dravida_Munnetra_Kazhagam. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-21

Abb.: ©Wahlsymbol
[Fair use]


Ambala (Hindi: अंबाला): Nathuram Vinayak Godse (Marathi: नथूराम गोडसे, 1910 – 1949) und Narayan Dattatraya Apte (Marathi: नारायण आप्टे, 1911 - 1949) werden hingerichtet wegen des Mordes an Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (Gujarati: મોહનદાસ કરમચંદ ગાંધી, 1869 - 1948).



Die Zeitung आज  (Aaj - heute) berichtet:

"After Kartik Purnima on 5 November, three Muslims went to see Babri Masjid. Some vairagis [Sanskrit: वैरागी] present there stopped them from entering the mosque. When they persisted, the vairagis started beating them. While two of the Muslims managed to save themselves by fleeing the scene, the third one could not do the same. The vairagis broke the limbs of this Muslim who was later admitted to Shri Ram Hospital in Ayodhya.

Immediately after this incident, some vairagis and sadhus started digging the graves that were there for long in front of the Babri Masjid. Meanwhile, a rumour spread in Ayodhya that sadhus would install an idol in the Babri Masjid. On 9 November, some local Muslims informed the district magistrate (K.K.K. Nair) about this rumour as well as the incidents of grave digging and thrashing of members of their community. The district magistrate instructed the city magistrate (Guru Datt Singh) to take appropriate action. But the city magistrate delayed the process and reached the spot only on 12 November.

In the meantime, sadhus dug up hundreds of graves in the open ground in front of Babri Masjid. A small mosque, called Kanati Masjid, located to the southeast of Babri Masjid, was also razed to the ground and turned into a platform. Several havan kunds were created in places where graves were dug. Around the same time, in the south-eastern side of Babri Masjid, the mazar of Zanab Kidwa Sahab [widely believed to be the holy ancestor of Kidwai Muslims] was demolished. On a mound in the vicinity of Babri Masjid there used to be the famous mazar [Arabisch:  مزار‎ - Mausoleum] of Shah Hatta. One sadhu took it under his control and converted it into a mughara. The roof of the mughara is that of the mazar."

[Übersetzung: Jah, Krishna ; Jha, Dhirendra K.: Ayodhya, the dark night : the secret history of Rama's appearance in Babri masjid. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2012. -- 192 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 9789350299012. -- Kindle ed. -- Fair use]


Kewalram Ratanmal Malkani (Hindi: केवल रतन मलकानी, 1921 - 2003) in der Zeitschrift The Organiser:

"Sangh [RSS] must take part in politics not only to protect itself against the greedy designs of politicians but to stop the un-Bharatiya and anti-Bharatiya policies of the Government and to advance and expedite the cause of Bharatiya through state machinery side by side with official effort in the same direction."

[Zitiert in: Hindu nationalism : a reader / ed. by Christophe Jaffrelot. -- Princeton : Univ. Pr., 2007. -- ISBN 978-0-691-13098-9. -- S. 175. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kewalram_Ratanmal_Malkani / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._R._Malkani. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-20


Es erscheint:

The Hindu Code Bill. -- In: Organizer. -- 1949-12-07. -- S. 3

"The B.S.S. membership displayed, significant interest in the debate in Parliament in December 194-9 on the Hindu Code Bill, by means of which the Congress is attempting to codify Hindu law and also to extend the legal rights of women in Hindu society. The B.S.S. strongly opposes this proposed legislation. The bitter opposition that the Hindu Code Bill has evoked in Sangh circles is instructive. A leading "unofficial" Sangh Journal, the Organizer, proclaimed editorially:

"We oppose the Hindu Code Bill. We oppose it because it is a derogatory measure based on alien and immoral principles....

"The Government says it only wants to codify the Hindu law.

This is a pretension.... Hindu law is known.... it needs no codifying.,.. What the Government has set out to do under pretense of codification is to alter it, to change its basis, to violate its essential quality, ... It has prepared to manufacture us after the model of the Western man....

"The Hindu law is an organic part, a natural concomitant of Hindu culture and Hindu dharma.... Tens of crores in every generation down these countless millenniums have lived by it and found it sufficient....

"And now in place of these tried and noble life principles the bill introduces the fleeting fashionable fancies of the hour. Because people in America marry anybody they like...and can freely divorce their consorts aid remarry and re-divorce without end, Bharat too must have that business here....

"A drastic and brutally iconoclastic bill like this is beyond the Jurisdiction of the Government....

" A secular state can lay no claim to interference with the dharma — determined personal law of the people....""

[Quelle: Curran, J. A. (Jean Alonzo <Jr.>): Militant Hinduism in Indian politica : a study of the R.S.S. -- New York : International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1951. -- 94 S. -- Online: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015031477741;view=1up;seq=7 . -- Zugriff am 2018-05-29. -- S. 33. -- Fair use]


Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या), Babri Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد): "In der Nacht vom 22. zum 23. Dezember 1949 stellten Angehörige der Hindu Mahasabha (Hindi: हिन्दू महासभा) in der Moschee ein Bildnis vom Kind Rama (Ramlalla -- Hindi: रामलल्ला) und die Bildnisse von Rama und seiner Gattin Sita auf. Der Allgemeinheit wurde der Zutritt zur Moschee untersagt. Am 16. Januar 1950 erstritt sich die Hindu Mahasabha [Hindi: हिन्दू महासभा] durch eine Zivilklage den freien Zutritt zur Moschee. Das Gericht erließ eine einstweilige Verfügung, laut derer die Hindu-Götterbildnisse nicht beseitigt werden dürfen und die Anbetung dieser Götterbildnisse gestattet werden muss. Dieser Tag wird daraufhin später gerichtlich als Tag des "Status quo" definiert." [Quelle: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babri-Moschee. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-16] 

Vor der Moschee wird 9 Tage lang  Ramcharitmanas (Awadhi: श्रीरामचरितमानस) von Tulsidas (Awadhi: तुलसीदास, 1511 - 1623) rezitiert.

Der Sekretär des Congress in Faizabad (Hindi: फ़ैज़ाबाद) beschreibt das so:

"Mass meetings were held. Loud-speakers fitted in tongas [horse-drawn carts] and cars kept on screaming day in and day out, calling upon the people to come for Darshan [Sanskrit: दर्शन] in the Mosque where yajna [Sanskrit: यज्ञ]... was taking place, as the place of Ram’s birth was being reclaimed. People began coming in thousands also from outside the town in cars sent by the organisers of the show. Inflammatory speeches were made and it was openly announced that the Babri Mosque had to be converted into a Sri Ram Temple. Mahatma Gandhi, Congress and congressmen were openly abused."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 93. -- Fair use]

1949-12-23 9:00 First Information Report (FIR) von Pandit Ramdeo Dubey, officer-in-charge, Ayodhya Police Station, Faizabad, UP gegen Abhiram Das, Ram Sakai Das, Sudarshan Das und 50-60 Unbekannte. Anklage: Sections 147 (rioting), 448 (trespassing) and 295 (defiling a place of worship) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC):

"That at about 7 in the morning when I [Ramdeo Dubey] reached the Janmabhoomi, I came to know from Mata Prasad [Constable No. 7, Ayodhya Police Station] that a group of 50 to 60 persons have entered the Babri Masjid by breaking open the locks of the compound and also by scaling the walls and staircases and placed an idol of Shri Bhagwan in it and scribbled sketches of Sita, Ramji, etc. in saffron and yellow colours on the inner and outer walls of it. That Hans Raj [Constable No. 70, who was on duty at the time when 50- 60 persons entered] stopped them [from doing so] but they did not care. The PAC [Provincial Armed Constabulary] guards present there were called for help. But by then the people had already entered the mosque. Senior district officials visited the site and got into action. Later on, a mob of five to six thousand people gathered and tried to enter into the mosque raising religious slogans and singing kirtans. But due to proper arrangement, nothing happened. Committers of crime [Abhi]Ram Das, [Ram] Sakai Das, Sudarshan Das with 50 to 60 persons, names not known, have desecrated [naapaak kiya hai] the mosque by trespassing the mosque through rioting and placing idol in it. Officers on duty and many other people have seen it. So the case has been checked. It is found correct."

[Übersetzt in: Jah, Krishna ; Jha, Dhirendra K.: Ayodhya, the dark night : the secret history of Rama's appearance in Babri masjid. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2012. -- 192 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 9789350299012. -- Kindle ed. -- Fair use]


Abb.: Lage von Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Abb.: Lage des Ramlalla-Bildnisses (Hindi: रामलल्ला)
[Bildquelle: http://workshop.mod.org.in/?p=1443. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-28. -- CC BY-NC-SA 2.5 IN]


Der Arya Samaj von Faizabad (Hindi: फ़ैज़ाबाद) fordert in einem Beschluss:

"The local Arya Samaj, at a meeting held on Sunday [ 2 5 December 1949] morning, resolved that all Hindu religious institutions in India which had been damaged and converted into masjids should be restored to the Hindus for being used for the purpose for which they were originally meant. The Samaj further resolved that the aforesaid policy be also observed in respect of Janam Bhoomi Temple at Ayodhya."

[Leader <Allahabad>. -- Zitiert in: Jah, Krishna ; Jha, Dhirendra K.: Ayodhya, the dark night : the secret history of Rama's appearance in Babri masjid. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2012. -- 192 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 9789350299012. -- Kindle ed. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Faizabad (Hindi: फ़ैज़ाबाद)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Narayan Bhaskar Khare (Marathi: नारायण भास्कर खरे, 1884 - 1970), neugewählter Präsident der Hindu Mahasabha:
"The pro-Muslim Congress has always ridiculed the Mahasabha as a communal organization. The Mahasabha has, at every stage, fought against the Congress’ surrender to communalism. [...] We should forget all this [the clampdown on the Mahasabha following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi] as a bad dream. We harbour no ill feelings against the government [...] The Congress, by insisting upon a secular state, wants to convert the Indian nation into irréligion and materialism, the causes of the moral rot. If this rot is to be stopped, the ideology of a secular state must be given up and the ideology of a cultural state must be adopted. Hindus being 85 per cent of the population, their culture would be the culture of the state or Rashtra. Congress leaders say they would not allow the establishment of a Hindu Rashtra in this country; nobody wants Hindu Raj or Hindu government. Their confusion must stop. Hindu Rashtra is already there, and no power on earth can destroy it."

[Quelle: Jah, Krishna ; Jha, Dhirendra K.: Ayodhya, the dark night : the secret history of Rama's appearance in Babri masjid. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2012. -- 192 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 9789350299012. -- Kindle ed. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narayan_Bhaskar_Khare. -- Zugriff am 2018-07-04


Es erscheint die Sondernummer der Zeitschrift कल्याण (Kalyan, Gita Press):

हिंदू-संस्कृति-अंक. -- 800 S. -- Über Hindu Kultur in allen Aspekten. Bisher fast 150.000 gedruckte Exemplare


Communal riots in West Bengal und Assam

Abb.: Lage von West Bengalen und Assam
[Bildquelle: Furfur/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]


Inkrafttreten der Constitution of India (Verfassung Indiens)

"Article 343 {Official language of the Union }

(1) The official language of the Union shall be Hindi in Devanagari script.

The form of numerals to be used for the official purposes of the Union shall be the international form of Indian numerals.

(2) Notwithstanding anything in clause (1), for a period of fifteen years from the commencement of this Constitution, the English language shall continue to be used for all the official purposes of the Union for which it was being used immediately before such commencement:

Provided that the President may, during the said period, by order authorise the use of the Hindi language in addition to the English language and of the Devanagari form of numerals in addition to the international form of Indian numerals for any of the official purposes of the Union.

(3) Notwithstanding anything in this article, Parliament may by law provide for the use, after the said period of fifteen years, of -

(a) the English language, or

(b) the Devanagari form of numerals, for such purposes as may be specified in the law."

[Quelle: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Constitution_of_India/Part_XVII#Article_343_{Official_language_of_the_Union_}. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-20

Article 48 {Organisation of agriculture and animal husbandry}

"The State shall endeavour to organise agriculture and animal husbandry on modern and scientific lines and shall, in particular, take steps for preserving and improving the breeds, and prohibiting the slaughter, of cows and calves and other milch and draught cattle."

[Quelle: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Constitution_of_India/Part_IV#Article_48_{Organisation_of_agriculture_and_animal_husbandry}. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-25]


Schwere communal riots gegen Hindus in East Bengal (Bengali: পূর্ব পাকিস্তান - Ost-Pakistan). Zwischen 1950-02-10 und 1950-02-20 werden 10.000 Hindus getötet. 1950-02/03 fliehen 860.000 Hindus nach Indien.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1950_East_Pakistan_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-24

Abb.: Lage von East Bengal (Bengali: পূর্ব পাকিস্তান - Ost-Pakistan)
[Bildquelle: Furfur/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]


In einem Rundschreiben ruft die Hindu Mahasabha (Hindi: हिन्दू महासभा) alle ihre Aktivisten auf, 1950-03-27, das Geburtsfest von Rama (Sanskrit: राम), zum Ram Janmabhoomi Day (Hindi: राम जन्मभूमि दिवस) zu machen:

"Attempts should be made to contact all the authorities of the temples in your town, particularly Shree Ram Temples. [...] All should be requested to conduct special prayer for retention of this shrine where Lord Ram was born, with the Hindus, and be asked to tell the congregation which assembles for celebrating the birth of Shree Ramchandra regarding the episode. The congregations in the temple also should be requested to pass similar resolutions.

It is hoped that this matter will be given urgent attention and every attempt will be made to see that the Day becomes a success.

Arrangements for the publicity also should be properly made and reports of the observance of the day should be sent to the Head-Officer here."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 95 -- Fair use]

1950-04-09 - 1950-07-25

1,3 Millionen Hindus fliehen aus  East Bengal (Bengali: পূর্ব পাকিস্তান - Ost-Pakistan) nach West Bengal (Bengali: পশ্চিমবঙ্গ - Indien).


Beginn des Wiederaufbaus des Hindu-Tempels von Somnath (Gujarati: સોમનાથ) an der Stelle einer Moschee. Die Moschee wird um einige Kilometer versetzt.

Abb.: Lage von Somnath (Gujarati: સોમનાથ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tempel_Somnath / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Somnath_temple. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-21


Mahant Digvijay Nath (Hindi: महन्त दिग्विजयनाथ, 1894 - 1969), Generalsekretär der Hindu Mahasabha (Hindi: हिन्दू महासभा):

"If the Hindu Mahasabha attains power, it would deprive the Muslims of the right to vote for five to ten years, the time that it would take for them to convince the government that their interests and sentiments are pro-Indian."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 108. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Digvijay_Nath. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23


Vadnagar (Gujarati: વડનગર): Geburt von Narendra Damodardas Modi (Gujarati: નરેંદ્ર દામોદરદાસ મોદી)

Vater: Damodardas Mulchand Modi (Gujarati: દામોદરદાસ મૂલચંદ મોદી, c.1915 – 1989). Beruf: Inhaber einer Teebude auf Bahnsteig des örtlichen Bahnhofs.
Mutter: Hiraben Modi (Gujarati: હીરાબેન મોદીના, born c.1920)
Kaste: Ghanchi (Gujarati: ઘાંચી) (Ölmüller), OBC (Other Backward Class)

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narendra_Modi / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narendra_Modi. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-09

Abb.: Lage von Vadnagar (Gujarati: વડનગર)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Abb.: Lage von Vadnagar (Gujarati: વડનગર)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Abb.: Narendra Damodardas Modi (Gujarati: નરેંદ્ર દામોદરદાસ મોદી)
[Bildquelle: DonkeyHotey. -- https://www.flickr.com/photos/donkeyhotey/14036449217/in/photolist-nomtk8-SoFuNG-qCq93b-22GyhKC-idwndN-cTkbSu-9DWE23-aFW3wZ-m9tbYe-vVL7rY-9eRpAR-beo68Z-axnnhd-gqWpDe-VV1asP-qTT42C-osjcrx-U9Sz7G-RDdLSb-T3TuLu-9CG51N-qr87BR-awNySm-TcQKtE-T3Tuzh-pF8YZp-VYEG4n-sm1N64-9HwxiN-9DTDXi-c6hLB7-9sdtzW-amWmM9-bdhJyF-QDKpjh-Xm33oZ-amTCWH-sa7zBB-dHPrCR-9HtFA2-9CG6KA-gx8YaG-bq9k1H-gUMZwB-9rknN8-aedou5-X8yguY-9uayT3-9qN2k9-kwGXNM. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-25. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Modi zu Hindutva (nicht datiert):

"I believe that Hindutva is a way of life. It has survived all kinds of assaults. In the past ten thousand years, so many vicharadharas (ideologies) have suffered in some way or the other. Not Hinduism. Hinduism stays with the times. It keeps up with the times. It is relevant to our times. Hindutva teaches restraint, advises individuals not to be a burden on society, and suggests responsibility. Hindutva is over ten thousand years old; Christianity some two thousand years old, and Islam about 1,400 years old. Christianity and Islam are religions. Hindutva is a way of life. It is incomparable and scientific. In ancient Sanskrit it is known as sanatana dharma or the eternal way of life. It is not rigid. It is liberal, able to adjust."

[Zitiert in: Kamath, M. V. [ಎಮ್. ವಿ. ಕಾಮತ್] <1921 - 2014>  ; Randeri, Kalindi: The man of the moment : Narendra Modi. -- New Delhi : Times, 2013. -- 419 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-93-259-6838-7. -- S. 178. -- Fair use]


Abb.: Politische Gliederung Indiens 1951
[Bildquelle: Furfur/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]


Ein RSS Funktionär über Adolf Hitler (1889 - 1945):

"Hitler, whom Guruji [Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar -- Hindi: माधव सदाशिव गोलवलकर, 1906 - 1973] and we admired for his sense of discipline and his attempts to eliminate angularities for German culture, failed in his purpose because he did not elevate his program to the spiritual plane and he favored foolish aggression in Europe [...] We do not believe in dictatorship in the Western sense, but we also do not believe in the cultural anarchy and insipid, valueless secularism which now seem to dominate in the West. A disciplined society, deeply imbedded in our ancient culture, is our aim. Guruji promises to take us to this goal if only we have the patience and the will power to prepare for our day which will come."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 64, Anm. 239. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Curran, J. A. (Jean Alonzo <Jr.>): Militant Hinduism in Indian politics : a study of the R.S.S. -- New York : International Secretariat, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1951. -- 94 S. -- Online: https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=mdp.39015031477741;view=1up;seq=7 . -- Zugriff am 2018-05-29

Nach dieser Quelle (S. 44)  gibt es 631.500 Swayamsevaks (Hindi: स्वयंसेवक) des RSS. Davon ca. 300.000, die voll teilnehmen. Die regionale Verteilung zeigt folgende Karte:

Abb.: Regionale Verteilung der 631.500 Swayamsevak (Hindi: स्वयंसेवक) des RSS, 1951
[Datenquelle: a.a.O., S. 44]
[Kartenquelle: Furfur/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]


Jaipur (Hindi: जयपुर): Neufassung der Verfassung der Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha (Hindi: अखिल भारतीय हिन्दू महासभा)

The jurisdiction of the Hindu Mahasabha shall extend to the whole of India or Bharat, as it existed before August 14, 1947.

The aim of the HINDU MAHASABHA as it to establish a really democratic Hindu State in Bharat, based on the culture and tradition to Hindu Rashtra and to re-establish Akhand Bharat by all constitutional means."

The objects of the Hindu Mahasabha are:

  1. To remove all forms of inequalities and disabilities and thus to establish an order in which all nationals will enjoy equal opportunities to serve the State.
  2. To assure to each national, full freedom of thought, expression, association and worship, not inconsistent with the national interest
  3. To make Bharat militarily strong and self-reliant in defense.
  4. To promote the glorious ideals of Aryan womanhood and to establish Ashrams for the protection, education and vocational training of women and children.
  5. To make Bharat politically, economically, morally and materially strong and self-reliant
  6. To remove gross inequalities in the distribution of wealth, to assure a decent standard of living to each national and to secure to the workers and peasants their rightful share in economy of the country and to promote class co-ordination instead of class conflict.
  7. To reclaim all those who have left Hindu fold and welcome others into it.
  8. To promote protection of cow and its progeny and to ban cow slaughter.
  9. To establish Sanskritised Hindi as the National Language and Devnagari as the National Script, with due regard to regional languages.
  10. To cultivate friendly relations with other nations with a view to maintain internal and international peace and progress.
  11. To ameliorate the economic, social and political conditions of the so called Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as well as the Backward Classes, so as to bring them on par with other nationals of the country as early as possible.

[Fassung vom 1990-09-09]

[Quelle: http://website.akhilbharathindumahasabha.org/?page_id=22. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-23. -- Fair use]

Aus der Presidential Address von Narayan Bhaskar Khare (Marathi: नारायण भास्कर खरे, 1884 - 1970):

"... If these foreign faiths are assimilated in the all pervading Hindu Pantheon, their methods of worship and prayer would be exactly the same as at present, but they must observe certain unwritten Dharmic principles followed by all Hindus. They must call themselves Hindus. They must align themselves for better or for worse, as against all other outside groups in the whole world.. .they must abstain from cow-killing and beefeating. And they must regard the ‘Ancient History of India’ as their own; and respect the heroes of Indian history although they may have been (sic) descended from people who may have fought against these heroes in the past. If this happens the whole of India will be knit together and form itself into a mighty Hindu Nation. And there will be no communal problem at all and this would pave the way for Akhand Bharat. In short, these faiths must not look for their culture to Arabia, Europe, Persia or Palestine, but must adopt Bharatiya culture, which in essence is not different from Hindu culture.

I believe it would not be disputed that the foregoing conditions are the minimum for the establishment of homogeneous Nationalism in the country. All those who are not prepared to be loyal to the country and fight for its glory and greatness and who do not want to live amicably, harmoniously and peacefully with the majority of its inhabitants have no right to live in that country. Such people should immediately leave this country’ and go to any other country which is dear to their heart...

... one can say without any fear of contradiction, that times are now favourable as never before to make concerted attempts for assimilating foreign elements in Hindu society and to achieve complete unity amongst sections of the population by a steady process of Nationalisation based on one homogeneous culture.."

[Zitiert in: http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/17640/7/07_chapter%202.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-13. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Narayan_Bhaskar_Khare. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23


Es erscheint:

Munshi, Kanaiyalal Maneklal [Gujarati: કનૈયાલાલ માણેકલાલ મુનશી] <1887-1971>: Somnath, the shrine eternal : souvenir published on the occasion of the installation ceremony of the Linga in the new Somanatha Temple on May 11, 1951. -- o.O. : Somnath Board of Trustees, 1951. -- 117 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kanaiyalal_Maneklal_Munshi. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23


Delhi (Hindi: दिल्ली): Gründung der Partei Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) --  Hindi: भारतीय जन संघ („Indische Volksvereinigung“)

Die Partei geht 1974 in Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD) Hindi: भारतीय लोक दल („Indische Volkspartei“) auf

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharatiya_Jana_Sangh / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharatiya_Jana_Sangh. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-20

Aus dem Wahlprogramm für die Lok Sabha Wahl 1952:

""Secularism, as currently interpreted in this country, however, is only a euphemism for the policy of Muslim appeasement. The so-called secular composite nationalism is neither nationalism nor secularism but only a compromise with communalism of those who demand a price even for their lip loyalty to this country."

[Zitiert in: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9 . -- S. 339. -- Fair use]

1952 / 1957

Gründung von Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan [Vidya Bharati] -- Hindi: विद्या भारती अखिल भारतीय शिक्षा संस्थान - विद्या भारती -- Vidya Bahrati All India Institute of Education

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vidya_Bharati. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-21

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Wahlprogramm der Hindu Mahasabha (Hindi: हिन्दू महासभा):

"[The Party] stands for reestablishment of a Hindu Raj in Bharat with a form of Government in accordance with the Hindu conception of polity and economy. The Hindu Mahasabha intends to develop Bharat as a National home for Hindus where the sublime qualities of Hindu ideology can find a place for self-fulfillment.

The Hindus possess a characteristic outlook on life, a well-defined cultural background, distinct historical traditions and are thus easily distinguishable from others. The misconceived notion of secular democracy cannot inspire the masses. It is the ideal of Hindu Rashtra alone which can make people residing all over Bharat and speaking different tongues united in common purpose, strong in combined action and capable of making India a powerful nation. Hindu Rashtravad is a dynamic and progressive conception capable of absorbing all modern scientific inventions and modern social and economic thoughts.


to develop the country as a first rate military power in order to make its voice felt in the United Nations


maximum freedom in trade and commerce


The Hindu Mahasabha is not wedded to any ism. It does not believe that classless society is ever possible. So long as society is based on division of labor, existence of classes with varying interests is inevitable. The Hindu Mahasabha does not believe in class war. It believes in the national coordination of class interests to the mutual benefit of all.


moral and religious education not sectarian but based on broad principles of Hindutva will be imparted in all educational institutions and suitable arrangements for teaching Sanskrit in advanced schools will be made on a large scale


The Hindu Mahasabha believes that Hindus have a right to live as Hindus and rule, legislate and govern themselves in accordance with Hindu ideals. Hindu Rashtra has to be established and a Hindu ideology must have a homeland for its unfoldment."

[Zitiert in: McKean, Lise: Divine enterprise : gurus and the Hindu nationalist movement. -- Chicago : University Press, 1996. -- 361 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 0-226-56010-4. -- S. 98f. -- Fair use]


Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) --  Hindi: भारतीय जन संघ („Indische Volksvereinigung“) veranstaltet zusammen mit RSS einen Anti-Cow Slaughter Day. Gleichzeitig beginnen sie mit der Sammlung für Unterschriften für eine Petition für ein Verbot der Kuhschlachtung.


Kanpur (Hindi: कानपुर): Resolution on Indianisation passed by Bharatiya Jana Sangh [Hindi: भारतीय जन संघ]

"The resolution on Indianisation passed by Bharatiya Jana Sangh [Hindi: भारतीय जन संघ], at its Plenary Session held at Kanpur, in December, 1952, under the Presidentship of Late Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherji [Bengali: শ্যামাপ্রসাদ মুখোপাধ্যায়, 1901 - 1953].

It is the considered view of the Jana Sangh which is borne out by the history of other countries as well that geographical unity alone cannot sustain nationalism. So long as the people of India shared a common national outlook and owned a common culture, its unity and nationalism were preserved in spite of its being divided into a number of states. It was only when the foreign rulers of this country for their selfish political ends ignored and denigrated Indian way of life and culture and tried to impose foreign mode of life and culture on it, that Indian nationalism got undermined. As a result in spite of loud declaration about India being one nation, the two nation theory reflecting Muslim communalism triumphed, the country was partitioned and it was made impossible for non-Muslims to live in the areas included in Pakistan. On the other hand the mentality behind the two nation theory continues to get sustenance in truncated India by the policy of the bolstering up of Muslim separatism through encouragement and support to the stand that Muslims have a separate culture. This has become the greatest hurdle in the way of national reconstruction and natural unity.

Therefore, Jana Sangh resolves that in the interest of proper evolution of Indian nationalism and a national outlook it is essential that the concept of the whole of India and all its people irrespective of their way of worship, sect or region being one nation with one culture be stressed and propagated among the people. To achieve that end the people and Government must act on the following lines:

  1. Education should be based on national culture and tradition. Knowledge about Upnishadas [Sanskrit: उपनिषद्], Bhagvad Geeta [Sanskrit: भगवद्गीता], Ramoyana [Sanskrit: रामायण], Mahabharata [Sanskrit: महाभारत] and the literature and literary figures of the modern Indian languages who have contributed towards revival and preservation of Indian cultural traditions be disseminated and efforts should be made to bring that day nearer when knowledge about this common cultural stream will be considered essential by people of all parts of the country.
  2. Birthdays of national heroes and other national days be celebrated in a national way in which all people irrespective of caste, creed or region should participate and the Government should extend its administrative and monetary co-operation for such celebrations.
  3. The major festivals of the country like Holi [Hindi: होली], Diwali [Hindi: दिवाली ], Raksha Bandhan [Hindi: रक्षा बंधन] and Vijay Dashmi [Hindi: विजयदशमि] be treated as national festivals and celebrated as such.
  4. Special attention should be paid to development of national and regional language and their use in all fields of activity so that the Indian life may develop on the basis of national culture and genius.
  5. Sanskrit language should be revived and its knowledge be made compulsory for all votaries of higher learning. At the same time Devnagri [Sanskrit: देवनागरी] should be popularised and accepted as the common script for all the Indian languages.
  6. Indian History should be so re-written that it may become the record of the Indian people and not merely of foreign invaders and conquerors. The division of history into periods should be based not on the names of foreign invaders but on the basis of social movements and revolutions which have played a vital part in the evolution of the Indian society. The story of expansion of Indian thought and culture outside India should have a special place in the text books on Indian history.
  7. It is essential for the cultural uplift and national unity that Hindu society removes its internal weaknesses. Particular attention should be paid by it to the removal of social disparities and creation of a sense of oneness in all sections of Hindu society by uplifting the backward sections and removing the feeling of high and low on the basis of caste. To that end it is essential that social and religious festivals be celebrated in a collective and disciplined way and co-operation of all strata of society be received in such celebrations.

Along with this internal reform it is the duty of the Hindu society to make concerted efforts to Indianise those sections of the Indian society which have been cut off from the national mainstream because of the influence of foreign invaders and foreign missionaries or have remained cut off from it for other reasons."

[Zitiert in: Madhok, Balraj [बलराज मधोक ] <1920 - 2016>: Indianisation : [an explosive viewpoint in Indian politics that is appreciated, admired, criticised and often misunderstood]. -- Delhi : Hind pocket books, [1970]. -- 162 S. -- (An orient paperback ; E-65). S. 123ff. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/IndianizationBalrajMadhok. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-19. -- Fair use]


Jashpur (Hindi: जशपुर): Gründung von Akhil Bharatiya Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram -- Hindi: अखिल भारतीय वनवासी कल्याण आश्रम -- All India Forest Dwellers Welfare Shelter

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vanavasi_Kalyan_Ashram. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-21

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Petition des RSS für Verbot der Kuhschlachtung. Hunderttausende von Unterschriften werden gesammelt.


Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई): Gründung der Chinmaya Mission

Webpräsenz: http://www.chinmayamission.com/. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-11

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinmaya_Mission. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-11

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

"In 1987 at Sandeepany in Bombay in an address to the graduating class taught by Swami Tejomayananda, Swamiji told the new brahmacharis

The old idea of a brahmachari is one who goes and brings food for the guru and then eats and sleeps In this way, Hinduism has reached a state of decadence and disaster Now you are carrying the same name, but not the same form We are creating an army of workers for the protection of Hinduism and for its further development—to rediscover the true heart of Mother India for the people."

[Quelle: Patchen, Nancy:  The journey of a master : Swami Chinmayananda : The man, the path, the teaching. -- Bombay : Central Chinmaya Mission Trust, 1999. -- ISBN 1880687143. -- S. 254f. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint die Sondernummer der Zeitschrift कल्याण (Kalyan, Gita Press):

बकक-अंक [Sohn-Nummer]. -- 802 S. -- Online: http://www.kalyan-gitapress.org/pdf_full_issues/balak_ank_1953.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-18

Abb.: Titelblatt
[Fair use]

"In his editorial comment, Poddar agreed it would be impossible to ban cinema completely. However, he suggested widespread reforms to make cinema socially relevant:

'First and foremost, female actors should be thrown out completely. They are the root cause of all evil. Second, films should not consist of anything that perverts the mind. There will be hungama (noisy protest) at first, but then people will get used to the changes. In any case, entertainment value will still be there in films sans the immoral stuff. The Censor Board can also usher in some changes.'"

[Quelle: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9. -- S. 399. -- Fair use]


Auf die Aufforderung durch  Periyar E.V.Ramasamy (Tamil: பெரியார் ஈ. வெ. ராமசாமி,  1879 - 1973) hin, feiern Dalits in Tamil Nadu (Tamil: தமிழ் நாடு) Buddhas Geburtstag und zerstören Bilder von Ganesha (Tamil: விநாயகர்).

Abb.: Periyar E. V. Ramasamy
(Tamil: பெரியார் ஈ. வெ. ராமசாமி,  1879 - 1973)
[Bildquelle: http://www.uni-giessen.de/~gk1415/periyar.htm. -- Zugriff am 2003-07-13. -- Fair use] .

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/E._V._Ramasami / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Periyar_E._V._Ramasamy. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-30

1954 - 1992

Anzahl der communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen

Anzahl der communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen 1954 - 1992
[Datenquelle: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 552. -- Fair use]

1954 - 1993

Tote bei communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen

Abb.: Tote bei communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen 1954 - 1993
[Datenquelle: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 552. -- Fair use]


Der Bharatiya Jana Sangh --Hindi: भारतीय जन संघ veranstaltet eine "Anti Foreign Missionary Week"

Als Reaktion gründet die Regierung von Maharashtra (Marathi: महाराष्ट्र) The Niyogi Committee On Christian Missionary Activities (siehe unten 1956)


Resolution des Bharatiya Jana Sangh (Hindi: भारतीय जनसंघ) zu Hindi und Devanagari [देवनागरी]

"Language Policy

The Working Committee expresses its deep dissatisfaction upon the complete lack of interest shown by the Government of India in the implementation of that part of the Constitution which requires that Hindi should take the place of English as the language of the Union within 15 years. It condemns the antipathy of the Education Ministry towards Hindi and calls for a thorough overhaul of that department which is manned by persons who have no heart in the job.

Common Script

With regard to the Language Policy to be adopted in the educational and administrative fields the committee lays down the following essentials:

  1. That mother tongue should be the medium of instruction at the primary stage.
  2. That the regional language should be the medium for secondary and higher education, Hindi being a compulsory subject for study throughout.
  3. That for post-graduate and specialised scientific studies Hindi alone should be the medium.
  4. That the government should establish a commission of linguists representing all regional languages to draw up a lexicon of technical and scientific terms based on Sanskrit and other spoken Indian languages. The terminology so drawn up will be the common property of all Indian languages.
  5. That steps should be taken for the adoption of Devanagari [देवनागरी] as the common script for all Indian languages.
  6. That Devanagari [देवनागरी] should likewise be adopted for the dialects of undeveloped areas which have no script of their own, irrespective of the fact that in certain areas Roman script has been sought to be imposed on them by foreign missionaries.
  7. That the use of Hindi in Central and inter-state communications should be started immediately. Its use should be made compulsory for all ceremonial occasions and Hindi alone should be used on foundation stones and other permanent inscriptions.
  8. Such of the personnel in the services of the Government of India as are not due to retire by the time limit fixed for the replacement of English by Hindi should be given compulsory courses in Hindi in a planned manner at the cost of the government.

The Committee is of the firm opinion that Urdu [اُردُو] is the language of no region in India, it being only a foreign and unacceptable style of Hindi with a foreign script and a foreign vocabulary imposed on India during a period of foreign domination and now being supported by some communal elements."

[Zitiert in: Hindu nationalism : a reader / ed. by Christophe Jaffrelot. -- Princeton : Univ. Pr., 2007. -- ISBN 978-0-691-13098-9. -- S. 220f.. -- Fair use]

1955 - 1956

Hindu Code Bills ersetzen das traditionelle Hindu-Zivilrecht:

Für Muslime bleibt muslimisches Recht in Kraft.


Gründung des Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh - Hindi: भारतीय मजदूर संघ -- Indian Labourers' Association durch Dattopant Bapurao Thengadi (Marathi: दत्तोपंत बापूराव ठेंगडी, 1920 – 2004)

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharatiya_Mazdoor_Sangh. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (Hindi: भीमराव रामजी आंबेडकर, 1891 - 1956) schließt das Manuskript ab zu

Riddles in Hinduism. -- Online: http://www.satnami.com/riddles.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-09

Das Manuskript bleibt zu Ambedkars Lebzeiten unveröffentlicht.

  • Riddle No. 1 : The difficulty of knowing why one is a Hindu
  • Riddle No. 2 : The Origin Of The Vedas —The Brahminic Explanation or An Exercise In The Art Of Circumlocution
  • Riddle No. 3 : The Testimony Of Other Shastras On The Origin Of The Vedas
  • Riddle no. 4 : Why suddenly the brahmins declare the vedas to be infallible and not to be questioned?
  • Riddle no. 5 : Why did the brahmins go further and declare that the vedas are neither made by man nor by god?
  • Riddle no. 6 : The contents of the vedas : have they any moral or spiritual value?
  • Riddle no. 7 : The turn of the tide or how did the brahmins decleare the vedas to be lower than the lowest of their shastras?
  • Riddle no. 8 : How the upanishads declared war on the vedas ?
  • Riddle no. 9 : How the upanishads came to be made subordinate to the vedas?
  • Riddle no. 10 : Why did the brahmins make the hindu gods fight against one another?
  • Riddle no. 11 : Why did the brahmins make the hindu gods suffer to rise and fall?
  • Riddle no. 12 : Why did the brahmins dethrone the gods and enthrone the goddesses?
  • Riddle no. 13 : The riddle of the ahimsa
  • Riddle no. 14 : From ahimsa back to himsa
  • Riddle no. 15 : How did the brahmins wed an ahimsak god to a bloodthirsty Goddess ?
  • Riddle no. 16 : The four varnas - are the brahmins sure of their origin?
  • Riddle no. 17 : The four ashramas —the why and how about them
  • Riddle no.18 : Manu's madness or the brahmanic explanation of the origin of the mixed castes
  • Riddle no. 19 : The change from paternity to maternity. What did the brahmins wish to gain by it?
  • Riddle no. 20 : Kali varjya or the brahmanic art of suspending the operation of sin without calling it sin
  • Appendix I : The riddle of the varnashram dharma
  • Appendix II : Compulsory matrimony
PART III - Political
  • Riddle no. 21 : The theory of manvantara
  • Riddle no. 22 : Brahma is not dharma. What good is Brahma?
  • Riddle no. 23 : Kali Yuga—Why have the brahmins made it unending?
  • Riddle no. 24 : The riddle of the Kali yuga
  • Appendix I : The riddle of Rama and Krishna"

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]

India is a congeries of communities . There are in it Parsis , Christians , Mohammedans and Hindus. The basis of these communities is not racial. It is of course religious . This is a superficial view. What is interesting to know is why is a Parsi a Parsi, and why is a Christian a Christian, why is a Muslim a Muslim and why is a Hindu a Hindu? With regard to the Parsi, the Christian and the Muslim it is smooth sailing. Ask a Parsi why he calls himself a Parsi he will have no difficulty in answering the question. He will say he is a Parsi because he is a follower of Zoroaster. Ask the same question to a Christian. He too will have no difficulty in answering the question. He is a Christian because he believes in Jesus Christ. Put the same question to a Muslim . He too will have no hesitation in answering it. He will say he is a believer in Islam and that is why he is a Muslim.

Now ask the same question to a Hindu and there is no doubt that he will be completely bewildered and would not know what to say.


If he says that he is a Hindu because he worships the same God as the Hindu Community does his answer cannot be true. All Hindus do not worship one God. Some Hindus are monotheists , some are polytheists and some are pantheists .

Even those Hindus who are monotheists are not worshippers of the same Gods . Some worship the God Vishnu, some Shiva, some Rama, some Krishna. Some do not worship the male Gods . They worship a goddess . Even  then they do not worship the same Goddesses . They worship different Goddesses . Some worship Kali, some worship Parvati, some worship Laxmi.  

Coming to the Polytheists they worship all the Gods. They will worship Vishnu and Shiva, also Rama and Krishna. They will worship Kali, Parvati and Laxmi. A Hindu will fast on the Shivaratri day because it is sacred to Shiva. He will fast on Ekadashi day because it is sacred to Vishnu. He will plant a Bel tree because it is sacred to Shiva and he will plant a Tulsi because it is dear to Vishnu. Polytheists among the Hindus do not confine their homage to the Hindu Gods . No Hindu hesitates to worship a Muslim Pir or a Christian Goddess . Thousands of Hindus go to a Muslim Pir and make offerings . Actually there are in some places Brahmins who own the office of a hereditary priesthood of a Muslim Pir and wear a Muslim Pir's dress . Thousands of Hindus go to make offerings to the Christian Goddess Mant Mauli near Bombay. The worship of the Christian or Muslim Gods is only on occasions . But there are more permanent transfer of religious allegiance. There are many so-called Hindus whose religion has a strong Muhammadan content. Notable amongst these are the followers of the strange Panchpiriya cult, who worship five Muhammadan saints , of uncertain name and identity, and sacrifice cocks to  them , employing for the purpose as their priest a Muhammadan Dafali fakir. Throughout India many Hindus make pilgrimages to Muhammadan shrines , such as that of Sakhi Sarwar in the Punjab. Speaking of the Malkanas Mr. Blunt says that they are converted Hindus of various castes belonging to Agra and the adjoining districts, chiefly Muttra, Etta and Manipuri. They are of Rajput, Jet and Bain descent. They are reluctant to describe themselves as Musleman's, and generally give their original caste name and scarcely recognize the name Malian. Their names are Hindu; they mostly worship in Hindu temples : they use the salutation Ram-Ram : they intermarry amongst themselves only. On the other hand, they sometimes frequent a mosque, practise circumcise ion and bury their dead: they will eat with Muhammad if they are particular friends. In Gujarat there are several similar communities such as the Maria Kombis , who call in Brahmans for their chief ceremonies , but are followers of the Paraná saint Imam Shah and his successors, and bury their dead as do the Muhammad : the Sheikhabad at their weddings employ both Hindu and a Muhammad an priest, and the Moans who practise circumcision, bury their dead and read the Gujarati Koran, but in other respects follow Hindu custom and ceremonial.  

If he says that "I am a Hindu because I hold to the beliefs of the Hindus" his answer cannot be right for here one is confronted with the fact that Hinduism has no definite creed. The beliefs of persons who are by all admitted to be Hindus often differ more widely from each other than do those of Christians and Muhammad . Limiting the issue to cardinal beliefs the Hindus differ among themselves as to the beliefs which are of cardinal importance. Some say that all the Hindu scriptures must be accepted, but some would exclude the Mantras , while others would regard only the Vedas as of primary importance; some again think that the sole essential is belief in the doctrine of karma and metempsychosis. A complex congeries of creeds and doctrines is Hinduism . It shelters within its portals monotheists , polytheists and pantheists ; worshippers of the great Gods Shiva and Vishnu or of their female counterparts, as well as worshippers of the divine mothers or the spirits of trees , rocks and streams and the tutelary village deities ; persons who propitiate their deity by all manner of bloody sacrifices , and persons who will not only kill no living creature but who must not even use the word 'cut '; those whose ritual consists mainly of prayers and hymns , and those who indulge in unspeakable orgies in the name of religion; and a host of more or less heterodox sectaries , many of whom deny the supremacy of the Brahmans , or at least have non-Brahmanical religious leaders .  

If he says that he is a Hindu because he observes the same customs as other Hindus do his answer cannot be true. For all Hindus do not observe the same customs . In the north near relatives are forbidden to marry; but in the south cousin marriage is prescribed, and even closer alliances are sometimes permitted. As a rule female chastity is highly valued, but some communities set little store by it, at any rate prior to marriage, and others make it a rule to dedicate one daughter to a life of religious prostitution. In some parts the women move about freely; in others they are kept secluded. In some parts they wear skirts ; in others trousers.


Again if he said that he is a Hindu because he believes in the caste system his answer cannot be accepted as satisfactory. It is quite true that no Hindu is interested in what his neighbour believes , but he is very much interested in knowing whether he can eat with him or take water from his hands . In other words it means that the caste system is an essential feature of Hinduism and a man who does not belong to a recognized Hindu Caste cannot be a Hindu. While all this is true it must not be forgotten that observance of caste is not enough. Many Muscleman's and many Christians observe caste if not in the matter of inter-dining certainly in the matter of inter-marriage. But they cannot be called Hindus on that account. Both elements must be present. He must be a Hindu and he must also observe caste.


This brings us back to the old question who is a Hindu? It leaves us where we are. Is it not a question for every Hindu to consider why in the matter of his own religion his position is so embarrassing and so puzzling? Why is he not able to answer so simple a question which every Parsi, every Christian, and every Muslim can answer? Is it not time that he should ask himself what are the causes that has brought about this Religious chaos ?"

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]


Die Regierung von Maharashtra (Marathi: महाराष्ट्र) veröffentlicht

The Niyogi Committee Report on Christian Missionary Activities

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Niyogi_Committee_Report_on_Christian_Missionary_Activities. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-20

Abb.: Lage von Maharashtra (Marathi: महाराष्ट्र)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Gründung der Bharat Sadhu Samaj -- Hindi: भारत षधु समाज (BSS)

"The BSS was founded in 1956, ostensibly "for the purpose of bringing together the sadhus of India in the field of constructive and social service activities for an allround [sir] development of the country and for the betterment of the world on the basis of Truth, Nonviolence (Ahimsa), Fearlessness, Equality and Unity" (Harinarayanand 1986, 2). A major behind-the-scenes player in the BSS is Swami Harinarayanand, who is generally regarded as a mainstay of the Congress Party and is the head of the Bihar Sanskritik Vidyapith (Bihar Cultural College). The BSS, consequently, is thought to represent the Congress’s attempt to draw the large population of Hindu religious figures into the work of post-1947 nation building. This impression is reinforced by the BSS’s claim on such figures as Jawaharlal Nehru and Rajendra Prasad, who are reported (in BSS literature) to have welcomed the formation of the organization. Both the VHP and the BSS have been conspicuously present at kumbh assemblages over the past three decades."

[Quelle: William R. Pinch. -- In: Making India Hindu : religion, community, and the politics of democracy in India / ed. by David Ludden, .. Delhi : Oxford UP, 1996. -- 346 S. -- ISBN 0-19-564380-1. -- S. 142, Anm. 1.  -- Fair use]


Die RSS-Zeitschrift The Organizer fordert:

"the abolition of autonomous linguistic state with their emphasis on regionalism and their dangerous potential for secession. In their place we seek the reinforcing of democratic institutions at the village, district, divisional and zonal levels. [...] The divisional level janapada will be closer to the people than the present state governments."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 130. -- Fair use]


Bareilly (Hindi: बरेली) und Jabalpur (Hindi: जबलपुर):

Der Neudruck von

Thomas, Henry ; Thomas, Dana Lee: Living Biographies of Religious Leaders of the world. -- Bombay : Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. -- Mit einem Vorwort von Kanhaiyalal Maneklal Munshi (Gujarati: કનૈયાલાલ માણેકલાલ મુનશી,  1887 – 1971), dem Gründer des Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan Educational Trust

Abb.: Umschlagtitel einer späteren Ausgabe

führt wegen der Darstellung von Muhammad zu blutigen communal riots der Muslime gegen Hindus.

11 Tote

über 40 Verwundete


Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (Hindi: भीमराव रामजी आंबेडकर, 1891 - 1956) nimmt in Nagpur (Marathi: नागपूर) formell die Dreifache Zuflucht und konvertiert damit öffentlich zum Buddhismus. Anschließend konvertiert ca. eine halbe Million Unberührbare (Dalits) zum Buddhismus.

Abb.: Titelblatt des Amar Chittra Katha Hefts über Dr. Ambedkar
[Fair use]

Die 22 Gelübde (Vows) von Dr. Ambedkar:
  1. I shall have no faith in Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh nor shall I worship them.
  2. I shall have no faith in Rama and Krishna who are believed to be incarnation of God nor shall I worship them.
  3. I shall have no faith in ‘Gauri’, Ganapati and other gods and goddesses of Hindus nor shall I worship them.
  4. I do not believe in the incarnation of God.
  5. I do not and shall not believe that Lord Buddha was the incarnation of Vishnu. I believe this to be sheer madness and false propaganda.
  6. I shall not perform ‘Shraddha’ nor shall I give ‘pind-dan’.
  7. I shall not act in a manner violating the principles and teachings of the Buddha.
  8. I shall not allow any ceremonies to be performed by Brahmins.
  9. I shall believe in the equality of man.
  10. I shall endeavour to establish equality.
  11. I shall follow the ‘noble eightfold path’ of the Buddha.
  12. I shall follow the ‘paramitas’ prescribed by the Buddha.
  13. I shall have compassion and loving kindness for all living beings and protect them.
  14. I shall not steal.
  15. I shall not tell lies.
  16. I shall not commit carnal sins.
  17. I shall not take intoxicants like liquor, drugs etc.
  18. I shall endeavour to follow the noble eightfold path and practise compassion and loving kindness in every day life.
  19. I renounce Hinduism which is harmful for humanity and impedes the advancement and development of humanity because it is based on inequality, and adopt Buddhism as my religion.
  20. I firmly believe the Dhamma of the Buddha is the only true religion.
  21. I believe that I am having a re-birth.
  22. I solemnly declare and affirm that I shall hereafter lead my life according to the principles and teachings of the Buddha and his Dhamma.

Abb.: Lage von Nagpur (Marathi: नागपूर)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Tod von Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (Hindi: भीमराव रामजी आंबेडकर, 1891 - 1956)

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhimrao_Ramji_Ambedkar / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B._R._Ambedkar. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-30


Wahlprogramm des Bharatiya Jana Sangh (Hindi: भारतीय जन संघ):

"For the preservation of national unity, without which neither the hard won freedom can be preserved nor the big plans for economic development and social reconstruction be executed, Jana Sangh will take the following steps:
  1. Creating a feeling of equality and oneness in the Hindu Society by liquidating untouchability and casteism.
  2. Nationalising all non-Hindus by inculcating in them the ideals of Bharatiya culture."

[Zitiert in: McKean, Lise: Divine enterprise : gurus and the Hindu nationalist movement. -- Chicago : University Press, 1996. -- 361 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 0-226-56010-4. -- S. 100. -- Fair use]


Lucknow (Hindi: लखनऊ): Massenkonversion von 15.000 Personen (Dalits) zum Buddhismus

Abb.: Lage von Lucknow (Hindi: लखनऊ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Es erscheint:

करपात्री <स्वामी > [Karpatri <Swami>] <1907 - 1982>: मार्क्सवाद और रामराज्य [Marxismus und die Herrschaft Ramas]. -- गोरखपुर : गीताप्रेस, [1957]. -- über 800 S.

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer Neuausgabe
[Fair use]


Entscheidung des Supreme Court (Höchsten Gerichtshofs) zur Kuhschlachtung:

“that a total ban on the slaughter of cows of all ages and calves of cows and calves of she-buffaloes, male and female, is quite reasonable and valid and is in consonance with the directive principles laid down in Art. 48,

that a total ban on the slaughter of she-buffaloes or breeding bulls or working bullocks (cattle as well as buffaloes) as long as they are as milch or draught cattle is also reasonable and valid and

that a total ban on the slaughter of shebuffaloes, bulls and bullocks (cattle or buffalo) after they cease to be capable of yielding milk or of breeding or working as draught animals cannot be supported as reasonable in the interest of the general public.”

[Quelle: http://bhoorishringa.com/2016/12/historic-decision-supreme-court-cow-slaughter/. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-25]


Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889 - 1964) vor dem All India Congress Committee (AICC):

"Communalism of the majority is far more dangerous than that of a minority. The majority, by virtue of it's being a majority, has the strength to have its way: it requires no protection. It is a most undesirable custom to give statutory protection to minorities. It is sometimes for example, to backward classes, but it is not good in the long run. I do not say that the majority should accept the wrong things done by the minority. How can it do so? (But) It is the duty and responsibility of the majority community, whether in the matter of language or religion, to pay particular attention to what the minority wants and to win it over. The majority is strong enough to crush the minority, which might not be protected."

[Quelle: https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Jawaharlal_Nehru. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-29. -- Fair use]


Narendra Damodardas Modi (Gujarati નરેંદ્ર દામોદરદાસ મોદી, 1950 - ) tritt dem örtlichen RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh -- Hindi: राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ) in Vadnagar (Gujarati: વડનગર) bei.

Sein Mentor ist Lakshmanrao Inamdar (Hindi: लक्ष्मणराव इनामदार, 1917 - 1984) aka. Vakil Saheb (Hindi: वकील साहब)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lakshmanrao_Inamdar. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-09

Abb.: Lakshmanrao Inamdar (Hindi: लक्ष्मणराव इनामदार, 1917 - 1984) aka. Vakil Saheb (Hindi: वकील साहब)
[Fair use]


Gründung der Sri Ram Sena -- Hindi: श्री राम सेना

Webpräsenz: https://www.facebook.com/SriRamSena/. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-23

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sri_Ram_Sena. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-23


Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Bildung der Staaten Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત ) und Maharashtra (Marathi: महाराष्ट्) gemäß der Sprachgrenze zwischen Gujarati (ગુજરાતી) und Marathi (मराठी)

Abb.: Lage von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત ) und Maharashtra (Marathi: महाराष्ट्)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Erste Nummer der satirischen Wochenzeitung in Marathi (मराठी):

मार्मिक [Marmik]

Gründer und Hauptkarikaturist ist Bal Thackeray (Marathi: बाळ केशव ठाकरे, 1926 - 2012). Marmik ist ein Sprachrohr der Shiv Sena. Shiv Sena Anhänger propagieren die Zeitschrift mit: धार्मिक तिथे मार्मिक - "Wo Religion ist, dort ist Marmik"

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marmik. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-10

Abb.: Titelblatt der Divali-Nummer 2001
[Fair use]


Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889 - 1964):

"When the minority communities are communal, you can see that and understand it. But the communalism of a majority community is apt to be taken for nationalism."

[Quelle: https://en.wikiquote.org/wiki/Jawaharlal_Nehru. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-29. -- Fair use]


Jabalpur (Hindi: जबलपुर): Schwere communal riots von Hindus gegen Muslime

Abb.: Lage von Jabalpur (Hindi: जबलपुर)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Aligarh (Hindi: अलीगढ़) und Moradabad (Hindi: मुरादाबाद): schwere communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen

14 Tote (zumeist Muslime)

Abb.: Lage von Aligarh (Hindi: अलीगढ़) und Moradabad (Hindi: मुरादाबाद)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Aus einem nicht datierten vertraulichem amtlichen Bericht:

"A major incident took place [during the 1961 riots] in the Manak Chowk [sic] locality which lies on the Agra-Aligarh road. There was some dispute regarding property between Lachhman Das, a well-to-do [Hindu] businessman, and Sharafuddin [a Muslim]. Litigation, so far, had been in favour of Sharafuddin. Taking advantage of the situation, [Lachhman] Das and his men accompanied by a mob of students raided the houses of Sharafuddin and other Muslim residents living in the area. One IAS [Indian Administrative Service] Joint Magistrate who was posted in that district on training later told the case-writer that the police [were] present at this spot but did not make any effort to stop Lachhman Das and others from burning and looting the houses.... This alone accounted for seven killed and 21 injured, all Muslims."

[Zitiert in: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 165. -- Fair use]


Indien annektiert gewaltsam Goa (Konkani: गोंय).

Abb.: Lage von Goa (Konkani: गोंय)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Gründung des Bharatiya Railways Sangh (BRMS) -- Hindi: भारतीय रेल्वे मजदूर संघ -- Indian Railways Workers' Association


Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Wahlprogramm der Hindu Mahasabha (Hindi: हिन्दू महासभा):

"Ten years later in its 1962 election manifesto, the Hindu Mahasabha accused the Congress Party of betraying the nation while hypocritically shouting "Bharat Mata ki Jai" [Hindi: भारत माता की जय] (Victory to Mother India). It denounced Urdu as a foreign language and demanded that Sanskrit be the language of official oaths and the Constitution. Other issues addressed by the manifesto included the expulsion of foreign Christian missionaries and the support of ayurvedic medicine. Its position on establishing a Hindu state remained unaltered, although articulated differently than ten years previously:

"The Hindu Mahasabha intends to develop Hindustan into a State based on Hindu ideology, which possesses a characteristic catholic outlook on life, with a well-defined cultural background, easily distinguishable from the cultures of all other nations" (796).

The manifesto closes with the mantra favored by Hindu nationalists:

"Bharat Mata ki Jai, Hindu Rashtra ki Jai, Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan ki Jai. Vande Mataram" [Hindi: भारत माता की जय, हिन्दू राष्ट्र की जय, हिन्दू, हिन्दुस्तान् की जय] (810)."

[Quelle: McKean, Lise: Divine enterprise : gurus and the Hindu nationalist movement. -- Chicago : University Press, 1996. -- 361 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 0-226-56010-4. -- S. 99. -- Fair use]


Kerala (Malayalam: കേരളം): Gründung der Gesellschaft für rationale Aufklärung Kerala Sastra Sahitya Parishad (KSSP) (Malayalam: കേരള ശാസ്ത്രസാഹിത്യ പരിഷത്ത്)

Webpräsenz: http://www.kssp.in/. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-12

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kerala_Sasthra_Sahithya_Parishad. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-12

Fast alle religiösen Organisationen (wie RSS, Muslim League, Katholische Bischöfe) verurteilen die KSSP, da sie Atheismus propagiere.

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Kerala (Malayalam: കേരളം)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Es erscheint:

Faridi, Abdul Jaleel <1913 - 1974> [Urdu: عبد الجلیل فریدی] : Communal riots and national integration. -- Lucknow, 1962. -- Darin auch Briefwechsel zwischen Faridi und Dr. Sampurnanand (Hindi: संपूर्णानन्द, 1891 - 1961)

Aus einem Brief von Dr. Sampurnanand:

"We have not only a common culture but a common ancestry. This fact is often lost sight of. The people of Iran, for example, are Muslims today but they are proud of their Dara, Kaikhusro, Nausherwan and Rustam who were all Parsis by religion. But whatever their religion, they were the great heroes of Iran and the common ancestors of Parsis and Muslims. Unfortunately, the Indian Muslim does not share with his Hindu fellow countrymen admiration for Rama and Krishna, Arjun and Bhim, Ashoka and Harsh Vardhan. These men were Hindus by religion [sic] but they were Indian heroes and the common ancestors of both Hindus and Muslims . . . The pity of it is that the Indian Muslim also speaks with pride of those heroes of another land. He speaks with reverence about Plato, Socrates and Aristotle, all non-Muslims by religion and Greek by race, but he knows nothing about Vyas and Vashishtha, Gautam and Shankarcharya and Budha, Hindus [sic] no doubt but his great ancestors, nevertheless."

[Zitiert in: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: Language, religion and politics in North India. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe von 1974. -- Licoln : iUniverse, 2005. -- 467 S. -- ISBN 0-595-34394-5. -- S. 221f. -- Fair use]


Communal riots im Malda (Bengali: মালদা) Distrikt, West Bengal

Abb.: Lage des Malda (Bengali: মালদা) Distrikt
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Nagpur (Marathi: नागपूर): Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (Hindi: माधव सदाशिव गोलवलकर, 1906 - 1973) weiht den Dr. Hedgewar Smriti Mandir (Hindi: डॉ. हेडगेवार स्मृति मंदिर) ein, das Mausoleum für Keshav Baliram Hedgewar (Marathi: केशव बळीराम हेडगेवार, 1889 - 1940)

Abb.: Lage von Nagpur (Marathi: नागपूर)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Tod des militanten Kuhschützers Lala Hardev Sahy (Hindi: लाला हरदेव सहाय, 1892 - 1962)

1962-10-20 - 1962-11-20

Indisch-Chinesischer Grenzkrieg. Heizt indischen Nationalismus an.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indisch-Chinesischer_Grenzkrieg / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sino-Indian_War. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-17


Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889 - 1964):

“The danger to India, mark you, is not communism. It is Hindu right-wing communalism”.

[Zitiert in: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 8. -- Fair use]


Official Languages Act:

"Continuation of English Language for official purposes of the Union and for use in Parliament-
  1. Nothwithstanding the expiration of the period of fifteen years from the commencement of the Constitution, the English language may, as from the appointed day, continue to be used in addition to Hindi,
    1. for all the official purposes of the Union for which it was being used immediately before that day; and
    2. for the transaction of business in Parliament:

      Provided that the English language shall be used for purposes of communication between the Union and a State which has not adopted Hindi as its Official Language:

      Provided further that where Hindi is used for purposes of communication between one State which has adopted Hindi as its official language and another State which has not adopted Hindi as its Official Language, such communication in Hindi shall be accompanied by a translation of the same in the English language:

      Provided also that nothing in this sub-section shall be construed as preventing a State which has not adopted Hindi as its official language from using Hindi for purposes of communication with the Union or with a State which has adopted Hindi as its official language, or by agreement with any other State, and in such a case, it shall not be obligatory to use the English language for purposes of communication with that State.
  2. Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-section (1) where Hindi or the English Language is used for purposes of communication-
    1. between one Ministry or Department or office of the Central Government and another;
    2. between one Ministry or Department or office of the Central Government and any corporation or company owned or controlled by the Central Government or any office thereof.;
    3. between any corporation or company owned or controlled by the Central Government or any office thereof and another,

      Translation of such communication in the English language or, as the case may be, in Hindi shall also be provided till such date as the staff of the concerned Ministry, Department, office or the corporation or company aforesaid have acquired a working knowledge of Hindi.
  3. Notwithstanding anything contained in sub-section (1) both Hindi and the English languages shall be used for-
    1. resolutions, general orders, rules, notifications, administrative or other reports or press communiques issued or made by the Central Government or by a Ministry, Department or office thereof or by a corporation or company owned or controlled by the Central Government or by any office of such corporation or company;
    2. administrative and other reports and official papers laid before a House or the Houses of Parliament;
    3. contracts and agreements executed, and licenses, permits, notices and forms of tender issued, by or on behalf of the Central Government or any Ministry, Department or office thereof or by a corporation or company owned or controlled by the Central Government or by any office of such corporation or company.
  4. Without prejudice to the provisions of sub-section (1) or sub-section (2) or sub-section (3) the Central Government may, by rules made under section 8, provide for the language/languages to be used for the official purpose of the Union, including the working of any Ministry, Department, Section or Office and in making such rules, due consideration shall be given to the quick and efficient disposal of the official business and the interests of the general public and in particular, the rules so made shall ensure that persons serving in connection with the affairs of the Union and having proficiency either in Hindi or in the English language may function effectively and that they are not placed at a disadvantage on the ground that they do not have proficiency in both the languages.
  5. The provisions of clause (a) of sub-section (1), and the provisions of sub-section (2), sub-section (3) and sub-section (4) shall remain in force until resolutions for the discontinuance of the use of the English language for the purposes mentioned therein have been passed by the legislatures of all the States which have not adopted Hindi as their Official Language and until after considering the resolution aforesaid, a resolution for such discontinuance has been passed by each House of Parliament."

[Quelle: http://rajbhasha.nic.in/en/official-languages-act-1963. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-20]


Beginn der Zusammenarbeit zwischen Swami Chinmayananda Saraswati (Malayalam: ചിന്മയാനന്ദ, 1916 – 1993)  und dem RSS.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinmayananda / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinmayananda_Saraswati. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-24

Abb.: Swami Chinmayananda Saraswati (Malayalam: ചിന്മയാനന്ദ, 1916 – 1993), 1990
[Bildquelle: Chmadeline/Wikimedia. -- Free Art License 1.3]

Aus der (nicht datierten) Ansprache Chinmayanandas "Let us be Hindus":

"It has become a new fashion with the educated Hindu to turn up his nose and sneer in contempt at the very mention of his religion in any discussion. Personally, I too belong in my sympathies to these critics of our religion. But when this thoughtless team begins to declare that we would benefit ourselves socially and nationally by running away from our sacred religion, I pause to reconsider my own stand.

At the present state of moral, ethical and cultural degradation in our country, to totally dispose off religion would be making our dash to ruin the quicker. However decadent our religion may be, it is far better than having none at all. My proposal is that the wise thing would be for us to try and bring about a renaissance of Hinduism so that under its greatness – proved through many centuries – we may come to grow into the very heights of culture and civilization that was ours in the historical past.

No doubt, in India, Hinduism has come to mean nothing more than a bundle of sacred superstitions, or a certain way of dressing, cooking, eating, talking, and so on. Our gods have fallen to the mortal level of administration officers at whose altars the faithful Hindu might pray and get special permits for the things he desires; that is, if he pays the required fee to the priest!"

"But Hinduism is not this external show that we have learned to parade about in our daily lives. Hinduism is a science of perfection. There is in it an answer to every individual, social, national, or international problem. But, unfortunately, the religion which we have come to follow blindly, is not the grand true Hinduism. It is only the treacherous scheme thrust upon us some time in the past by the selfish, arrogant, power-mad priest class whose intention was to make us slaves of their plans and our own passions. The present day Hindu ignoramuses prove the tragic success of these religious saboteurs. With their guidance we overlook the fundamental tenets in our sacred scriptures that are the very background of Hinduism. True Hinduism is the Sanatana Dharma (Eternal Truth) of the Upanishads."

"However great our culture might have been in the past, that dead glory, reported in the pages of history books, is not going to help us in our present trials. If the barbarous cavemen of the unexplored jungles want to become as civilized as the men of modern nations, they cannot achieve this total revolution through mere discourses, or even through an exhaustive study of the literature describing the ways of the modern civilized nations. They will have to know and then live the civilized values of life. A mere knowing of it will not help them. They can claim the blessings of their knowledge only if they are ready to live what they know. In order to live as civilized men, they will have to renounce completely their ways of uncivilized thinking and acting."

"Let us know what Hinduism is! Let us take an honest oath for ourselves, not only for our own sake, but for the sake of the entire world:, that we shall, when once we are convinced of the validity of the Eternal Truth, try honestly to live as consistently as possible the values advocated by this ancient and sacred religion.

Let us be Hindus, and thus build up a true Hindustan (Home of the Hindus) peopled with thousands of Shankaras, hundreds of Buddhas, and dozens of Vivekanandas!"

[Quelle: http://www.chinmayauk.org/articles/let-us-be-hindus/. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-24]

1963-12-27 - 1964-03-28

Schwere communal riots gegen Hindus in Ost Pakistan

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1964_East_Pakistan_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-24

Tausende Hindus fliehen nach West Bengalen. Daraufhin schwere communal riots gegen Muslime in Kalkutta und vielen Orten West Bengalens


Communal riots von Hindus und Christen gegen Muslime in Bihar, Orissa und Madhya Pradesh

Abb.: Lage von Bihar, Orissa und Madhya Pradesh
[Bildquelle: Aotearoa/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]


Tod von Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi: जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889 - 1964)

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jawaharlal_Nehru / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jawaharlal_Nehru. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-24

Abb.: Jawaharlal Nehru (Hindi जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889 - 1964)
[Public domain]

1964-05-27 - 1964-06-09

Gulzarilal Nanda (Hindi: गुलज़ारीलाल नन्दा, 1898 - 1998) (Congress) ist interimistisch Prime Minister Indiens

1964-06-09 - 1966-01-11

Lal Bahadur Shastri (Hindi: लालबहादुर शास्त्री,1904 - 1966) (Congress) ist Prime Minister Indiens.

Abb.: Lal Bahadur Shastri (Hindi: लालबहादुर शास्त्री,1904 - 1966)
[Bildquelle: Viksb/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]


Gründung der All India Muslim Majlis-e-Mushawarat (AIMMM) - Urdu: آل انڈیا مسلم مجلس مشاورت

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/All_India_Muslim_Majlis-e-Mushawarat. -- Zugriff am 2018-07-09

Webpräsenz: http://mushawarat.com/. -- Zugriff am 2018-07-09


Gründung der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) - Sanskrit/Hindi: विश्व हिंदू परिषद -- World Hindu Council

Webpräsenz Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishva_Hindu_Parishad / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vishva_Hindu_Parishad. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22.

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

Erster Generalsekretär: Shivram Shankar Apte (Marathi: शिवराम शंकर आपटे, 1907 - 1985)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/S._S._Apte. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23


Es erscheint:

Apte, Shivram Shankar [Marathi: शिवराम शंकर आपटे] <1907 - 1985>: Why Vishva Hindu Parishad. -- In: Organiser. -- 1964-11-02. -- Online: http://vhp.org/organization/org-why-vishva-hindu-parishad/. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-04

"The only way for the Hindu Society to save itself from the foreign onslaught of Christianity, Islam and Communism is to organise itself. Hence the Vishva Hindu Parishad. Let not Hindu Society shun right action because of the fear of reaction.

The VISHVA HINDU PARISHAD has defined its Aims and Objects to be:

1. To take steps to consolidate and strengthen the Hindu Society;

2. To protect, develop and spread the Hindu values – ethical and spiritual – in the context of modern times; and

3. To establish and strengthen contact and help all Hindus living abroad.

It has also defined the term ‘Hindu’ to denote all people who believe in, respect, or follow, the eternal values of life that have sprung up in Bharat.


Yes, There Is A Hindu World!

Is it wrong to think of, and talk about the Hindu World and its problems? The Hindus no doubt considered the whole humanity as one family and evolved their philosophy on that premise. Even in the field of social contract and code of private and public conduct there is nothing in the, Laws of the Hindus like religious bias. The Code of Manu, which as the supreme law of personal and social life, has governed and regulated the Hindu world for over last two thousand years, prescribes an ideal behaviour for ‘Man’, and recommends it as worthy to be copied by the whole humanity.

It will not be challenged if I say that it was the Semitic religions, which first divided humanity as the Christian world and the Muhammedan world. These religions, intolerant of the existence of other religions, launched upon Wars of religions with the motive of conquest of all those who did not subscribe to their dogmas, or ‘only holy book’ or ‘only true prophet’. The declared object of Christianity is to turn the whole world into Christendom, as that of Islam is to make it ‘Pak’. Besides these two dogmatic and proselytising religions, there has arisen a third religion, communism. For all of these the major target of conquest is the vast Hindu society living in this land and scattered over the globe in small and big numbers. The world has been divided into Christian, Islamic and Communist, and all these three consider the Hindu Society as a very fine rich food on which to least and fatten themselves. It is therefore necessary in this age of competition and conflict to think of and organise the Hindu world to save itself from the evil eyes of all the three.


The Word ‘HINDU’ Smells In Some Nostrils

The organisation has been named Hindu Parishad. To some people the word ‘ Hindu ‘ smells awful. There is indeed nothing foul or fearful about the word. If there is anything wrong it must be at the other end – the noses and ears. What better word can conveniently and efficiently suggest the whole content which it comprehends – namely the Jains, Buddhists, Lingayats, Sikhs, Shaivas, Vaishnavas, and so on and so forth – all those denominations and faiths which have sprung up in the soil of this sacred land? May be the word was coined by the foreigners and may not be found in our holy books. But is it not a fact that ages have passed since the ancient concepts and the terms, which denoted them – were conceived which have changed their meanings. Take for instance the word ‘Arya’. How noble it is, like the idea it conveys? But it has become taboo to a large section of our own people in the South. The word ‘Sanatan’ what a misunderstanding is found about this word, which, in fact, means ‘eternal’ and not conservative? The Sanatan Samaj should mean a society which is, and which aspires to be, eternal. It is sad that we cannot use a word, which has lost its pristine meaning. The word -Bharat has become more political in its implication in the present times. Hindus outside India-and especially the governments of the countries in which these Hindus are living today- would not look with favour on an organisation which bears Bharat in its name. They begin to see politics in it. Only the word Hindu would disarm all such doubts and fears abroad. Hence the choice."

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]


Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई): Papst Paul VI. besucht den Eucharistischen Kongress.

Filmbericht: https://www.filmothek.bundesarchiv.de/video/586672?set_lang=de. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-25

Am 1964-08-31 hatte die RSS-Zeitschift Organiser dagegen protestiert:

"Catholicism is not merely a religion. It is a tremendous organisation allied with some foreign powers. [...] The large scale conversion of tribal people in the industrial heartland of India [South Bihar] poses a serious danger to future national security. Because the Catholic position is that in the case of conflict between their country and the Church, their first loyalty will always be to the Pope!"

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 197. -- Fair use]


Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई): Deendayal Upadhyay (Hindi: दीनदयाल उपाध्याय, 1916 - 1968) hält vier Vorträge über Integral Humanism. Die Vorträge erscheinen im gleichen Jahr in Buchform:

Upadhyay, Deendayal  [दीनदयाल उपाध्याय] <1916 - 1968>: Integral humanism. -- New Dehli : Bharatiya Janta Party, [1965]. -- 81 S. -- Online: http://www.bjp.org/about-the-party/philosophy/?u=integral-humanism. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-18

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer späteren Ausgabe
[Fair use]

"Here in our country the situation in this regard is very much like old Hindu marriages where a married couple could not divorce even if both the parties wished. The principle was that their behavior should be regulated not by their sweet will but by Dharma. The same is case with the nation. If the four million people of Kashmir say that they want to secede, if the people of Goa say they want to secede, some say they want the Portuguese to return, all this is against Dharma. Of the 45 million people of India, even if 449,999,999 opt for something which is against Dharma, even then this does not become truth. On the other hand, even if a person stands for something which is according to Dharma, that constitutes truth because truth resides with Dharma. It is the duty of this one person that he tread the path of truth and change people. It is from this basis that persons drives the right to proceed according to Dharma.

Let us understand very clearly that Dharma is not necessarily with the majority or with the people. Dharma is eternal. Therefore, in the definition of democracy to say that it is a government of the people is not enough. It has to be for the good of the people. What constitutes the good of the people? Dharma alone can decide. Therefore, a democratic Government "Jana Rajya" must also be rooted in Dharma i.e. a "Dharma Rajya". In the definition of 'Democracy' viz. "government of the people, by the people and for the people", "of" stands for independence, 'by" stands for democracy and 'for' Indicates Dharma. Therefore, the true democracy is only where there is freedom as well as Dharma encompasses all these concepts."

[a.a.O., ch. 3]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Integral_humanism_(India). -- Zugriff am 2018-03-18.


Resolution des Bharatiya Jana Sangh (Hindi: भारतीय जनसंघ) zu Hindi als offizieller Staatssprache

"Three-Language Formula—The Bharatiya Jana Sangh strongly deplores this state of affairs and demands:
  1. Let there be an unequivocal declaration that from 26 January 1965, Hindi is the Official Language of the country and that there shall be no restrictions whatsoever on its use in Central Government affairs. Those officials and employees in the Central Government who have not learnt Hindi as yet, will be permitted to use English for a period of 10 years. At the same time planned efforts should be made to teach them Hindi.
  2. All Indian languages should be declared as recognised media of UPSC [Union Public Service Commission -- Hindi: संघ लोक सेवा आयोग] examinations, which should be conducted from right now through such languages as have been accepted already as media of University examinations in their respective states. As and when the remaining languages also become University media in their spheres, the UPSC should make necessary arrangements to hold examinations in these languages.
  3. English should not be a compulsory subject for study. It should be taught as an optional foreign language.
  4. The three-language formula should include the following languages:
    1. Mother tongue,
    2. Sanskrit, and
    3. Hindi (for those whose mother tongue is Hindi, any other modern Indian language)."

[Zitiert in: Hindu nationalism : a reader / ed. by Christophe Jaffrelot. -- Princeton : Univ. Pr., 2007. -- ISBN 978-0-691-13098-9. -- S. 228f. -- Fair use]

1965-08 - 1965-09-23

Zweiter Kaschmirkrieg

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zweiter_Indisch-Pakistanischer_Krieg / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Pakistani_War_of_1965. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-23 

Abb.: Kashmir (Urdu: کشمیر)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Hanuman Prasad Poddar (Hindi: हनुमान प्रसाद पोद्दार, 1892–1971):

"The burden of India’s security indeed lies with the Hindus and only a Hindu can carry out this task properly. This principle should be fully internalized. Hindus should be trusted, given more opportunity and allowed to run India's defence establishment. This is the only way we can be safe."

[Zitiert in: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9. --  S. 342. -- Fair use]


Inder, vorwiegend aus Ostafrika, gründen in Großbritannien den Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh UK (HSS UK)


Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

1966-01-11 - 1966-01-24

Gulzarilal Nanda (Hindi: गुलज़ारीलाल नन्दा, 1898 - 1998) (Congress) ist interimistisch Prime Minister Indiens


Entscheidung des Supreme Court zum Begriff "Hindu", "Hinduism" [Sastri Yagnapurushadji And ... vs Muldas Brudardas Vaishya And ... on 14 January, 1966]

"When we think of the Hindu religion, we find it difficult, if not impossible, to define Hindu religion or even adequately describe it. Unlike other religions in the world, the Hindu religion does not claim any one prophet; it does not worship any one God; it does not subscribe to any one dogma; it does not believe in any one philosophic concept; it does not follow any one set of religious rites or performances; in fact, it does not appear to satisfy the narrow traditional features of any religion or creed. It may broadly be described as a way of life and nothing more. Confronted by this difficulty, Dr. Radhakrishnan realised that "to many Hinduism seems to be a name without any content. Is it a museum of beliefs, a medley of rites, or a mere map, a geographical expression?"(3) Having posed these questions which disturbed foreigners when they think of Hinduism, Dr. Radhakrishnan has explained how Hinduism has steadily absorbed the customs and ideas of peoples with whom it has come into contact and has thus been able to maintain its supremacy and its youth. The term 'Hindu', according to Dr. Radhakrishnan, had originally a territorial and not a credal significance. It implied residence in a well-defined geographical area. Aboriginal tribes, savage and half-civilized people, the cultured Dravidians and the Vedic Aryans were all Hindus as they were the sons of the same mother. The Hindu thinkers reckoned with the striking fact that the men and women dwelling in India belonged to different communities, worshipped different gods, and practised different rites (Kurma Purana)(1). Monier Williams has observed that "it must be borne in mind that Hinduism is far more than a mere form of theism resting on Brahmanism. It presents for our investigation a complex congeries of creeds and doctrines which in its gradual accumulation may be compared to the gathering together of the mighty volume of the Ganges, swollen by a continual influx of tributary rivers and rivulets, spreading itself over an ever-increasing area of country and finally resolving itself into an intricate Delta of tortuous steams and jungly marshes........ The Hindu religion is a reflection of the composite character of the Hindus, who are not one people but many. It is based on the idea of universal receptivity. It has ever aimed at accommodating itself to circumstances, and has carried on the process of adaptation through more than three thousand years. It has first borne with and then, so to speak, swallowed, digested, and assimilated something from all creeds."(2) We have already indicated that the usual tests which can be applied in relation to any recognised religion or religious creed in the world turn out to be inadequate in dealing with the problem of Hindu religion. "

[Quelle: https://indiankanoon.org/doc/145565/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-12. -- Fair use]


Allahabad (Hindi: इलाहाबाद): First International Hindu Conference, veranstaltet von der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्)

25.000 Delegierte

1966-01-24 - 1977-03-24

Indira Gandhi (Hindi: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984) (Congress) ist Prime Minister Indiens

Abb.: Indira Gandhi (Hindi: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984)
[Public domain]


Bangalore (Kannada: ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು): es erscheint:

Golwalkar, Madhav Sadashiv [माधव सदाशिव गोलवलकर] <1906 - 1973>: Bunch of thoughts. -- Bangalore : Vikrama Prakashan, 1966. -- 537 S. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.489044. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-18

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer späteren Ausgabe
[Fair use]



PREFACE    vi i




Present mental complex—Hindus, the first world thought-givers—The world of conflicts—Theories born to root out nationalism, Failure; ex: Communism in Russia—Various attempts at synthesis of nations — The dilemma—Our solution: Inner Bond for human unity—Hindus alone equipped for World Mission—The first step.


Birth of Democracy as a reaction—The evil of Capitalism—Next reaction, Communism—Falsity of its prophecy and promise, ex: Russia—Both theories shifting from original stand—Both stemming from materialism—Failure as a theory —Wrong concept of equality—Our view of individual society—Man, not system, important.


Revival, not reaction—Culture, indefinable yet all-absorbing — Nation as God—True spirit of service—Not rights but duty—Unity in diversity—To raise the average—Present perversions—Watering roots of immortality.


Our unique concept of glory — Fourfold achievement — Dharma for individual development and social solidarity — Materialism ends in misery — What made us world teachers — Organised strength for attaining and maintaining glory — Right men for organisation.


The indefinable ‘Hindu’—Aim: God Realisation—Special features—Our unique standard-bearers—Need to manifest ideals in daily life — Effects of reactionary Hinduism Role of daily samskars — Fad of 'modernism’—Hindu ideals in all spheres —Live national swadharma.


Short-cut mania—Lure of politics—Warning of history — Secret of our undying potency — Inspiration for national rejuvenation — Power corrupts — Restraints on power—Effects of combination of political and economic powers — Lesson of Europe — Sangh, building people’s power—Upholding National genius.




Our glorious motherland — An ancient concept — Britishers’ hand in subverting it—Hoary descriptions of Bharat, Himalayas—The complete picture--Chosen land of God Realisation — Patriotism spiritualised — Its living tradition.


Limits of intellectualism—Mother concept; Sign of evolution—Two aspects of devotion—Heroic devotion alone counts — Fruits of 'not a blade of grass grows’ mentality—Political boundaries decided by nation’s will-power.


Why the name 'Hindu’—Our social diversity, sign of evolution — Many sects but one dharma — Its twofold object — Reasons for present perversion — Varna-vyavastha: Original form; not the cause of slavery; present-day perversions—All our languages national—Myth of Tamil separatism—Why Hindi as official language—Present linguistic chauvinism—Aryan-Dravidian controversy, a political game—The fresh dissensions — Realise underlying unity—A duty by birth.


Nation, a positive concept—What modern scholars say — Hindu, child of Bharat«— Community of culture, history etc.—Hence, Hindu Nation — Non-Hindus and test of nationality—Not nurture but culture counts—Call to non-Hindus—Revive spirit of assimilation—Non-Hindus in Hindu Rashtra—Basis for national integration.



Why the word 'Rashtriya ’ — The British game—Effects of English education—History distorted—Birth of territorial nationalism— Its absurdity.


Revolutionaries turned traitors — Congress turned reactionary — Nature of non-Hindu communities—Muslim appeasement—Hindus exhorted for self-annihilation—Leadership, a tragic curse — Malady continuing — Correct initial blunder.


'Secularists’ and Hindu Nationalism—Fear complex, root of 'Hindu-Muslim bhai-bhai'—Story with a moral — Ingrained conviction of Hindu Nationalism—Even truth requires ‘ proof’.



Muslims after Partition — Twofold strategy: direct aggression; swelling numbers — Our leaders’ policy, violence pays —The time-bomb—Forgetting nothing, learning nothing— Miniature Pakistans—'Nationalist Muslims’ exposed—Face Reality.

Under 'humanitarian’ mask—Irreligious and political tactics—Niyogi Committee’s verdict— Activities in Nagaland, Kerala etc. — Same story the world over.


How Communism strikes root — Wrong approach of the West—Reactionary remedies; Bhoodan — Danger of Socialism — In the footprints of China — Revive national genius.



Our indebtedness to society — The best service — Past glory — Destruction by enemies — Once powerful and free — Race of Jayachands leads to Muslim and British success — The malady continues; formation of Pakistan — A house divided — History repeating itself; Dravidanad etc.—Federal structure, a poisonous seed — Basic cure.


Need for positive basis—Effects of reactionary approach — Sangh for permanent organised life — Fate of temporary movements; Congress — Nation in drifting — The remedy —Red signal.



Strong devours weak—Great fact of world history—The present world picture—Slogans change, fact remains — Mirage of mutual friendship—Friendship of strong and weak—Strength for peace and freedom.


Perils of high platitudes—Fate of Panch-sheel — Myth of international prestige —World worships strength — Our perverted notions—Non-violence or imbecility?—Our great examples — The right philosophy — Real source of strength.


Deifying the great—Misreading of scriptures — Selfishness, helplessness at the root—Effort is God—Great examples—Worship of the victorious — Martyr, great but not ideal Lesson of Rajput martyrdom—Act, do not react—Philosophy of right action.



Nature and magnitude of threat — Steel people’s will — Robust national leadership required—Keep up nation’s morale—Watchword : Economise! — Dangers of personality cult — Communist 'split' a ruse — Warning of Chinese ‘cease-fire ’ — Beware Pakistani fifth column—Appeasing Pakistan suicidal— Recognise friends—Fortify trusted sentinels.


Real threat, Crisis of character — Morality from top downwards — Ideal that inspires—Historic call of Hindu Nation — Leaders’ dream—Call of realism—Fate of ‘unilateral goodness’—Real national strength—Strength begets friends—A blessing, but when?



Self-respect, nation’s life-breath—Superiority of man over machine—Myth exploded—Nation’s heroic mettle — Guideline for national policies—Destroying the real war-potential—Akhand Bharat, only solution —UNO in true colours—Rule of international friendship—Kashmir, a closed chapter— Welcome bigger war.


Self-reliance, backbone of freedom; Atom Bomb—Challenge of the belly—Break spell of money—Price of foreign dependence—England’s example—Building nation’s morale — Government’s responsibility — Path of assimilating doubtful elements—Present war, a great chastener—Upsurges and lasting integration—Hindu Nationalism, acme of all ‘ isms




Failings of revolutionary and mass movements—Day-to-day technique for moulding men—Stress on practice — National symbol Bhagawa Dhwaj, the Guru — Worship of ideal, not individual or book — Shakha, crucible of national reorganisation—Tradition of national festivals — Dangers of‘ institutionalism’—Domination of militant groups, an un-Hindu concept—Sangh for organising whole society.


Political parties and national consolidation—England and Bharat—Need for radical cure—How to transform minds — Momentary upsurges recoil—Rules for samskars—From little things to great, things — Indiscipline, enemy of strength—True discipline—Present misconceptions-Swayamsevak, a missionary-Self-reliance, self-effacement—Practising, then preaching — Disciplined and dedicated — Nucleus for national resurrection.


Moulding lion-hearted men—For spontaneous unity, self-restraint, self-sacrifice—Technique that suits—Role of elders.


Our cultural speciality—Personal character—Purity of means—Personal laxity, a national danger — Tragedy of passive 'goodness ’ — National character, the life-breath — Verdict of history — Devotion is not bargaining — Power of devotion — When character blooms.


Be foundation stones—Ideal of service—Self-reliance; glowing examples—Curse of careerism—Choosing the right ideal—Avoid two extremes—Serve nation—Shake off inferiority complex, cheap imitations—Secret of world respect; our past heroes — Past tradition — What Mother wants.


Real greatness, making men out of dust—Genuine spirit of identity—Assert faith in goodness — Building comradeship — Be self-confident, beware of self-conceit—Lesson of great lives — Egoless is success — One life, one mission — Self-introspection, self-reformation — The joy of idealism—The glory of suffering—Excelsior


Life-long self-crucifixion — Self-transformation— Friend of all, enemy to none—The irresistible — Incomparable unifier — Self-effaced— Living for others — In the fire of endless exertion — The death that enlivens millions — How words derive power — Child of greatness.



(An article by Sri M. S. Golwalkar)


Sri M. S. Golwalkar

Dr. K. B. Hedgewar

[a.a.O., S. xi - xix. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bunch_of_Thoughts. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-18


Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई): Gründung der regionalen hindunationalistischen Partei Shiv Sena -- Marathi: शिवसेना ("Armee Shivas [= Shivaji]")

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shiv_Sena / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shiv_Sena. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-212 

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

"Says Nirupam [Sanjay Nirupam, Hindi: संजय निरुपम, 1965 - ]: ‘Basically the Shiv Sena ideology is one of hate. Just hate. It doesn’t matter whom they hate, so long as they have someone to hate. The philosophy is that if you cannot create hatred, you cannot attract people and so you cannot get the votes.'"

[Zitiert in: Anandan, Sujata: Hindu Hriday Samrat : how the Shiv Sena changed Mumbai forever. -- Noida: HarperCollins, 2014. -- 278 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5029-685-1. -- S. 188. -- Fair use]


Verschiedene Kuhschutzorganisationen schließen sich unter der Schirmherrschaft der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) zusammen zur Sarvadaliya Gauraksha Maha-Abhiyan Samiti (SGMS - Hindi: सर्वदलीय गौ रक्षा अभियान समिति)


Ramcharan Mahendra (Hindi: रामचरण महेन्द्र, 1919 - ) in der Zeitschrift कल्याण (Kalyan, Gita Press):

"Ramcharan Mahendra, a writer from the Gita Press stable who penned many monographs, made a distinction between Hindu and Muslim dress.98 Mahendra’s thesis was that dress had a relationship with culture and religion. While this itself was nothing new, Mahendra highlighted the relative superiority of Hindu dress—sari, dhoti and kurta— 'worn by the likes of Lal Bahadur Shastri, Indira Gandhi and Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit even abroad’. Hindu dress was considered the best for its cleanliness, beauty and dignity.

On the other hand, he demonized the culture of the Christians and Muslims:

‘Angrezi (Christian) and Islamic religion and culture are based on the concept of pleasure. Obscenity, frivolousness and nudity are prevalent in them. They only stress external beauty. By consuming alcohol and meat, they have forgotten human values and indulge only in pleasure for the senses.’ He asked people to wear Angrezi or Muslim dress and experience its influence on their thinking and attitude: 'Just like the military dress gives rise to the feeling of violence, animal instincts, terror, pride and desire to oppress others, the dress of Muslims gives birth to sensual desires, selfishness, exhibitionism and frivolousness.’"

[Quelle: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9. -- S. 381. -- Fair use]


Demonstration gegen Kuhschlachtung vor dem Parlament in Delhi. Veranstalter: Hindu Mahasabha, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Jana Sangh, Arya Samaj und andere.

8 Tote.


Aus dem Wahlprogrem der Communist Party of India (CPI)

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

"Muslims, who constitute the second biggest community in India and occupy a distinctive place in our national life, have to be guaranteed full protection in regard to their specific cultural, social and religious rights. The real test of a secular democracy lies in its attitude to minorities. It is an unfortunate fact that in India today there are certain reactionary, orthodox and revivalist elements belonging to the majority community who are seeking to reduce Muslims to the position of second-rate citizens. Such elements should be vigorously fought out and isolated. It is the duty of the majority Hindu community to ensure that the secular character of our State is not endangered, and that the Muslim minority as all other religious minorities are given full protection in matters relating to their culture, language and religious beliefs. Security of their life and property has to be guaranteed not merely in law but in actual life. Every form of discrimination against the minorities, whether in recruitment to government services, in trade and commerce and administration or in the sphere of educational and cultural development should be put an end to. Such textbooks or educational courses which create in the minds of youth, hatred or prejudice against any minority community should be eliminated and the whole educational system should be thoroughly secularised.

In the realm of language, Urdu, which is spoken by a very large number of Muslims, particularly in the north, should be given its due place in States like U.P., Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Delhi, etc. All facilities should be provided to Urdu-speaking children to get education in their own mother-tongue up to the higher stage. Besides, Urdu should be allowed to be used for official purposes as the second language ... in all such states or regions.

All specific and legitimate grievances of religious minorities should be speedily examined and redressed by the government and to facilitate this special committees or minority boards should be set up at the state level.

Communalism in India is a serious danger to our democracy, freedom and progress and as such must be ruthlessly fought out and conditions created to give both the majority and minority communities equal rights and opportunities to grow and flourish together as inseparable, integral parts of one Indian nation."

[Zitiert in: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: Language, religion and politics in North India. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe von 1974. -- Licoln : iUniverse, 2005. -- 467 S. -- ISBN 0-595-34394-5. -- S. 257f.. -- Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Sikhs und Hindus in Kalkutta



RSS-Zeitschrift Organiser:

"Christians and Muslims are generally found observing, strictly and scrupulously, some religious rules of conduct. Besides, every Christian and Muslim has some outward symbols significant of his religion. The Parishad happily arrived at a ‘code of conduct’ which would be agreeable to all the sects and creeds. They decided that Pratashnan [bathing in the morning] and Ishwarsmaran [remembering God] should be the minimum rules of conduct."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 201. -- Fair use]

1967-08-22 - 1967-08-29

Hatia (Hindi: हटिया)  und Ranchi (Hindi राँची): schwere communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen


Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1967_Ranchi-Hatia_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-02

Abb.: Lage von Hatia (Hindi: हटिया)  und Ranchi (Hindi राँची)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Resolution des Bharatiya Jana Sangh (Hindi: भारतीय जनसंघ) zu Hindi als offizielle Staatssprache

"Official Language

Perpetuation of English—By foisting the recent language law on the people, the Government of India has done a disservice to the country. The law has engendered needless strains among different linguistic groups and at places led even to deplorable incidents of violence and lawlessness. Secondly, by overlooking the stultifying effect which perpetuation of English would have on the natural development of Indian languages, the law has set up an obstacle in the way of implementing the unanimous decision of major political parties that regional languages should be made the media of education up to the highest level and that administration in all states should be carried on through the languages of the people.

In its election manifesto for 1967, the Jana Sangh had very clearly spelt out its approach to the question of Official language. The four planks of its language policy are:

  1. Immediate steps should be taken to make the regional languages the official languages in their respective states.
  2. In Central Departments like Railways, Post Offices, etc; [sic] which come into direct contact with the people, regional languages should be used along with Hindi.
  3. Hindi should be the Official language at the Centre but this should not handicap those who do not know Hindi; such employees should be permitted the option of English during the period of transition.
  4. Regional languages should be made the media of Union Public Service Commission examinations.


Meanwhile, the Jana Sangh favours the following measures in regard to Central Services:

  1. Immediate steps must be taken to enable candidates appearing for Union Public Service Commission examinations to appear through the media of regional languages.
  2. The knowledge of neither English nor Hindi should be compulsory at the time of recruitment. The appointees, however, should be required to get a working knowledge of either Hindi or English during the probation period.
  3. Appointees, whose mother-tongue is Hindi, must acquire a working knowledge of one additional Indian language, besides Hindi, during the probation period."

[Zitiert in: Hindu nationalism : a reader / ed. by Christophe Jaffrelot. -- Princeton : Univ. Pr., 2007. -- ISBN 978-0-691-13098-9. -- S. 230ff. -- Fair use]


Einführung der Three-language formula.

"In order to provide facilities for teaching a minority language or mother tongue, State Education Ministers evolved a scheme in 1949. Subsequently, the Union Education Ministry in consultation with States formulated a Three Language Formula. This Formula as enunciated in the National Policy Resolution of 1968 and reiterated in the National Policy on Education 1986 provides Hindi, English and modern Indian language (preferably one of the southern languages) in the Hindi speaking states and Hindi. English and the Regional language in the non-Hindi speaking States. This Formula has created many difficulties for Urdu speakers. The major grievance of Urdu speaking linguistic minority is that their children have been denied the facility of mother tongue instruction. The result is that a large number children of Urdu speakers are learning the regional language instead of the mother tongue as the first language. Accordingly, the Gujral Committee recommended the following modified form of three language formula:
  1. In Hindi speaking States:
    1. Hindi (with Sanskrit as part of the composite course);
    2. Urdu or any other modern Indian language excluding (a) and
    3. English or any other modern European language.
  2. In non-Hindi speaking States:
    1. Regional language;
    2. Hindi;
    3. Urdu or any other modern Indian language excluding (a) and (b); and
    4. English or any other modern European language."

[Quelle: https://web.archive.org/web/20120222082907/http://www.education.nic.in/cd50years/u/47/3X/473X0I01.htm. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-20

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Three-language_formula. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-20


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Meerut (Hindi: मेरठ), U.P.

Abb.: Lage von Meerut (Hindi: मेरठ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung des Deendayal Reseach Institute - Deendayal Shodh Sansthan -- Hindi: दीनदयाल शोध संस्थान


Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Allahabad (Hindi: इलाहाबाद)

Abb.: Lage von Allahabad (Hindi: इलाहाबाद)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Rajkot (Gujarati: રાજકોટ): Ramakrishna Ashrama: Swami Atmasthanananda Maharaj (Bengali: স্বামী আত্মস্থানন্দ, 1919 - 2017) überzeugt Narendra Modi, dass er ungeeignet ist, ein Ramakrishna Mönch zu werden. Dies ist der Beginn der politischen Karriere Modis.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atmasthananda. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-20

Abb.: Lage von Rajkot (Gujarati: રાજકોટ)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung von Bharatiya Shikshan Mandal -- Hindi: भारतीय शिक्षण मंडल -- Indian Board of Education



Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Gujarat riots zwischen Hindus and Muslimen in Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1969_Gujarat_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01

Abb.: Lage von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

Abb.: Tote und Verwundete bei den communal riots in Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત) September/Oktober 1969 (nach Polizeiangaben)
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1969_Gujarat_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01]

"Justice P. [Pingle] Jaganmohan Reddy [Telugu: పింగళి జగన్మోహన్ రెడ్డి, 1910 - 1999] of the Supreme Court headed the Commission of Inquiry into the communal disturbances at Ahmedabad [Gujarati: અમદાવાદ] and other places in Gujarat, on and after September 18,1969. Its Report noted that

‘The agitation had received the blessing of the local Bharatiya Jan Sangh workers who did not want to involve themselves directly but suggested the formation of an organization known as Hindu Dharma Raksha Samiti with Harischandra Panchal, an old RSS worker, as its convenor.’

The Commission found that the Hindu Dharma Raksha Samiti had issued pamphlets calling on the Hindus

‘to prepare for "Dharma Yudha" without waiting for justice to be done by the Government, to sever all economic and social relations with the community that has attacked their religion, viz. the Muslims.’

The Report noted

‘the definite part played in various Districts which were affected by the workers of the Jan Sangh and Hindu Mahasabha organizations or by persons having leanings towards them. There is evidence definitely that they took a leading part in the Districts of Amreli [Gujarati:અમરેલી] , Banaskantha [Gujarati: બનાસકાંઠા], Mehsana [Gujarati: મહેસાણા], and Baroda [Gujarati: વડોદરા].’"

[Quelle: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 38. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage der Distrikte
Amreli (Gujarati:અમરેલી) , Banaskantha (Gujarati: બનાસકાંઠા), Mehsana (Gujarati: મહેસાણા), and Baroda (Gujarati: વડોદરા)
Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]


Patna (Hindi: पटना): Resolution on Indianisation passed by Bharatiya Jana Sangh [Hindi: भारतीय जन संघ] at Plenary Session:

"The spate of communal riots, rapid erosion of the rule of law, determined attempts to disrupt the unity of the country and subvert democracy and constitutional government in different parts has created an explosive situation which if not tackled quickly and effectively may have dangerous repercussions.

The communal riots, of which those at Ahmedabad, Jagatdal [Bengali: জগদ্দল] and Varanasi are the latest examples, have a set pattern. They are invariably started by that section of the Indian Muslims which has stuck to the ideology which led to the partition of the Motherland in 1947, with the direct or indirect help and abetment of the C.P.I. [Communist Party of India], C.P.M. [Communist Party of India (Marxist)], and a section of the Congress Party which have developed vested interest in perpetuating communalism and separatism among the Muslim and keeping them away from the mainstream of Indian life so that they may have the monopoly of their votes in the elections.

Government’s failure to prevent the outbreak of disturbances, and later to control them once they got started, has made the situation more serious. Rioters, to whatever community they may belong, ought to be dealt with sternly under the law.

The communally motivated West Asian Policy of the Government of India which impelled it to gate-crash into Islamic Conference at Rabat [Arabisch: الرباط] and invite insult and humiliation of the whole country, its policy of lionising Al-Fatah [Arabish: فتح] saboteurs and the planned working up of a communal frenzy all over the country in the name of protest against arson in Al-Aksa Mosque [Arabisch: المسجد الأقصى] in Jerusalem have further roused and strengthened extra-territorial loyalties among a section of the Indian Muslims. Pakistan and her agents are taking advantage of this situation to egg them on to adopt aggressive postures resulting in riots which add grist to Pakistan propaganda mills against India. That Pakistan is striving for another partition of India has become clear from the recent writings of Mr. Bhutto [1928 - 1979]  [Zulfikar Ali Bhutto -- Urdu: ذُوالفِقار علی بُھٹّو], Maulana Bhashani [Bengali: আব্দুল হামিদ খান ভাসানী, 1880 – 11976], and the memorandum submitted by a number of Muslim organisations to the High Commissioner of India at London. The continued infiltration of Pakistani Muslims in the border states Of Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, and Jammu and Kashmir which has been intensified of late points to the same designs of Pakistan on Indian territory.

The dependence of Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s government on the Muslim League and support of other elements susceptible to communal and sectional appeals of Mr. Fakhar-ud-Din Ali Ahmed [Hindi: फ़ख़रुद्दीन अली अहमद, 1905 - 1977] and Mr. Jagjivan Ram [Hindi: Hindi जगजीवन राम, 1908 - 1986] has given a new import to the communal problem which cannot be ignored by any nationalist.

The Communist Parties which never made any secret of their determination to wreck the constitution, subvert democracy and disrupt the unity of India are exploiting this situation to serve their ends. They have forged an alliance with Muslim League and pro-Pakistan elements all over the country which has already replaced the Congress-Muslim alliance in the states like West Bengal, Assam and Kerala.

Formation of Mallapuram [Malayalam: മലപ്പുറം ജില്ല] district in Kerala, the audacity and intransigence of anti-India elements in Jammu and Kashmir and friendliness of Chief Minister Sadiq [Ghulam Mohammed Sadiq, 1912 – 1971] towards them and the reign or terror let loose by C.P.M. [Communist Party of India (Marxist)] in West Bengal are some of the fruits of this antinational alliance.

The growing feeling of regionalism and sub-regionalism partly born out of imbalances in economic development has become another major threat to peace and unity of the country. With the weakening of the Central Government attempts are being made to develop and project the personality of different states even at the cost of the personality of the country.. The state boundaries have begun to be treated as more sacrosanct than the boundaries of the country which have been steadily shrinking. The formation of sub-State of Meghalaya in Assam has given encouragement to protagonists of subregional States in other parts of the country.

The general economic unrest in the country with growing unemployment and frustration among the youth is being further aggravated by the false hopes aroused by Indira Government coupled with policies which are actually retarding production and curtailing employment opportunities. This has created a situation which is ideally suited to the operation of Communist technique of creating lawlessness and anarchy in the country as a prelude to taking over of the State apparatus by them with the help of indoctrinated minority. The forcible occupation of land by them in West Bengal and Kerala and their terrorist activities which have created a general sense of fear and Insecurity give a clear inkling of their plans and designs. Naxalites are outdoing them in this regard. They have extended their activities to Kerala, Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa and other states. Their emergence as an all India Party with open commitment to violence and Maoism has added new dimensions to the Communist menace.

This situation demands urgent attention and concerted effort on the part of all patriotic parties and elements irrespective of their differences in regard to other matters.

The Jana Sangh takes serious note of the increasing interference of foreign powers. Broadcasts relayed by Moscow Radio and Radio Peace and Progress and reports appearing in Russia’s government-controlled press regarding happenings in India cannot but be regarded as gross interference in our internal matters.

Western countries also have been exerting to exploit India’s illiteracy and poverty by using their economic aid measure, their cheap and provocative literature, and, above all, their missionaries as instruments for a campaign of mass conversion. Jana Sangh strongly condemns their activities as well. We want to warn these foreign powers not to indulge in activities that violate India's sovereignty and independence and demand that the Government of India take stern measures to curb them.

Bharatiya Jana Sangh being the champion of Indian nationalism and committed to preservation and strengthening of Indian unity feels particularly concerned over this state of affairs, and demands that:—

  1. Every effort should be made to revive and strengthen the sense of nationalism which is the sum total of cohesive forces in any country. This requires a clear understanding of the concept of nationalism and its main-springs.
  2. Indianisation—by which we mean the subordination of all narrow loyalties like those of religion, caste, region, language or dogma to the overriding loyalty to the nation of all fissiparous elements, especially of those with extraterritorial loyalties or allegiance, overt or covert, to the two-nation theory.
  3. A permanent tribunal should be set up to tackle inter-state disputes of all types. The decision of such a Commission should be binding on the parties concerned.
  4. Immediate steps should be taken to extend the Constitution of India to the Jammu and Kashmir State to bring it in line with other States and also to implement fully the recommendations of Gajendragadkar Commission in regard to separate development boards for the Kashmir Valley, Jammu and Ladakh with a clear division of development funds between these three regions.
  5. A high powered commission should be set up to look into regional and sub-regional economic imbalances and backwardness and suggest remedies to remove the same.
  6. With the lapse of Preventive Detention Act, the need for enacting a law of treason has become an imperative necessity. This law should define treason and treasonable activities and lay down deterrent punishment for all persons and parties indulging in such activities."

[Zitiert in: Madhok, Balraj [बलराज मधोक ] <1920 - 2016>: Indianisation : [an explosive viewpoint in Indian politics that is appreciated, admired, criticised and often misunderstood]. -- Delhi : Hind pocket books, [1970]. -- 162 S. -- (An orient paperback ; E-65). -- S. 126 - 129. --Online: https://archive.org/details/IndianizationBalrajMadhok. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-19. -- Fair use] 

1970 - 2016

Terroristische Anschläge in Süd- und Südostasien 1970 - 2016

Abb.: Terroristische Anschläge in Süd- und Südostasien 1970 - 2016
[Bildquelle: Phoenix7777/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terrorism_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-20


Es erscheint:

प्राचीन भारत में गोमांस : एक समीक्षा [Rindfleisch im alten Indien : eine Untersuchung]. -- गोरखपूर : जालना, 1970. -- Herausgeber ist Jaidayal Dalmia (Hindi: जयदयाल डालमिया, 1904 - 1993)

Das Buch soll beweisen, dass im alten Indien Rinder weder geschlachtet noch gegessen wurden.

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]

1971: Englische Übersetzung:

Dalmia, Jaidayal [Hindi: जयदयाल डालमिया] <1904 - 1993>: A review of the "Beef in ancient India". -- Gorakhpur : Gita Press, 1971. -- 224 S. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/Review_of_Beef_In_Ancient_India_Jaidayal_Dalmia. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-20. --  "the work of collection and clarification has been done by J. Dalmia with co-operation of some other scholars."

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]


Whenever the demand is made or an agitation takes place for the imposition of a ban on cow-slaughter, certain highly placed persons, out of ignorance or misunderstanding, publish articles in newspapers and magazines in which an effort is made to prove and establish that cow-slaughter was prevalent in Vedic India and beef was also taken. They give stray quotations in their articles from religious scriptures. Simple persons get confused on reading these articles. From time to time, scholars have clarified the position by correct interpretation of such quotations in Hindi, but these interpretations have not been available at one place, nor have they been published in those newspapers and/or magazines in which the misleading articles are published. Such clarifications have been collected and published in this book for the general benefit of all those who are interested in this question and who would like to know the true position."

[a.a.O., S. v. -- Fair use]


Poor cows bemoan their lot and humbly plead thus they :—
"You human beings ! how the quadrupeds us treat ?
With milk we have like mother nursed you day by day ;
You send us to the butcher’s house with death to meet.
"The men who hope to fatten bodies their with beef,
And hence by killing brutely us their bellies fill ;
They will not lose the body,—seems they harbour such belief,—
Or carry it indeed along with them they will.
You do not seek to get well-built with milk we serve ;
Derive nor joy from milk-products not few.
You want to drink our blood, then drink without reserve.
1Ye born in image of God ! nothing too much for you.
"Helpless are we poor creatures with no strength, no brawn.
You keep us or destroy, we are under your thumb.
Perhaps God too has now His help from us withdrawn ;
‘We are your cows’—what more can say poor cattle dumb ?
"Before our eyes our calves struggle for milk in vain,
While we, not minding that, provide you milk wholesome ;
We feed on grass in woods, return to you again.
When grown up are those calves, they too your hacks become.
"Goes on like this if process of our decay here.
Regard the sun as set in India’s Fortune’s sky.
The little verdure too that’s left will disappear.
Death on this golden land will stalk and jackals cry."
1 O Priests of non-violence ! nothing too much for you.

Note—(Translated from ‘Bharata-Bharati' [भारत भारती, 1912] of Rashtra-kavi late Shri Maithili Sharan Gupta [Hindi: मैथिलीशरण गुप्त, 1883 - 1964], M. P.) "

[a.a.O., S. 224. -- Fair use]


Delhi (Hindi: दिल्ली): es erscheint:

Madhok, Balraj [बलराज मधोक ] <1920 - 2016>: Indianisation : [an explosive viewpoint in Indian politics that is appreciated, admired, criticised and often misunderstood]. -- Delhi : Hind pocket books, [1970]. -- 162 S. -- (An orient paperback ; E-65). -- Online: https://archive.org/details/IndianizationBalrajMadhok. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-19 

Abb.: Einbandtitel


It was on September 27, 1969, when, while speaking at a Symposium on Rabat Conference of Heads of Islamic States and India, organised by the Indian Forum of International Affairs at the Constitution Club, New Delhi, I casually referred to the need of Indianising the minds of the Indian people in the interest of unity and peace of the country. I made this remark in the context of nationalisation of fourteen major Banks which was then fresh in the memory of the people and which was being utilised as propaganda plank in favour of the Government to counter the widespread criticism of its crude attempt to gate-crash into the Islamic Summit at Rabat.

I never dreamt at that time that this reference to Indianisation will create any controversy in the country. As a student of History, I know how this word had been persistently used by the founding fathers of the Indian National Congress in its early days in the narrow sense of replacement of Englishmen by Indians in the administration and how Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru [Hindi: जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889 - 1964] and Maharshi Aurobindo [Bengali: অরবিন্দ ঘোষ, 1872 - 1950] had used it in their various writings in the wider sense of absorption and assimilation of foreign elements with the national main stream of India.

I was, therefore, painfully surprised to learn from the newspapers that the Government of India had taken a very serious view of this talk about “Indianisation” and had pressurised Delhi Administration, in spite of its advice to the contrary, to prosecute me for that. This started a national debate on this question which is still continuing. The subject came up for discussion in the Parliament as well. I was gratified to find that there was a broad consensus among all nationalist and patriotic people including such eminent Muslims as Shri Mohammed Curim Chagla [Marathi: एम.सी. छगला, 1900 - 1981] about the need of Indianisation in all fields of national life to create a strong sense of nationalism in the people and to checkmate the rise of fissiparous and disruptive forces and tendencies in the country. But at the same time I found that some people had genuine doubts and misconceptions about the concept of Indianisation, its content, need and application. A number of queries were addressed to me as also a number of letters appeared in readers columns of many newspapers and journals.

It was to answer such queries, clear up such doubts and provide a working paper for further debate and discussion on this important subject that this small book was written. It was expeditiously published by S. Chand & Co., New Delhi early in May, 1970.

The book evoked a tremendous response from the readers and critics alike as is clear from the reviews published by such national journals as “The Hindu” of Madras and the “Amrit Bazar Patrika" [Bengali: অমৃতবাজার পত্রিকা] of Calcutta.

The need and validity of the concept is now being widely accepted. Even Shri Jagjivan Ram [Hindi: जगजीवन राम, 1908 - 1986], the Defence Minister of the Government of India and President of the Ruling Congress Party has stressed the need for bringing such Muslims and others as continue to look to Pakistan or elsewhere into the national mainstream. The revival and extension of the Muslim League which represents the two nation theory on the basis of which unity of India was destroyed in 1947, the renewed talk of separate identity of Muslims as distinct from the nation and the growing aggressiveness of Communists who place their loyalty to Peking and Moscow above their loyalty to India has created a general consciousness about the imperative need of making the concept of Indianisation a living reality if a repetition of the history of 1947 is to be avoided.

The book is divided into three chapters.

  • The first chapter deals with the concept of Indianisation in all its aspects.
  • In the second chapter I have tried to explain the circumstances and developments, particularly since freedom, which have made a re-statement of the concept of Indianisation and its implementation in practice an imperative necessity if India is to exist and grow as a strong and united nation.
  • The third chapter of the book deals with the means and methods, plans and programmes through which the concept of Indianisation can be translated into action in the present day conditions of India.

The annexures which include

  • a survey of communal riots by the Ministry of Home Affairs of the Government of India,
  • an analytical study of the causes of Ahmedabad riots by Shri Nandan Kagal [gest. 1972], the Resident Editor of Indian Express, New Delhi,
  • a peep into the Muslim mind by Shri Hamid Dalwai [Marathi: हमीद दलवाई, 1932 - 1977], the young pioneer of modernisation of Islam in India,
  • the speech of Shri M.C. Chagla [Marathi: एम.सी. छगला, 1900 - 1981] in the Rajya Sabha in the course of the debate on “Indianisation" and
  • comments of Shri Badar-ud-din Tyabji [1907 - 1995] on Indianisation

are aimed at providing the readers with ready at hand material to check up some of the facts given and conclusions drawn in the book.

It would be clear from the resolution passed by the Plenary Session of Bharatiya Jana Sangh [Hindi: भारतीय जन संघ] at Kanpur in 1952 under the distinguished Presidentship of late Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherji [Bengali: শ্যামাপ্রসাদ মুখোপাধ্যায়, 1901 - 1953] (Annexure I) that I claim no originality for this idea. Bharatiya Jana Sangh has stood for it from its very inception. It is significant that late Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India, never took exception to it. May be it was because he did not have that much need of working up communalism among Muslims to keep himself in power as his daughter has today.

The facts given in the book are correct to the best of my belief and knowledge and interpretations are my own. I have tried to be objective as far as possible. But I do realise that even the most objective persons cannot be free of subjectivity completely. My aim in writing this is to educate and inform the reader and not to array or injure anybody’s feelings.

Since the publication of the book in May, 1970, repeated suggestions have been made for a cheaper edition of the book as also for its translations in Hindi and other Indian languages so that it could reach the wider public. This paperback edition has been brought out to meet that end.

The Directors of Hind Pocket Books Private Ltd. deserve my thanks as also the thanks of all nationalist people for bringing out this low-price edition so expeditiously.

BALRAJ MADHOK [बलराज मधोक ]"

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]

"This Indianness of a man is not determined by one’s colour, caste, language, way of worship or political party. It is determined by the mental attitude towards India and all that is distinctive about her as a nation. This is reflected in one’s behaviour and conduct, both individual and collective, which in its turn is determined by one’s thoughts, motivations and attachments, both intellectual and emotional. People like Mrs. Annie Besant [1847 - 1933], Sister Nivedita [1867 - 1911] and Mr. Stokes [Samuel Evans Stokes, Jr., 1882 – 1946] became better Indians and did more for India in our own times than most of those born in India did, even though they had been born and nurtured outside India. On the other hand men like Mr. Jinnah [1876 - 1948] [Urdu: محمد علی جناح], Liaqat Ali Khan [1895 - 1951]  [Urdu: لِیاقت علی خان] and Kasim Rizvi [1902 - 1970] though born and brought up in India turned out to be India’s worst enemies.

Whatever the circumstances and influences that made Mrs. Annie Besant and Mr. Jinnah what they became might have been, one thing is clear that Indianness of a man or a woman is something which is both acquired and inherited. Mrs. Annie Besant acquired it even though she was not born as an Indian. But Mr. Jinnah though born in India of Hindu parents, who got converted to Islam, got so much de-Indianised and denationalised for personal and political reasons that he went to the extent of demanding and securing the vivisection of the Motherland with the assistance of the British rulers of the country.

Creation of this feeling of Indianness in a man through ‘Sanskars,’ through education and through conscious social and political efforts and policies which might instil in him a sense of identification with India and impel him to place his loyalty to the nation group above loyalty to every other group, religious, social, linguistic or political, to which he may belong is Indianisation. It does not require of any one to give up his attachment to social, religious or other groups to which he may belong. It only aims at moving the nation group higher than any other group in the order of one’s priorities and loyalties. Indianisation does not mean that a Muslim should cease to be a Muslim or a Bengali should cease to be a Bengali. It only means that if there is clash between the interests of a State or Province and India as a whole or between interests of a religious community and the country as a whole one should be prepared to sacrifice the interests of his community or province for the sake of national interests. As such Indianisation is another name for creating a strong sense of nationalism, which is the sum total of cohesive forces in any country, in the Indian people.

Nationalism is not a question of political loyalties only. It demands a feeling of attachment and a sense of pride for the country’s heritage and culture as well. It has its ramification in the field of thought and action regarding all aspects of a nation’s life.

Respect for the national flag, national anthem, national language or languages, national heroes and great-men, national ethos and values are part of nationalism. Aliens also can be absorbed into the national mainstream through inculcation of these feelings of oneness and identification with the national homeland, its culture and heritage.

Indianisation, therefore, is nothing but the inculcation of a strong sense of nationalism in all Indians. It is neither something new nor anything sinister. It is something to which no patriotic Indian worth his name can take exception. Those who oppose it either do not understand what India and her heritage is or they deliberately want to create confusion and scare in some groups for political and partisan ends.

India has never stood for conformism of any type. It has all through its history been a land of freedom of thought, conscience and belief. It has never tried to impose any particular form of worship on unwilling people even when it could easily do so. The Syrian-Christians, the Jews and the Parsis who came into India in small groups without any political or economic backing are standing testimony to the Catholicity and all embracing character of Indian culture. "May all be happy without any disease. Let all enjoy prosperity and happiness and none have sorrows or be depressed."

"सर्वे सन्तु सुखिनः सर्वे सन्तु निरामयाः"

has been the guiding principle of Indian way of life. Indianisation, therefore, is a positive concept. There is nothing narrow, sectarian or iconoclastic about it."

[a.a.O., S. 29ff. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balraj_Madhok. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-19


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Bhiwandi (Marathi भिवंडी), Jalgaon (Marathi: जळगाव), Thane (Marathi: ठाणे), Kalyan (Marathi: कल्याण) (Maharashtra)

Abb.: Lage von Bhiwandi (Marathi भिवंडी), Thane (Marathi: ठाणे), Kalyan (Marathi: कल्याण)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Abb.: Lage von Jalgaon (Marathi: जळगाव)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Das Sampradayikta Virodhi Committee (Komitee zur Bekämpfung des Kommunalismus) beantragt das Verbot des RSS.


Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (Hindi: माधव सदाशिव गोलवलकर, 1906 - 1973):

"On June 11, 1970, Golwalkar waxed eloquent before a group of journalists. The communal atmosphere was tense in the wake of the Ahmedabad [Gujarati: Gujarati: અમદાવાદ] and Bhiwandi [Marathi: भिवंडी] riots. Organiser reported this exchange:

Q. Who will teach Muslims to identify themselves completely with the country and its culture?
You and me, all of us.

Q. Can you teach by beating?
Beating is of two kinds: mother beating her child and an enemy sticking a man. We have not done any beating. But if, as and when we do teach by beating, it will be like the mother’s beating of her child - out of love and solicitude for the child’s welfare.

Yet, he complained

‘misunderstandings are sought to be created about the training in the use of danda [Hindi: डंडा] (lathi), yogchap (lesim), khadga [Hindi: खड्ग] (sword), vetracharma [Hindi: वेत्रचर्म] (canefight) etc. that is imparted in the RSS branches.’

‘What has our good behaviour towards Muslim faith and the Muslim people brought us?’ Golwalkar asked.

The alternative is propounded openly.

Is there any place for violence in the life of a society? Yes, but it should be used as a surgeon’s knife ... to cure society of any malady that needs such a surgical intervention. ... In this task of self-protection we might have to destroy evil persons. ... If these Asur [Sanskrit: असुर] [evil forces] are to be defeated through the use of force, force should be used. . . . Generally speaking, it is a matter of common experience that evil forces do not understand the language of logic and sweet nature. They can be controlled by force."

[Quelle: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 37. -- Fair use]


Tod von Hanuman Prasad Poddar (Hindi: हनुमान प्रसाद पोद्दार, 1892–1971)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hanuman_Prasad_Poddar. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-22

1971-03-25 - 1971-12-16

Bangladesh-Krieg zwischen Ostpakistan und Westpakistan und später auch Indien und Westpakistan

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesch-Krieg / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangladesh_Liberation_War. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-23


Ost-Pakistan erklärt sich unabhängig von Pakistan. Ausrufung des Staats Bangladesh (Bengali: বাংলাদেশ)

Abb.: Lage von Bangladesh (Bengali: বাংলাদেশ)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1971-12-03 - 1971-12-16

Dritter Indisch-Pakistanischer Krieg

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dritter_Indisch-Pakistanischer_Krieg / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Pakistani_War_of_1971. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-23

Abb.: Kriegsschauplätze in Ost-Pakistan
[Public domain]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Thalassery (Malayalam: തലശ്ശേരി)

Abb.: Lage von Thalassery (Malayalam: തലശ്ശേരി)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]



Gründung des All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) (Urdu: آل انڈیا مسلم پرسنل لا بورڈ) zum Schutz und Erhalt der Sharia (Arabisch: شريعة ) als Zivilrecht für Muslime.

Webpräsenz: http://www.aimplboard.in/index.php?language=english. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26
Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/All_India_Muslim_Personal_Law_Board. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Vavathurai (Tamil: வாவத்துறை): Grundsteinlegung für das Vivekananda Rock Memorial

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vivekananda_Rock_Memorial. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-24

Abb.:  Vivekananda Rock Memorial, 2009
[Bildquelle: Coolgama/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]

Abb.: Lage von Vavathurai (Tamil: வாவத்துறை)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Firozabad (Hindi: फ़िरोज़ाबाद) und Benares (Hindi: वाराणसी)

Abb.: Lage von Firozabad (Hindi: फ़िरोज़ाबाद) und Benares (Hindi: वाराणसी)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung der Partei All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK; Tamil அனைத்திந்திய அண்ணா திராவிட முன்னேற்றக் கழகம் - All India Anna Dravidian Progress Federation)

Webpräsenz: http://aiadmk.org.in/. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-21

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/All_India_Anna_Dravida_Munnetra_Kazhagam / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/All_India_Anna_Dravida_Munnetra_Kazhagam. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-21

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Tod von Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar (Marathi: मा. स. गोळवलकर; 1906 – 1973)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/M._S._Golwalkar. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23

1973-06-05 - 1994-03

Madhukar Dattatraya Devaras (Marathi: मधुकर दत्तात्रेय देवरस, 1915 - 1996) ist Sarsanghchalak (Hindi: सरसंघचालक) des RSS

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Madhukar_Dattatraya_Deoras. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-19


Gründung des Bhaktivedanta Institute

Webpräsenz: http://www.binstitute.org/. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-15

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

"Founded in 1974, the Bhaktivedanta Institute is a center for Advanced Studies in science and vedanta. As a non-profit organization, it is dedicated to facilitating communication between scientific and religious communities on a wide range of issues that affect people individually and collectively. It explores foundational questions related to life's origin, the nature of humanity, problems related to the body, mind, and society at large, as well as many other philosophical and ethical concerns. The Bhaktivedanta Institute aims to provide comprehensive solutions to these issues through a consciousness-based paradigm. This is a new approach that will have profound significance for broadening our understanding of science, spirituality, and their synthesis. One of the primary objectives of the Bhaktivedanta Institute is to present this paradigm for the critical attention of serious scholars and thinkers throughout the world. As such, the institute supports a closer examination of existing scientific paradigms in cosmology, evolution, physics, biology, genetics, neurosciences, environmental science and other sciences. The Bhaktivedanta Institute also promotes scientific, and philosophical dialogues among scientists, scholars and theologians of the world. These dialogues cover various common conceptual grounds and promote a better understanding amongst different scientific and faith-based communities. They also address issues that emerge due to technological developments and scientific discoveries. The Bhaktivedanta Institute has also collaborated with other organizations such as the URI (United Religious Initiative), Templeton Foundation, Metanexus Institute and many other organizations around the world to address issues of common interests. To fulfill its objectives, the Institute supports the exchange of ideas through conferences, seminars, publications, and its website. We invite you to browse our website, subscribe to our email updates, and attend our events. "

[Quelle: http://www.binstitute.org/about.html. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-15. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: Language, religion and politics in North India. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe von 1974. -- Licoln : iUniverse, 2005. -- 467 S. -- ISBN 0-595-34394-5

Abb.: Einbandtitel

"Elite-mass differences have also been important in religious behavior in north India. The Sanskritized Vedic rituals of learned Brahman pandits are quite different forms of religious behavior from the devotional worship of low castes, yet both types of worshippers are conventionally described as Hindus. Similarly, Muslim ulama and educated Muslims are likely to confine their forms of worship to either the prescribed individual worship in the home or the routinized congregational worship in the mosque, but ordinary, uneducated Muslim believers may visit the tombs and shrines of local saints and sing devotional prayers, often in the company of Hindus doing the same. Similarly, educated keshadhari Sikhs are likely to conform closely nowadays to only the prescribed rituals of Sikhism whereas a Scheduled Caste Sikh in the Punjab may, literally with a flick of his turban, find Hindu devotional worship more to his taste. In all three cases, political elites who have attempted to build political support on the basis of religious solidarity have had to take such differences into account. They have not been able to take as given the religious loyalties of ordinary people. Rather, in the process of building political support, they have had to develop ways of closing the elite-mass gap in religious practices and to create the religious solidarity of the communities for whom they claim to speak. And, in the process of creating such religio-political solidarity, some communicants may remain marginal or be lost to other religious communities.


Corresponding to the phenomenon of dialect variation in language groups is the existence of sectarian differentiation in religious groups. It is customary to comment loosely on ‘Hindu-Muslim’ or ‘Hindu- Sikh’ political conflicts in modern Indian history and politics and to think of Hindus, Muslims, and Sikhs as undifferentiated religious communities. Of course, this is not true now and was even less true

before religious and political elites began to use the symbols of religious distinctiveness as bases for social and political mobilization in India. Sectarian differences within religious groups are relevant to the process of nationality-formation in three respects particularly. First, when religious symbols begin to be used for political purposes, the elites who begin the process often come from particular subgroups within the religious group - keshadhari Sikhs, Arya Samaj Hindus, or Sunni Muslims. If one wants to be able to predict the course a movement of political-religious mobilization will take, it is clearly important to know which sub-groups are taking the lead and whether they occupy central positions in their religious traditions. Second, to the extent that elites from particular sects are successful in mobilizing their religious communities for political ends, they may have a profound impact on the nature of religious identity in their religious group and on defining the membership of the group as a whole. This process is exemplified best by the history of religio-politi- cal mobilization among the Sikhs, where keshadhari Sikhs have taken the lead in forming the Akali Dal, have gone a long way in convincing themselves and external observers that they represent the Sikh community or Panth as a whole, have institutionalized their dominance in the Sikh religion through their control of the gurudwaras, and have defined nem-keshadhari Sikhs as either excluded from or marginal to the Sikh religion. This kind of success has not been achieved by any other sub-group within the other two religions of north India. Internal differentiation has been less great, though not completely absent, in Islam than in either Sikhism or Hinduism to start with. In Hinduism, both caste and sectarian differentiation have been too great for any single sub-group to succeed in defining membership in the community in any way comparable to what the keshadhari Sikhs have achieved. Finally, the extent of sectarian differentiation within a religious group and the intensity of divisions between sects will influence profoundly the abilities of particular elites to mobilize the religious groups for political purposes. For example, Sunni-Shi’a divisions in Islam are intense and have occasionally developed into violent conflicts. In certain parts of India, particularly in Lucknow, they have presented serious obstacles to political unity. However, Shi’as are a tiny minority in the Islamic community of north India as a whole, so that Sunni-Shi’a differences have not seriously impeded the development of communal solidarity among Muslims. Among Hindus, it has been the enormous range of caste and sectarian differences and the social barriers between groups which have prevented religio-political consolidation. Among Sikhs, however, a very definite process of religious consolidation has taken place, whose origins can be traced to the efforts of the Singh Sabha movement in the nineteenth century.

Another reason why objective differences between peoples cannot be taken as ‘givens’ is that there is frequently a range of choice in selecting symbols of group difference and identity. Some symbols may facilitate communication with other groups while others may impede it. The most striking examples of symbol selections which have been made specifically for purposes of linguistic group differentiation in north India are in the choice of scripts. Ordinary Muslims and Hindus in north India can communicate perfectly well in spoken Hindi-Urdu. Consequently, those elites who have wanted to emphasize the differences between Muslims and Hindus in language as well as in religion have insisted that Urdu must be written in the Persian-Arabic script while Hindus similarly have insisted that Hindi can be written properly only in the Devanagari script. In this way, during the past several decades, symbolic barriers to effective communication between the literate populations of Hindus and Muslims have been erected. The same process has been at work in the Punjab in the insistence of Sikhs that Punjabi can be written properly only in Gurumukhi script, while Hindus prefer the Devanagari. In contrast, Maithili has, for the most part, been written in the Devanagari script, which has made it easier for Hindi spokesmen to continue to refer to Maithili as only a dialect of Hindi and more difficult for Maithili-speakers to assert their claim of distinctiveness."

[Quelle: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: Language, religion and politics in North India. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe von 1974. -- Licoln : iUniverse, 2005. -- 467 S. -- ISBN 0-595-34394-5. -- S. 406 - 409. -- Fair use]

1974-01-05 - 1974-04

Worli (Marathi: वरळी): schwere Auseinandersetzungen zwischen hochkastigen Hindus und buddhistischen Dalits

6 Tote

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Worli_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-02

Abb.: Lage von Worli (Marathi: वरळी)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Pokhran: Operation Smiling Buddha: erster Atombombentest Indiens.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Smiling_Buddha / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Smiling_Buddha. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-20


Aligarh (Hindi: अलीगढ़): B. P. (Buddha Priya, früher: Bhagwati Prasad) Maurya (1928 - ) organisiert eine Massenbekehrung von 100.000 Jatavs (Hindi: जाटव) zum Buddhismus.

1975-06-25 - 1977-03-21

Premierministerin Indira Gandhi (Hindi: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984) proklamiert den Ausnahmezustand (Emergency). Er dauert bis 1977-03-21

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ausnahmezustand_in_Indien_1975%E2%80%931977 / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Emergency_(India) . -- Zugriff am 2019-03-23

Abb.: Indira Gandhi (Hindi: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984), Briefmarke der Sowjetunion 1984
[Public domain]


Premierministerin Indira Gandhi (Hindi: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984) vergleicht den RSS mit den Nationalsozialisten:

"Forces seeking to strangle Indian Democracy were similar to those which backed the rise of Nazism in Germany before World War II. It was in order to combat these forces that the government had been obliged to act swiftly and decisively. It is a mistake to equate Nazism with the use of police and army. The method often adopted was to create discord and confusion by infiltrating small groups into various facets of national life. This was indeed the method which the RSS had adopted in India."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 273. -- Fair use]


Verbot von RSS und Jamaat-e-Islami (Urdu: جماعتِ اسلامی).

2800 RSS-Mitglieder werden verhaftet und 1360 Mitglieder des Jana Sangh. 186 (von 1356) RSS-Pracharak (प्रचारक) werden verhaftet. Die meisten übrigen arbeiten im Untergrund weiter. Die wichtigste vom RSS unterstützte Untergrundorganisation ist Lok Sangharsh Samiti (Hindi: लोक संघर्ष समिति) unter der Führung von Jayprakash Narayan (Hindi: जयप्रकाश नारायण, 1902 - 1979)


Der RSS bildet Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત) Lok Sangharsh Samiti als Koordinationsorgan für den Widerstand im Untergrund.

Vorsitzender: Lakshmanrao Inamdar (Hindi: लक्ष्मणराव इनामदार, 1917 - 1984) aka. Vakil Saheb (Hindi: वकील साहब)

Generalsekretär: Narendra Modi (Gujarati નરેંદ્ર દામોદરદાસ મોદી, 1950 - )


Es erscheint:

Ramlakhansharan <Baba>: श्री राम जन्मभूमि का रोमांचकारी इतिहास [Die haarsträubende Geschichte des Geburtsplatzes von Shri Rama]. -- Ayodhya, 1976

"A pamphlet published in 1976 by Baba Ramlakhansharan, who at the time described himself as the "non-stop kirtan [singing] conductor" just outside the perimeter of the Babri mosque in Ayodhya, tells of a series of sixty-five battles during Mughal rule between Muslims and Hindu soldier monks over the site—beginning with five in Babar’s reign, ten in Humayun’s,

twenty in Akbar’s, and peaking with thirty in Aurangzeb’s.3 This pro, longed warfare is said to have climaxed with a confrontation between An- rangzeb’s forces and Hindu soldier monks, wielding chimtas, large, iror. pincers with sharpened ends.

When Aurangzeb became the emperor of India after Shah Jahan, his attention fell first and foremost on the janmabhumi and he immediately dispatched a iormidable army there under the generalship of Jambaj Khan. At this time there resided at Jan ki Ghat in Ayodhya one Mahatma Shishya Vaishnava Das, a disciple of Shivaji’s venerable and capable Guru Shri Ram Das. With him was allied a powerful group of 10,000 chimta-wielding sadhus, fully versed in the martial sciences. When this group of sadhus learned that Aurangzeb’s army was rapidly approaching Ayodhya to destroy the janambhumi, they immediately took it as a question of honor and spread the news like electricity throughout the surrounding countryside. Consequently, thousands of Hindus prepared to take up arms to defend their integrity and formed a fierce force comprised of sadhus and grihastas [householders] and faced the Mughal army at Urvashi pond. In a vicious, seven-day battle, the Mughals were forced to retreat in desperation from the deadly chimtas. (Ramlakhansharaij· 1976,11-12)

According to the account in this pamphlet, Aurangzeb learned of this defeat and amassed a much larger force of fifty thousand troops under Saiy- yid Hasan Ali Khan to raze the Ram janmabhoomi. Hearing this, Vaishnava Das is said to have approached Guru Govind Singh, the tenth guru of the Sikhs, for assistance in opposing the Mughal army. Together, the pamphlet concludes,

"Sikhs, Hindus, and sadhus completely routed the Mughal force in a dreadful battle that left no Muslim survivors."

[Quelle: William R. Pinch. -- In: Making India Hindu : religion, community, and the politics of democracy in India / ed. by David Ludden, .. Delhi : Oxford UP, 1996. -- 346 S. -- ISBN 0-19-564380-1. -- S. 143f.  -- Fair use]


Gründung der National Medicos Organisation (NMO)


Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Es erscheint:

पांडे, रामगोपाल [Pandey, Ram Gopala]: श्री राम जन्मभूमि का रोमांचकारी इतिहास = Shri Ram Janma Bhumi romantic (adventurous) history. -- Ayodhya : Mani Ram, 1977

"The pamphlets produced by the VHP in the late 1980s and early 1990s were not entirely novel. Most of their material had been taken from earlier accounts which had been in circulation for some time in Ayodhya. In a booklet published posthumously in 1977, Ramgopal Pandey described the legend of the site in familiar terms: he presents a detailed description of the original temple, relates the 76 wars which had been fought between Hindus and Muslims and even suggests that the builder of the Babri Masjid considered the Ramjanmabhoomi [राम जन्मभूमि] to be a minor Mecca (Khurd Makka) because of the Muslim prophets who were said to have been born there. The first line of the introductory 'poem' of his narrative says: ‘Will [sic - We’ll] take revenge of barbaric acts of Baber. [...]’ It is likely that Ramgopal Pandey was associated with Baba Ram Lakhan Sharan, who was responsible for organising the incessant chanting of kirtans at the Ramjanmabhoomi since 1949. R.G. Pandey, Shri Ram Janma Rhumi Romantic (Adventurous) History, Ayodhya: Mani Ram Printing Press, 1977)."

[Quelle: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 402, Anm. 130. -- Fair use]


Gründung der Janata Party ("Volkspartei"). 2013-08-11 löst sie sich in der BJP auf.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Janata_Party / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Janata_Party. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-23

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Wahlen zu Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा)

Abb.: Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) 1977: gewonnene Sitze
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29]


Ende des Ausnahmezustands (Emergency). Er hat 1975-06-25 begonnen

1977-03-24 - 1979-07-28

Morarji Desai (Hindi: मोरारजी देसाई, 1896 - 1995) (Janata Party) ist Prime Minister Indiens.

Abb.: Morarji Desai (Hindi: मोरारजी देसाई, 1896 - 1995), 1978


National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) Textbook Controvery

Es geht um

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NCERT_textbook_controversies. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26


Madhavrao Muley (माधवराव मुल्ये) in einem Interview in der Zeitschrift Organiser:

"The swayamsevaks of the Sangh are not volunteers who will spread durries [rugs] and fix the mikes for some leaders to come and make speeches. It should be clearly understood that we are nobody’s boy scouts. The RSS is a great socio-cultural organisation. It is devoted to the inculcation of national character, eradication of untouchability, casteism, communalism, provincialism and linguism."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 302f. -- Fair use]


Patna (Hindi: पटना): Jayaprakash Narayan (Hindi: जयप्रकाश नारायण, 1902 - 1979) Ansprache in einem RSS-Lager:

"I have said it before and I say it again today that it appears to me that there is need for basic change in the role of the Sangh and may be there is even a need for a modification in its aims and objectives. Though it is not a reality, even then people identify it with Hindu communal and caste interests. But I know that a lot of discussion is going on between your Organiser and the cadres about associating the followers of other religions, especially of those religions which were not born in India, such as Islam and Christianity, but are Indians in the same way as we Hindus are. There forefathers were also Hindus and conversion led to increase in their numbers and also to a feeling of separatism which was exploited by British imperialism. The imperialists were successful in dividing India into two parts. Later on, with the creation of Bangladesh of its own accord, they became three parts. But I believe that including Bangladesh and Pakistan, we are one nation. Our states can be separate but our nation has always been the same Bharatiya. Iqbal himself, who was a great poet of Urdu and Persian, has said;

"Kuchh baat hai ki hasti mit-ti nahin hamari"

(There is something perennial about us that has not allowed our existence to be wiped out.)

Task Before RSS

So friends, there is something special about us and we have to hold on to it as something invaluable. In spite of being divided into three states today, the biggest of these parts, Bharat, has to conduct itself in such a way, and has to have such a vision, that we should be able to win the hearts of the two parts separated from us in the east and west. These states may remain separate-as has been the case a the past also when Bharat was divided into so many states-but even then our Bharatiyata or Indianness should be retained. People in the other two parts should consider Bharat their own in the same way as we Hindus do. We have to work towards that end. 

Apart form this we Hindus have to look towards and put an end to the rank injustice and weaknesses in Hindu society which divide us, create feelings of high and low and of untouchability, and present Hindu Dharma in a perverted form, we should create a feeling of oneness among Harijans, Brahmins and others. We are Hindus, apart from being Bharatiya this feeling has to be created among those also whom we have treated as separate from us and lower than us. Muslims and Christians are also Bharatiya. Thus there is a definite task before the RSS: to consolidate the nation, so that the felling of one nationhood is infused in all of us and the nation has the capacity to accommodate all the difference and diversities with in itself. We Hindus have no holy center like Mecca and Medina or Rome outside India. For us India is everything and all our devotion is centred herein. But our brethren who embraced other religions - and thus were separated from us as co-religionists are Bharatiya still. There were cases of forcible conversion-also so that some embraced death while avoiding such conversions. Those converted to other religions have places of worship outside India and may be some have even founts of inspiration outside. For Muslim brethren there is Arabia and cities like Mecca and Medina. Rome is such a holy city for the Christians. Constantinople is another such city. For religious inspiration they may look outside, but their national inspiration is Bharat. The Germans, the French, the British, the Italians and the Spanish are separate nation, although their religion Christianity is the same. Some follow the Pope but others, the Protestants, have different religious centers. In spite of religious differences they have the feeling of being one nation. They consider it their good fortune to get a chance to sacrifice their all for the nation. 


The days of religious crusades are over. So many battles have been fought in the name of Islam and Christianity and other religions in India and elsewhere. But now the sentiment of nationalism dominates all over the world, so that there are different nations. But now-a-days there is a move to bring them together even while retaining their diversity. For some reason man's intellect tends towards unity. God is one and all men are his creatures. All the philosophies point to unity in diversity. All aim at finding out some binding link among the various nations of the world. President Wilson of USA brought the League of Nations into being and we now have the United Nations. This is a forum to bring together all the nations of the world on one platform, though we cannot say that One World Government is in the offing. But there is no doubt that the ultimate aim is that of One World in spite of religious, racial, linguistic and geographical differences. But that is a far of goal. In spite of so many diversities among the people of India and existence of so many states in the past the unity of India has been maintained. But in the times of Mauryas and Guptas, this very city of Pataliputra, and Kusumpur have been the capital of the whole of India of Emperor Ashoka and Chandra Gupta. Thus there have been empires in this country. These empires disintegrated, for it appears we have been weak in statecraft. But with due deference to those among you who profess different religions, I may say perhaps no other religion can match the catholicity, the nobility, the loftiness and the depth of Hinduism as found in its scriptures and philosophical texts. In other religions there is some one book or holy word, by repeating which you would be initiated into the particular religion and become its devotees. But among us those who put faith in the Vedas and even those who decry them are Hindus. In fact the word Hindu is not an ancient on and is not found in any of the ancient books. It was other people who spoke 's' as 'h' and 'Sind' as 'Hind' who called us Hindu. In fact, it had nothing to do with any religion and had only a geographical connotation. 

So friends, there are many tasks before the RSS and some of them are very difficult. Take the caste system, for example. I cannot say what the Sangh is trying to do for breaking this system. I can understand someone being called high or low according to his action but we in actual practice have made such a society in which we have dubbed someone as untouchable and someone as 'Brahmin fit to be worshipped as a god.' The 'Brahmin devta' may be a 'chandal' by action, still he is Brahmin. In the villages, we see people greeting a Brahmin by expressing the desire to touch his feet. "Panditji, paye lagi". They say. But such an honour is never given to an untouchable, howsoever noble he may be. 

Great Expectation

Thus I have great expectation from this revolutionary organization which has taken up the challenge of creating a new India. I have welcomed your venture wholeheartedly, sometimes I have offered you my advice and have even criticised you, but it was a friend. This is because I understand my strength and your potentialities. There is no other organization in the country which can match you. The task of building up the character of the youth is a very urgent task in the country today. Today we had a big youth movement recently and I had the good fortune of accepting their leadership at their insistence. I agreed with great reluctance as I told them that I was ill and that they should be satisfied with seeking my advice whenever necessary. But when they insisted that I would have to take up their leadership, I agreed. They have achieved something. But now the movement has slackened. Its revolutionary content has been dissipated. It does not have the capacity now to change the society, though there is need for change in society in every sphere-economic, social, political. I have unshakable, faith that we can be one nation even while fulfilling the demands of our different religions and communities. Even while carrying out the necessary rituals, we can be united in our hearts to form one nation. As you call your-self 'Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh' and not Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh and this name has been decided upon with due deliberation-therefore it is my desire that you should be instrumental in bringing about a revolution in India. The revolution ushered in by you will command greater respect because people of your standing in the higher rungs of the caste hierarchy like the Brahmin and Kshatriya classes, will enjoy greater acceptability. Such an acceptability will not come in the case of Chhatra Sangharsh Samiti and Lok Sangharsh Samiti-at least not in the Hindu Society. 

God bless you" 

[Aus dem Hindi übersetzt: http://www.hvk.org/specialarticles/rssrevo/rssrevo.html. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-17. -- Fair use]


Gründung von Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha (BJYM) -- Hindi: भारतीय जनता युवा मोर्चा - Indian People's Youth Front


Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharatiya_Janata_Yuva_Morcha. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Gründung von Akhil Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Yojana [ABISY] [Akila Bharateeya Itihasa Sankalana Yojana] -- Hindi: अखिल भारतीय इतिहास-संकलन योजना -- All-India history reform project

Webpräsenz: http://itihasabharati.org/ -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akhil_Bharatiya_Itihas_Sankalan_Yojana. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Advani, Lal Krishna  <1927 -  > [لال کرشن اڈوانی]: A prisoner's scrapbook. -- New Delhi : Arnold-Heinemann, 1978. -- 327 S. -- Vorwort von Morarji Desai.

Abb.: Einbandtitel der Neuausgabe 2003
[Fair use]

1978-01 - 1979-03

Kerala (Malayalam: കേരളം): 164 gewaltsame Zusammenstöße zwischen swayamsevaks und Kommunisten

Abb.: Lage von Kerala (Malayalam: കേരളം)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Die Regierung zieht folgendes Schulbuch zurück:

Sharma, Ram Sharan [राम शरण शर्मा]<1919 - 2011>: Ancient India : a textbook for class XI. -- Delhi: National Council of Educational Research and Training, 1977. -- Online: https://byjus.com/pdf/Ancient-India-RS-Sharma.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26



Tod von Ramkrishna Dalmia (Hindi: राम कृष्ण डालमिया, 1893 - 1978)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ramkrishna_Dalmia. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-22


Tödliche Angriffe auf Muslime in Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़ / Urdu: علی گڑھ):

"The worst carnage ... took place in ... Manak Chowk [sic], a mohalla [Hindi: मोहल्ला -- Stadtteil] where a small pocket of 10-15 Muslim houses was surrounded by Barahseni (Varshney [Hindi: वार्ष्णेय]) houses.... Two young men were burnt alive. And it was not done by goondas [Hindi: गुंडा, Urdu: -- گنڈاGauner]. Most conspicuous at the head of the assailants was K. K. Navman, the Janata Chief in Aligarh, and a host of persons "known to be members of the RSS." Among them, although he was later to demonstrate that there was no evidence against him, was Dr. B. D. Gupta, a lecturer from AMU [Aligarh Muslim University] who was in the forefront in the fight against the Minority Bill."

[Violette Graff, zitiert in: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 167. -- Fair use]

"There was a function held in mohalla Manak Chowk [sic] by the ... RSS.... The RSS are strong patrons of many Aligarh akharas [Hindi: अखाड़ा - Kampfsportstätte] (though not all akharas are patronised by the RSS), where drills and organised fights (sakhas) are held. At this RSS function was a Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP), P. S. V. Prasad, who took part in the religious ritual. The SSP subsequently said he had attended at the invitation of personal contacts, a statement which gave Muslims little confidence in the unbiased attitude of the Aligarh police. Moreover, the mohalla of Manak Chowk [sic] is a sensitive one, bordering the area separating Hindu from Muslim localities. It had formerly been a largely Muslim mohalla, but concerted efforts of the Varshney and Aggarwal [Hindi: अग्रवाल] [sic] (Bania) castes had been made to purchase property there and transform it into a Hindu mohalla. Muslims claimed, and Hindus confirmed, that pressure, including intimidation and threats, had been put on Muslim householders to sell at concessional rates. A further aggravation to Muslims was that the Bania castes are strong supporters of militant Hindu groups, such as the RSS and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP)."

[Elizabeth Mann, zitiert in: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 168. -- Fair use]

"The Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC [Uttar Pradesh Provincial Armed Constabulary]) resorted to firing ... it fired deliberately at the Muslim houses.... According to Iqbal Ansari of AMU [Aligarh Muslim University], a Hindu gentleman of the area was asked on October 5 by the PAC men to identify the Muslim houses so that they could shoot them from a vantage point. In Manak Chowk [sic], it was estimated that of 40 Muslim houses with about 200 residents, ... 16 were burnt down and 20 residents remained after this incident, the rest having fled to Muslim mohallas."

[Peoples Union for Civil Liberties, zitiert in: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. . -- Fair use]


Om Prakash Tyagi (Hindi: ओम प्रकाश त्यागी,1912 - 1986) schlägt, vom RSS unterstützt, einen "Freedom of Religion Bill" vor, der Konversionen erschweren soll. Die Gesetzesvorlage wird wegen der Proteste der Minderheiten und der Christen zurückgezogen.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Om_Prakash_Tyagi. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26


Erste Nummer von Hinduism Today

Webpräsenz: https://hindu.org/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-17

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hinduism_Today. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-17

Abb.: Titelblatt 2018-01/03
[Fair use] 


Balasaheb Deoras (Marathi: बाळासाहेब देवरस, 1915 - 1996) empfieht in der Zeitschrift Organiser dem RSS eine starke Anbindung an Gandhi. Der einzige Unterschied zwischen Gandhi und RSS sei die Politik gegenüber den Muslimen.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Madhukar_Dattatraya_Deoras. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26


Allahabad (Hindi: इलाहाबाद): 2. World Hindu Conference der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्)

Siehe: http://vhp.org/conferences/world-hindu-conference/world-hindu-conference-2-whc-ii/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-03

Die VHP beschließt ein "minimum code of conduct for the daily life of every Hindu":

"Accordingly the VHP once again proposed a ‘minimum code of conduct for the daily life of every Hindu’, the object of which was to unify religious practices and references.
  • Article 1 called for all Hindus to venerate the sun every morning and evening;
  • Article 2 for the regular use of the symbol ‘Om’ [ॐ] (as a pendant and on visiting cards, for example);
  • while Article 3 was even more explicit:

    "Bhagavad Gita [Sanskrit: भगवद्गीता] is the sacred book of the Hindus irrespective of various sampradayas [Sanskrit: सम्प्रदाय] [sects] which contains the essence of Hindu Philosophy and way of life. Every Hindu must keep a copy of the Gita in his house.""

[Quelle: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 348. -- Fair use]


Marichjhapi Massacre (Bengali: মরিচঝাঁপি হত্যাকান্ড)

50 bis 5000 Tote

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marichjhapi_incident. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-03

Abb.: Lage von  Marichjhapi (Bengali: মরিচঝাঁপি)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Swami Chinmayananda Saraswati (Malayalam: ചിന്മയാനന്ദ, 1916 – 1993) in der Zeitschrift Hindu Vishva der Vishwa Hindu Parishad of America.

"Christianity and Islam were well organised. Hindus, on the other hand, were still speaking with different voices and thus had no voice in their own country. Let us convert Hindus to Hinduism, and then everything would be all-right."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 348. -- Fair use]


Gründung des Bharatiya Kisan Sangh - Hindi: भारतीय किसान संघ -- Indian Farmers' Association

Webpräsenz Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharatiya_Kisan_Sangh. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Die Hindi_Wochenzeitschrift दिनमान (Dinman) veröffentlicht den Entwurf von Jayaparakash Narayan (Hindi: जयप्रकाश नारायण, 1902 - 1979) an Prime Minister Moraji Desai (Gujarati: મોરારજી દેસાઈ, 1896 - 1995). Jayaprakash hatte den Entwurf geschrieben bevor er am 1979-03-18 ins Krankenhaus eingeliefert wurde:

"Some friends have repeatedly complained that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is making efforts to grab the leadership in the Government. Like other political parties the RSS is free to influence politics and it is doing so. But my only objection is that the RSS people are trying to influence politics under the garb of a cultural organization. I have advised the leaders of the RSS to merge themselves with organizations sympathetic to them or get affiliated with the Janata Party. But, they declined my advice on the plea that they have nothing to do with politics. I absolutely do not agree with this logic of the RSS. I still feel that the RSS should merge itself with the pro-Janata organizations. But if it is bent upon retaining its own distinct identity I would then repeat that it should include in it non-Hindus - Muslims, Christians, etc. I have always condemned Hindu nationalism of the RSS. For it is a dangerous doctrine and is against the ideal of composite Indtan nationalism. In democracy every organization has a right to propagate its philosophy or ideology - this is essence of democracy. But when it aspires to dominate politics, we would have to be careful to see whether such philosophy or ideology threatens the basic philosophy of Indian nationalism. I have no quarrel with the association of the RSS with the Janata Party. But it will have to give up its Hindu image and become completely secular. If it does not do so, it should keep its hands off politics, and snap its ties with every faction of the Janata Party.

But as Prime Minister of India, it is your duty to make efforts to improve the RSS or make it a secular force. Its efforts to upset the secular basis of Indian nationalism and the government should be opposed by all thinking individuals."

[Zitiert in: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 33. -- Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Jamshedpur (जमशेदपुर)

Abb.: Lage von Jamshedpur (जमशेदपुर)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus im Nadia District (Bengali: নদিয়া জেলা)

1979-07-28 - 1980-01-14

Chaudhary Charan Singh (Hindi: चौधरी चरण सिंह, 1902 - 1987) (Bharatiya Lok Dal) ist Prime Minister Indiens.

Abb.: Chaudhary Charan Singh (Hindi: चौधरी चरण सिंह, 1902 - 1987)
[Bildquelle; Ashutosh Teotia/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]


Es erscheint:

Vajpayee, Atal Bihari [Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी] <1924 - >: All responsible for Janata crisis. -- In: Indian Express. -- 1979-08-02

""Having said this, I must also add that the RSS, claiming to be a social and cultural organisation, should have taken greater pains to demonstrate that they did not seek a political role. Patronising a press that takes sides in the sordid politics of power, involvement in youth bodies that interact with political parties, participating in trade union rivalries such as the one which recently brought enormous misery to the people of Delhi by callously cutting off the water supply - these do not help the organisation to establish its apolitical credentials.

It is possible that some people genuinely feel apprehensive about the RSS. A certain onus accordingly devolved on the RSS, an onus that has not been discharged effectively by the RSS. Its repudiation of the theocratic form of the state was welcome, yet the question could legitimately be asked - why does it not open its doors to non-Hindus? Recent statements of the RSS Chief, Mr. Deoras, indicates that non-Hindus are being encouraged to join the organisation. A natural corollary of this proposal would be clear enunciation by the RSS that by Hindu Rashtra it means the Indian nation which includes non-Hindus as equal members.

The other course of action open to the RSS could be to function only as a Hindu religion-cum-social-cultural organisation wedded to the task of eradicating the evils, revitalising it to face the challenges of modern times. The kind of selfless service t hat the RSS has rendered in times of natural calamities has endeared it even to its critics and has established beyond doubt its capacity for constructive work for ameliorating the suffering of those who are in need of help. Such an organisation will draw support and sustenance from members of various political parties as has been the case with institutions like the Arya Samaj."

[Zitat: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >. -- http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl1704/17040360.htm. -- Zugriff am 2018-056-03. -- Fair use]  

1979-12 - 1980-01

Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) Wahlen

Abb.: Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) 1980: gewonnene Sitze
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29]


Es erscheinen viele Pamphlete zur Geschichte von Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या). Alle haben einen ähnlichen Inhalt:

"In the late 1980s many pamphlets were published regarding the history of Ayodhya but all were broadly similar in outline. Pandey and Bhattacharya, who studied five of them, found that they all contained the following basic story: Ram [राम] is said to have been born in Ayodhya in the Treta Yuga [Sanskrit: त्रेता युग]. The town went into decline when he moved his capital to Saketa [Sanskrit: साकेत]. Knowledge of the location of the Ramjanmabhoomi [Sanskrit: रामजन्मभूमि] was then lost. King Vikramaditya [Sanskrit: विक्रमादित्य], after miraculously rediscovering the site, built a temple which remained intact despite the decline of the surrounding city. It was later destroyed by Babur [1483 - 1530] [Persisch: ظهير الدين محمد بابر] who constructed a mosque in its place. Subsequently Hindus made repeated but unsuccessful efforts to recover control of the site. In 1949, the appearance of the idol of Ram is seen as an appeal by the deity ‘to remind the Hindus of the sacred history of the place and their duty to liberate it’."

[Quelle: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 401. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung von Hindu Seva Pratishthana -- Kannada: ಹಿಂದು ಸೇವಾ ಪ್ರತಿಷ್ಠಾನ


Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Gründung von Hindu Munnani -- Tamil: இந்து முன்னணி

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_Munnani / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_Munnani. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-21

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


All India Radio beginnt mit der täglichen Übertragung von Teilen des Ramcharitmanas (Awadhi: रीरामचरितमानस) von Tulsidas (Awadhi: तुलसीदास, gest. 1623).

1980-01-14 - 1984-10-31

Indira Gandhi (Hindi: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984) (Congress) ist Prime Minister Indiens

Abb.: Indira Gandhi (Hindi: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984), 1981
[CC0 1.0]


Gründung von The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, "Indische Volkspartei") - Hindi: भारतीय जनता पार्टी -- Indian People's Party


Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharatiya_Janata_Party / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharatiya_Janata_Party. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: BJP Manifesto for 2014 Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) Elections
[Bildquelle: Narendra Modi. -- https://www.flickr.com/photos/92359345@N07/13970363996. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-13. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Abb.: Wahlergebnisse der BJP bei Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा), 1984 - 2014
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharatiya_Janata_Party. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-02]

Abb.: Anzahl der Sitze der BJP in Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) (von total 545 Sitzen), 1984 - 2014
[Datenquelle: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/from-1980-to-2018-this-is-how-the-bjp-has-risen/articleshow/63638579.cms. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-06] ]

1980-04-06 - 1986

Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - ) ist Präsident der BJP.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atal_Bihari_Vajpayee / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atal_Bihari_Vajpayee. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05

Abb.: Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - ), 2001
[Bildquelle: www.kremlin.ru. -- CC BY 4.0]


Mandwi [Bengali: মান্দাই] massacre

350 bis 400 tote Bengali Hindus

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandai_massacre. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-03

Abb.: Lage von Mandwi (Bengali: মান্দাই)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1980-08-13 - 1980-11

Communal riots  zwischen Hindus und Muslims und Muslims und Polizei in Moradabad (Hindi: मुरादाबाद) und Umgebung

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1980_Moradabad_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01

Abb.: Lage von Moradabad (Hindi: मुरादाबाद), Uttar Pradesh (Hindi: उत्तर प्रदेश)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung der People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL)


Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People%27s_Union_for_Civil_Liberties. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-29

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Religionen Indiens

Abb.: Religionen Indiens nach dem Census 1981
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Gründung von Balagokulam -- Malayalam: ബാലഗോകുലം -- Hindi: बालगोकुलम

Webpräsenz: https://www.balagokulam.net/ / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Balagokulam. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Gründung von Samskrita Bharati - Sanskrit: संस्कृतभारती

Webpräsenz: https://samskritabharati.in/. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Gründung des Verlagshauses "Voice of India"

Webpräsenz: http://www.voiceofin.com/. -- Zugriff am 201804-07

"Voice of India (VOI) aims at providing an ideological defence of Hindu society and culture. It was founded by the late Sri Sita Ram Goel [Hindi: सीता राम गोयल, 1921 - 2003] and late Sri Ram Swarup [Hindi: राम स्‍वरूप, 1920 - 1998], and has published over one hundred odd books and pamphlets.

From 1950 onwards Sita Ram Goel and Ram Swarup participated in and led a movement warning against the growing danger which international communism presented to the newly won freedom of the country. The numerous studies published by the movement exist in cold print in many libraries.

In the 1980s Voice of India started taking shape as the two scholars began writing on Islam and Christianity in India, analyzing these alien ideologies which have been on a warpath against Hindu civilization since the days of foreign domination over the Hindu homeland.

As activities around Voice of India grew, intellectuals like

  • K. S. Lal [Hindi: किशोरी शरण लाल, 1920 - 2002],
  • Abhas Chaterjee [Bengali: আভাস চট্টোপাধ্যায়, 1942 - ],
  • Arun Shourie [Hindi: अरुण शौरी, 1941 - ],
  • David Frawley [1950 - ],
  • Koenraad Elst [1959 - ],
  • N. S. Rajaram [1943 - ],
  • Shrikant Talageri [1958 - ],
  • Ishwar Sharan
  • and others

came together and put up a Hindu ideological front to identify and respond to the united front of entrenched alien forces—Islam, Christianity, Communism and Nehruism—trying to disrupt and discredit the perennial values of the Indian ethos.

Now Hindu society has many more battles to fight. Hindu prime ministers must prove themselves secular to the national and international media, growing terrorist activities along the borders are blamed on the Indian Army, and the wombs of Indian women are sold for “surrogacy.” Hindus hope that Muslims will one day correct Islam, even as they continue to look up to western academia who invariably mistranslate and distort the eternal Hindu tradition."

[Quelle: http://www.voiceofin.com/about-us/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-07. -- Fair use]



Es erscheint:

Our five commitments / Bharatiya Janata Party. -- Delhi: Asiatic Printers, 1981. -- 20 S.

Die fünf commitments sind:

  1. “nationalism and national integration”
  2. “democracy”
  3. “positive secularism”
  4. “Gandhian socialism”
  5. “value-based politics”.


Lucknow (Hindi: लखनऊ): Gründung von Samskar Bharti -- Hindi: संस्कार भारती


Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Meenakshipuram [Tamil: மீனாட்சிபுரம்]: 180 Dalit-Familien konvertieren zum Islam.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1981_Meenakshipuram_conversion. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-20

Abb.: Lage von Meenakshipuram (Tamil: மீனாட்சிபுரம்)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Es erscheint der Leitartikel:

International Islamic conspiracy for mass conversion of Harijans. -- In: Times of India

"Plans to convert poor Harijans to Islam and setting up of a host of organisations of journalists, youths trade-unions and kisan sabhas [peasant associations] with the help of ‘friendly’ Arab countries and Islamic organisations in London and Europe have come to light. The Union Home Ministry is perturbed at these developments and is investigating reports on the activities of extreme Muslim organisations such as Jamaat-e-Islami."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 341. -- Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Yadava-Hindus und Muslimen in Biharsharif (Hindi बिहार शरीफ़)

Abb.: Lage von Biharsharif (Hindi बिहार शरीफ़)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Aus einem Untersuchungsbericht über die communal riots in Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़ / Urdu: علی گڑھ):

"With the phenomenal rise in the price of land in the Aligarh town, the tendency to force the Muslim artisans to vacate their houses and shops located in the business centres or more developed residential areas dominated by Hindu Banias [Hindi: बनिया]

] has been steadily gaining strength. This tendency manifested itself prominently in the riots of October, 1978, and May-June, 1981. During these riots killings in Manik Chowk [sic] and Dahi Wali Gali are known to have been organized by the local roughs in league with the land hungry rich of these localities."

[Zitiert in: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 166. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bania_(caste) . -- Zugriff am 2018-06-30

Abb.: Lage von Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़, Urdu علی گڑھ )
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen Hinus und Muslimen in Hyderabad (Telugu: హైదరాబాద్)

Abb.: Lage von Hyderabad (Telugu: హైదరాబాద్)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Meenakshipuram (Tamil: மீனாட்சிபுரம்): Hindu Solidarity Conference der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्). Deklaration:

"We, the religious heads assembled today at Meenakshipuram [Tamil: மீனாட்சிபுரம்] solemnly declare that our Vedas [Sanskrit: वेद] and Shastras [Sanskrit: शास्त्र] have not mentioned untouchability in any form, anywhere but have propounded only complete brotherhood. [...] We therefore ardently appeal to all our Hindu brethren to individually and collectively throw out these evils lock, stock and barrel and strive to ensure equality and fraternity among all sections of our Hindu people."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 349. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Meenakshipuram (Tamil: மீனாட்சிபுரம்)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Es folgt eine Reihe ähnlicher Konferenzen in ganz Indien.


Karan Singh (Hindi: कर्ण सिंह, 1931 - ) gründet den Virat Hindu Samaj (VHS) (Hindi: विराट हिन्दू समाज)

Webpräsenz: https://vhsindia.org/. --  Zugriff am 2018-04-05

Karan Singh 1994-02-09 über die Motive der Gründung:

"The Virat Hindu Samaj, basically, was envisaged as a social reform organisation. The real, proximate cause was the conversions of Meenakshipuram. [...] I tried to put the emphasis on looking inwards. Why is it that people convert? Is it that the Harijans still feel discriminated against? The Hindu opinion was divided, even before independence into two streams, one is the RSS parivar [family], the other may be called the Congress parivar. The latter never call themselves Hindus but they are also good Hindus as anybody else. In a way the Virat Hindu Samaj was a sort of an attempt to bridge. I, having been in the Congress all my life, felt that there were people who may be turned off, who may not go to the RSS parivar but who would come here."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 364 -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karan_Singh / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karan_Singh. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05


Delhi (Hindi: दिल्ली): Karan Singh (Hindi: कर्ण सिंह, 1931 - ) leitet eine Zusammenkunft (Hindi: सम्मलेन) von Zehntausenden. Die Slogans, die gebrüllt werden, sind gegen Unberührbarkeit, den Einfluss der Geldströme aus den Golfstaaten und gegen das Fehlen eines einheitlichen Zivilrechts (ohne Sharia (Arabisch: شريعة )).

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karan_Singh / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karan_Singh. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Solapur (Marathi: सोलापूर)

Abb.: Lage von Solapur (Marathi: सोलापूर)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Kanyakumari [Tamil: கன்னியாகுமரி ]: Blutige Auseinandersetzungen zwischen Hindus und Christen

9 Tote

Venugopal Commission of Inquiry into the Kanyakumari riots of 1982 Religious Intolerance. Justice P. Venugopal [Tamil: பி வேணுகோபால்]:
"The RSS adopts a militant and aggressive attitude and sets itself as the champion of what it considers to be the rights of Hindus against minorities. It has taken upon itself the task to teach the minority their place and if they are not willing to learn their place, teach them a lesson. The RSS has given respectability to communalism and communal riots and demoralize administration [sic]. The RSS methodology for provoking communal violence is:
  1. rousing communal feelings in the majority community by the propaganda that Christians are not loyal citizens of this country;
  2. deepening the fear in the majority community by a clever propaganda that the population of the minorities is increasing and that of Hindus decreasing;
  3. infiltrating into the administration and inducing the members of the civil and police services by adopting and developing communal attitudes;
  4. training young people of the majority community in the use of weapons like dagger, sword and spear;
  5. spreading rumours to widen the communal cleavage and deepen communal feelings by giving colour to any trivial incident.

The RSS shakhas include in their programmes training in lathis, swords, javelin throw. Drills, exercises, parades and other activities are organized in playgrounds and other public places. All these activities are organized in the name of physical training. The aim behind these activities appears to be to inculcate an attitude of militancy and training for any kind of civil strife. They often cause apprehension, fear and a sense of insecurity among the minorities. It prejudicially affects maintenance of public tranquility."

[Zitiert in: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 9. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Kanyakumari [Tamil: கன்னியாகுமரி ]
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen muslimischen Dalit und Hindus in Meenakshipuram (Tamil: மீனாட்சிபுரம்)


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Meerut (Hindi: मेरठ)

Abb.: Lage von Meerut (Hindi: मेरठ)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Delhi (Hindi: दिल्ली): Sita Ram Goel (Hindi: सीता राम गोयल, 1921 - 2003) gründet das Verlagshaus Voice of India

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voice_of_India / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Voice_of_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-10


Nellie (Assami: নেলী) massacre an Muslimen im Nagaon District (Assami: নগাঁও জিলা), Assam (Assami: অসম)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nellie_massacre. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01

2.191 Tote in 14 Dörfern des Nagaon District


Abb.: Lage des Nagaon District (Assami: নগাঁও জিলা)
[Public domain]


Es erscheint:

Sindhu [Pseud.]: BJP : a strategy for victory. -- In: Organiser

"Basically it [BJP] has to become something more than a party; it has to become a movement - to be able to fire the imagination of the country and offer a significantly superior alternative to the ruling party. [...] BJS  was popularly known as some kind of a ‘Hindu Party’. The BJP has a tendency to play down its Hindu character. Nobody need quarrel with its efforts to attract non-Hindus. But many may also view it as a certain weakening of character."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 327. -- Fair use]


Haridwar (Hindi: हरिद्वार): Im Beisein von Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (Hindi: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984) wird der Bharat Mata Mandir (Hindi: भारत माता मंदिर - Mother India Temple) eingeweiht. Initiator: Swami Satyamitranand Giri (Hindi: स्वामी सत्यमित्रानन्द गिरि, 1932 - )

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swami_Satyamitranand. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-04

Der Tempel hat mehrere Stockwerke:

Abb.: Lage von Haridwar (Hindi: हरिद्वार)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen Hinus und Muslimen in Hyderabad (Telugu: హైదరాబాద్)

Abb.: Lage von Hyderabad (Telugu: హైదరాబాద్)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Ekatmata Yatra (Sanskrit: एकात्मता यात्रा) der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्)

Abb.: Routen der Ekatmata Yatra (Sanskrit: एकात्मता यात्रा)
[Bildquelle: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: https://www.cairn.info/revue-politix-2007-1-page-79.html#pa24. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26. -- Fair use]

Die Yatra (यात्रा)

Abb.: Bharat Mata (Hindi: भारत माता - Mutter Indien)
[Bildquelle: Akhand hind fauj/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]


Wahlmanifest der BJP zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा)

Towards a new polity : election manifest Lok Sabha election 1984 / Bharatiya Janata Party. -- Online: http://library.bjp.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/237/1/BJP%20ELECTION%20MANIFESTO%201984.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-03

"BJP is pledged to defend the unity and integrity or India it believes that India, from Kashmir to Kanya Kumari, is one country, and all  Indians, irrespective of language, caste or creed, are one people. Unity in diversity has been the hallmark of Indian culture, which is a unique multi-head synthesis of the cultural contributions made over the centuries by different peoples and religions. In Indian tradition, since times immemorial, the State has always been a civil institution, which makes no distinction between one citizen and another on grounds of his religion. The very idea of a theocratic state is alien to Indian political history. So, when India became independent in 1947, we very naturally declared ourselves a secular state, unconcerned that Pakistan had opted for theocracy.

It is this positive concept of secularism to which BJP is committed. Secularism should not be allowed to become a euphemism for appeasement, alternately of this community, or that, or a sordid political device to garner bloc-votes."

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]]


Bangalore (Kannada: ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು): es erscheint:

Deoras, Balasaheb [बाळासाहेब देवरस = Madhukar Dattatraya Devaras -- मधुकर दत्तात्रेय देवरस] <1915 - 1996>: Answers questions. -- Bangalore : Sahitya Sindhu, 1984. -- 54 S. -- Online: http://www.panjabdigilib.org/webuser/searches/displayPage.jsp?ID=15310&page=1&CategoryID=1&Searched=. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-19


"Q. How would you define the relation between the BJP and the RSS? Or would you totally deny any kind of relationship?

A. A Swayamsevak [Hindi: स्वयंसेवक], just as any other citizen, has a right to join or form any political party. As such, in the RSS constitution, the Swayamsevak in his individual capacity is allowed to join any political party which does not believe in violence or secrecy, or has no extra-national loyalties or does not encourage communalism. But it is for the other political parties to welcome him. If they don’t welcome him, we can’t help it. Take the example of Congress. In 1950s, Sardar Patel [Gujarati:  વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ, 1875 - 1950] had got passed in the Congress Working Committee a resolution opening its doors to RSS Swayamsevaks. However, Pandit Nehru [Hindi: जवाहरलाल नेहरू, ], who was abroad at that time, after his return, reversed the decision.

And previous to that, a peculiar situation had developed. When the RSS was founded in 1925 and even later on, there was no discussion about the RSS relationship with political parties. When, however, Gandhiji was murdered in 1948, and the Sangh was banned—and although it was a totally unjustified and uncalled-for ban—not a single Member of Parliament or of any Assembly challenged the unjust ban. Then we launched Satyagraha [Sanskrit: सत्याग्रह] in which one lakh [100.000] Swayamsevaks courted arrest. At that time also no political leader opened his lips. Some of our Swayamsevaks felt that such an isolation is no good and something must be done. They felt that though RSS may have no politics, some members of the RSS, who have the liking and ability, should take part in politics. That view was shared by Swayamsevaks like Deendayal Upadhyaya [Hindi: दीनदयाल उपाध्याय, 1916 - 1968], Atal Behari Vajpayee [Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - ], Lal Krishna Advani [1927 -  -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی], Sundar Singh Bhandari [Hindi: सुन्दर सिंह भण्डारी, 1921 - 2005], etc.

In 1951 or so, when Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee [Bengali: শ্যামাপ্রসাদ মুখোপাধ্যায়, 1901 - 1953] came forward to start the Jana Sangh  [Hindi: भारतीय जन संघ], the situation was such that it was the only party which was prepared to welcome the RSS members. Naturally, the Swayamsevaks whom I mentioned now and other like-minded members joined the Jana Sangh. Unfortunately, Dr Shyama Prasad Mukherjee died within two years, and the burden of building up the Jana Sangh as a political party fell on the shoulders of these RSS men. But our stand has always been that RSS and Jana Sangh—now BJP— are totally different bodies; their constitution, their office-bearers, their finances—all these are entirely different from ours.

Only when you go into this historical background can you properly appreciate the relationship between the two.

However, I do want our Swayamsevaks to join different political parties. The reason is, there is ‘political casteism’ today in our country. Just as there is social casteism, this political casteism is also creating many nasty problems. This barrier of casteism’ can be broken if RSS people join all political parties. Then, they would be working in different parties, but in the morning or in the evening they would be playing and singing together in the Shakha [Hindi: शाखा] and imbibing the faith that all are patriots having a common meeting-ground. So I say, let the other political parties welcome the Swayamsevaks without any reservations."

[Zitiert in: Hindu nationalism : a reader / ed. by Christophe Jaffrelot. -- Princeton : Univ. Pr., 2007. -- ISBN 978-0-691-13098-9. -- S. 188. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint

Thengadi, Dattatreya Balkrishna [दत्तोपंत बापूराव ठेंगडी] <1920 - 2004>: Modernisation without westernisation. -- New Delhi : Suruchi, 1984. -- 43 S. -- Online: https://groups.google.com/forum/#!topic/soc.culture.indian/8yvC4DFg1I8. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-11
"Westernisation Defined

And now, what is 'Westernisation'? Broadly, it means 'making oriental people or country to adopt ideas, ideals, institutions, systems, structures, livingstandards and values of life, of the West'.

Western or Eastern

But it is not so easy to identify what exactly is 'Western'. So far as the ever-expanding frontiers of human knowledge are concerned, it is noteworthy that 'truth' has no caste, no community, no party, no class, no nation. Itis invariably universal, though the first persons to come across or realise such truth may be belonging to some nation or class or region. For example,can any one specify whether the following items are Western or Eastern?

  1. The well-known theorem of Pythagorus who was described by King [!] Clement of Alexandria as "the pupil of a Brahmin" 
  2. The atomic theory of the West which was anticipated thousands of years  ago by Pramanuvad of Kanaad. 
  3. Dialecticism of Hegel and Marx, which was first envisaged and systematised by Kapil Muni. 
  4. The fact that it is the Earth which moves round the Sun, and not the Sun around the Earth, which was proved by Copernicus, and more than one thousand years before Copernicus, by Arya Bhatta. 
  5. 'Materialism of Democratus' [!] - of which the first ever Sutra was written by Bruhaspathi centuries back ( 'prasatho sat` ajaayat' ) (out of     non-existence emerged existence). 
  6. Scientific concepts of Space and Time explained by Einstein and enunciated first by Vendanta Philosophers. 
  7. The scientific definition of Matter given for the first time to modern science by Heisenberg and to Hindus by Patanjali. 
  8. The Relativity of Time and Space, the unity of the universe, a Space-Time Continuum, etc. established in ancient times by Vedantic thinkers and proved this century by Einstein. 
  9. The process of scientific philosophical thinking initiated by  Parmeshthi Prajapitha of 'naasdeeya suktha' and climaxed by Einstein.

As H.G. Chernyshevsky observed, "the principles explained and proved by the present day sciences were already found and taken to be true by the Greek philosophers, and much earlier - by the Indian thinkers".

All Knowledge Universal

To sum up:

All knowledge is universal; it is neither western nor eastern.

The same holds good about all sciences and technology. True the advance of the West in this direction commenced after the European Renaissance, and during this entire intervening period we could not register normal rate of progress for the simple reason that we were throughout engaged in the life-and-death struggle on a national plane; but it is an indisputable fact that Hindu Sciences and Hindu Arts had migrated to Greece, via Arabia and Persia, before the European Renaissance, which was preceded by the Dark Age of Europe. Newton once remarked, "If I have been able to see further thanthan other men, it was because I stood on the shoulders of giants".

What is true of an individual, can be equally true of a nation. Today we aspire to stand on the shoulders of the western giants; but the west could raise these giants because, during Renaissance, entire intelligentsia of Europe stood on the shoulders of Hindu giants. It is therefore, unrealistic to describe any knowledge as western or eastern; it is all universal."

[a.a.O., S. 5f. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dattopant_Thengadi. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23


Es erscheint:

Action unavoidable, situation avoidable : Hindu-Sikh unity at all cost : B.J.P. on Punjab / Bharatiya Janata Party. -- New Delhi : Bharatiya Janata Party Publication, 1984. -- 9 S.

"The Sikh Panth was born to protect Hinduism and venerable Gurus sacrificed themselves and their dear children to protect Hindu honour. The Sikh contribution to the strength and prosperity of India is magnificient, and the nation is truly grateful."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 345. -- Fair use]

1984-02-14 - 1984-03-08

Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Sikhs in Amritsar (Panjabi ਅੰਮ੍ਰਿਤਸਰ)

Abb.: Lage von Amritsar (Panjabi ਅੰਮ੍ਰਿਤਸਰ)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Punjab (ਪੰਜਾਬ): 11 Hindus werden aus Bussen und Zügen heraus von Sikhs getötet

Abb.: Lage von Punjab (Panjabi: ਪੰਜਾਬ)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


New Delhi (Hindi: नई दिल्ली): Erste Dharma Sansad (Hindi: धर्म संसद) der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्)
"Bharat: First Dharma Sansad (Parliament of Hindu Schools of Dharma; the cabinet being the Kendriya Margadarshak Mandal [Hindi: केंद्रीय मार्गदर्शक मंडल] held at New Delhi on April 7-8, 1984 with the participation of 558 Sant-Mahatmas and Dharmacharyas belonging to 76 Panths of Hindu Dharma. Its significant achievement was creation of public awareness about Sri Rama Janma Bhumi through the medium of Shriram-Janaki Rath Yatras. There are five main philosophical traditions in Hinduism: Shankaracharya, Ramanujacharya, Madhwacharya, Nimbarkacharya and Vallabhacharya. All of them are to represent in future Dharma Sansads. Next in seniority are the Acharya Mahamandaleshwaras who head the nine Shaiva Akhadas (academies) and the Shrimahants who head the four Vaishnavite Akhadas. The Sansads would also comprise of leading lights of 1,100 sects. VHP Chapters abroad honoured the resolutions of the Dharma Sansad and accepted to do the needful."

[Quelle: http://vhp.org/vhp-50/vhp-has-multi-dimensional-activities/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-04. -- Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई), Thane (Marathi: ठाणे), Bhiwandi (Marathi: भिवंडी)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1984_Bhiwandi_riot. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-05

Abb.: Lage von Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई), Thane (Marathi: ठाणे), Bhiwandi (Marathi: भिवंडी)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Die Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्) (VHP) bildet eine Sri Rama Janma Bhumi Mukti Yajna Samiti -- Hindi: श्रीराम जन्मभूमि मुक्ति यज्ञ समिति (Opferkomitee zur Befreiung von Ramas Geburtsplatz).


Communal riots zwischen Hinus und Muslimen in Hyderabad (Telugu: హైదరాబాద్)

Abb.: Lage von Hyderabad (Telugu: హైదరాబాద్)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung des Bajrang Dal - Hindi: बजरंग दल

Webpräsenz Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bajrang_Dal. --  Zugriff am 2018-02-21.

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Gründung von Durga Vahini - Hindi: दुर्गा वाहिनी [Armee der Durga]

Webpräsenz: bei Vishva Hindu Parishad: http://vhp.org/vhp-glance/youth/durga-vahini/ - Zugriff 2018-02-19.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Durga_Vahini. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Prime Minister Indira Gandhi (Hindi: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984) wird von zwei ihrer Sikh-Leibwächter ermordet.

1984-10-31 - 1981-11-03

Schwere Ausschreitungen gegen Sikhs als Rache für den Mord an Indira Gandhi.

Die Ausschreitungen finden an verschiedenen Orten statt, außerhalb Punjab (Panjabi: ਪੰਜਾਬ) besonders in:

insgesamt bis 8.000 ermordete Sikhs.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1984_anti-Sikh_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-02

Abb.: Lage des Punjab (Panjabi: ਪੰਜਾਬ)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1984-10-31 - 1989-12-02

Rajiv Gandhi (Hindi: राजीव गाँधी: 1944 - 1991) (Congress) ist Prime Minister von Indien.

Abb.: Rajiv Gandhi (Hindi: राजीव गाँधी: 1944 - 1991), 1985
[CC0 1.0]


Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा)

Abb.: Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) 1984: gewonnene Sitze
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29]


Es erscheint:

Swarup, Ram [Hindi: राम स्‍वरूप] <1920 - 1998: Hindu-Sikh relationship. -- New Delhi: Voice of India, 1985. -- 23 S. ; 21 cm. -- Mit einer Einleitung von Sita Ram Goel [Hindi: सीता राम गोयल] <1921 - 2003>. -- Online: http://library.bjp.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/560/1/8.Hindu-Sikh%20Relationship.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-23


Sikhs have always been honoured members of Hindu society. Hindus at large have always cherished the legacy left by the Gurus and venerated Sikh Gurudwaras no less than the shrines of any other Hindu sect. There has never been any bar on inter-marriage, inter-dining and many other modes of inter-mingling between the parent Hindu society on the one hand and the Sikh community on the other. Hindus and Sikhs share a common cultural heritage and a common historical consciousness of persecutions suffered and freedom struggles fought.


Sikh Separatism

The British had conquered India through their superiority in the art of warfare. They could not hope to hold such a big country by means of military might alone. They had to devise policies of divide any rule. The residues of Islamic imperialism had become their allies quite early in course of the conquest. Now they had to contend with the national society constituted by Hindus. It became the main plank of their policy, therefore, to fragment Hindu society and pit the pieces against each other. At the same time, they tried to create pockets of solid support for their regime in India. One such pocket was provided by the Sikhs.

The British planned and put into operation a move to separate and seal off the Sikh community from its parent Hindu society by converting it into a distinct religious minority like the Muslims and the Christians. Tutored Sikh theologians and scholars were patronized to make them pronounce that Sikhism was a decisive departure from Hinduism, the same as Christianity was from Judaism. The labours of Christian missionaries and the finding of Western Indology were mobilized in order to achieve this end.

Christian missionaries had discovered quite early in their evangelical endeavours that the strength of Hindu society and culture lay ultimately in the mainstream of Hindu spirituality as expounded in the Vedas, the Puranas and the Dharmashastras. It was this spirituality which had served Hindu society in meeting and defeating several foreign invaders. The missionaries had, therefore, subjected this spirituality to a sustained attack by misnaming it as Brahmanism and misrepresenting it as a system of polytheistic and idolatorous paganism leading to sin in this world and perdition in the next.

At a later stage, Western Indologists had joined forces with the Christian missionaries, sometimes inadvertently due to their ignorance of Indian culture and sometimes deliberately due to mischievous political motives. According to the “scientific studies” carried out by the Indologists, Brahminism was an alien imposition on India brought in by “Aryan invaders” who had driven the “native Dravidians” to the South around 1500 B.C. Their “higher criticism” had “revealed” that the core of Brahmanism consisted of “primitive animism, puerile priestcraft and caste oppression of the enslaved aborigines.” They presented Buddhism and Jainism as “revolts” against the social system created by Brahmanism. The “revolt” was stated to have been continued and carried forward by some schools of the medieval Bhakti Movement of which Sikhism was supposed to be the foremost.

It was now relatively easy for some Sikh theologians and scholars to prove that Sikhism was closer to Christianity and Islam than to Hinduism. They forced Sikhism into the moulds of Semitic theologies. Sikhism, they pronounced, was monotheistic while Hinduism was polytheistic. Sikhism had a Book in the Adi Granth like the Bible and the Quran, while Hinduism had no Book. Sikhism, like Christianity and Islam had an apostolic tradition in its ten Gurus, while Hinduism knew no prophets. Sikhism frowned upon idolatory while Hinduism was full of it. Sikhism had no use for the Vedas, the Puranas and the social system of the Dharmashastras which formed the cornerstones of Hinduism. And so on, this exercise in alienating Sikhism from its parent Hinduism has been painstaking as well as persistent.

Small wonder that this perverted version of Sikhism should start showing signs of fanaticism and bigotry which have all along characterised monotheistic creeds like Islam and Christianity. Monotheism is the mother of all closed societies and closed cultures. It always divides mankind into believers and non-believers, momims and kafirs, and sets the one against the other. Sikh Gurus had struggled indefatiguably to rid this country of this ideological barbarism brought in by Islamic invaders. They had stood squarely for humanism, universalism and pluralism which have always been the hallmarks of Hindu spirituality. By forcing Sikhism into monotheistic moulds Sikh scholars have betrayed the Gurus. Sooner this scholarship is disowned by the Sikh society at large, the better it will be for its spiritual and cultural welfare.

There is no dearth of Sikh scholars who continue to see Sikh spirituality in the larger and older spiritual tradition of the Upanishads and the Puranas. But the dominant Sikh politicians who control the SPGC purse have progressively extended their patronage to the misinterpreters of Sikh scriptures. Let us hope that it is a passing phase and that truth will triumph in the long run. The Sikh scholars who cherish the spirituality bequeathed by the Gurus should come forward and make themselves heard more and more. Their voice is bound to ring true in the heart of the Sikh masses—a heart which is still tuned to Sabad-Kirtan, singing the ancient strains of Sanatana Dharma.

Sita Ram Goel [Hindi: सीता राम गोयल, 1921 - 2003]"

[a.a.=., S. 3, 9 - 12. -- Fair use]

1985-02 - 1986-10

Gujarat riots zwischen Hindus, Muslimen und Dalits in Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ) und Vadodara (Gujarati: વડોદરા), Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1985_Gujarat_riots

Abb.: Lage von Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ) und Vadodara (Gujarati: વડોદરા)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Chandmal Chopra (Bengali: চাঁদমল চোপড়া) beantragt beim High Court von Calcutta das Verbot des Korans.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Calcutta_Quran_Petition. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-13


Der oberste Gerichtshof entscheidet den Fall Mohd. Ahmed Khan v. Shah Bano Begum (محمد احمد خان، شاہ بانو کیس و دیگر).

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fall_Shah_Bano / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohd._Ahmed_Khan_v._Shah_Bano_Begum. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26


Das All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) (Urdu: آل انڈیا مسلم پرسنل لا بورڈ) veranstaltet eine "Sharia (Arabisch: شريعة )t protection week". In Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई) demonstrieren 300.000 Muslime für den Erhalt der Sharia (Arabisch: شريعة ), in Bihar (Hindi: बिहार) 400.000.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/All_India_Muslim_Personal_Law_Board. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26

Abb.: Lage von Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई) und Bihar (Hindi: बिहार)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

1986 - 1991-02

Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی ist Präsident der BJP.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lal_Krishna_Advani / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/L._K._Advani. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05

Abb.: Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی
[Public domain]


Muslime bilden das Babri Masjid Action Committee (BMAC)


Balasaheb Deoras (बाळासाहेब देवरस = Madhukar Dattatraya Devaras -- मधुकर दत्तात्रेय देवरस, 1915 - 1996) fordert in der RSS-Zeitschrift Organiser ein einheitliches Zivilrecht für alle Bürger Indiens, auch die Muslime.


Amritsar (Panjabi ਅੰਮ੍ਰਿਤਸਰ): Operation Black Thunder I. 300 militante Sikhs werden gefangen.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Black_Thunder. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-20

Abb.: Lage von Amritsar
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


The Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act 1986. -- Online: http://ncw.nic.in/acts/TheMuslimWomen(ProtectionofRightsonDivorce)Act_1986.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Muslim_Women_(Protection_of_Rights_on_Divorce)_Act_1986. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-26


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ), Vadodara (Gujarati: વડોદરા), Bharuch (Gujarati: ભરૂચ)

Abb.: Lage von  Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ), Vadodara (Gujarati: વડોદરા), Bharuch (Gujarati: ભરૂચ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung des Rashtriya Sikh Sangat -- Hindi: राष्ट्रीय सिख संगत  -- Panjabi: ਰਾਸ਼੍ਟ੍ਰੀ ਸਿਖ ਸਂਗਤ

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rashtriya_Sikh_Sangat. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-21

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


In Tanda, Distrikt Hoshiarpur (Panjabi ਹੁਸ਼ਿਆਰਪੁਰ),  töten Sikh (Khalistan Liberation Force) 24 Hindus aus einem Bus.

Abb.: Lage von Hoshiarpur (Panjabi ਹੁਸ਼ਿਆਰਪੁਰ)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Haridwar (Hindi: हरिद्वार): Swami Krishnananda (Kannada: ಕೃಷ್ಣಾನಂದ ಸರಸ್ವತಿ, 1922 - 2001), Divine Life Society, über Christentum

Abb.: Swami Krishnananda (Kannada: ಕೃಷ್ಣಾನಂದ ಸರಸ್ವತಿ, 1922 - 2001), 1972
[Bildquelle: Swami Narayanananda/Wikimedia. -- Free Art License 1.3 (FAL 1.3)]

"In his [Krishnanandas] exchanges with his audience, certain items recur—his displays of authority and knowledge, his hostility towards Christianity and women, his penchant for playing to the audience by ridiculing certain of its members. On one occasion when a group of twenty Europeans, who were touring Rishikesh’s ashrams with an Indian guide, conspicuously filled the audience, Krishnananda began to talk about Indian Christians. He maintained that Christians in India are only Indians in the political sense; they worship Jesus of Jerusalem and not Krishna of Mathura. The Indian Christian accompanying the Europeans began to tell Krishnananda how Indian Christians were increasingly adapting Indian cultural forms. Krishnananda interrupted him and asserted that unlike Hinduism, Christianity is an exclusive religion. It is part of western colonization and its imported culture. He reasoned that since most Indian Christians are Catholic [which is not true], "they take their orders from the Pope." Repressing Christian components within the teachings and structure of the Divine Life Society, components related to the influence of Christian missionary propaganda and educational institutions on many of its early members, a Hindu nationalist subtext can be read in Krishnananda’s comments. This subtext reads: Indian culture is Hindu culture; a true Indian worships gods who are Hindu and who were born on Indian soil."

[Quelle: McKean, Lise: Divine enterprise : gurus and the Hindu nationalist movement. -- Chicago : University Press, 1996. -- 361 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 0-226-56010-4. -- S. 194f.. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Krishnananda_Saraswati. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-11

1987-01-25 - 1988-07-31

Doordarshan (Hindi: दूरदर्शन) zeigt in 78 Folgen die TV-Serie Ramayan

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ramayan_(1986_TV_series). -- Zugriff am 2018-03-27

Abb.: Poster
[Fair use]


Chinesisch-Indisches Scharmützel in Arunachal Pradesh.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1987_Sino-Indian_skirmish. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-20

Abb.: Lage von Arunachal Pradesh
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

1987-03 - 1987-06

Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Meerut (Hindi: मेरठ)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1987_Meerut_communal_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01


Abb.: Lage von Meerut (Hindi: मेरठ), Uttar Pradesh (Hindi: उत्तर प्रदेश)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Die Zeitschrift Voice of Sivananda, Organ der Delhi Branch der Divine Light Society:

"India is the sacred land which has given birth to countless Sages, Rishis, Yo- gins, Saints and Prophets. India is the land that has produced many Acharyas or spiritual preceptors like Sri Shankara.. . . India is proud of Guru Govind Singh and Shivaji. . . . Krishna, Rama and all Avataras were born in India. How sacred India is! How sublime is India. The dust of Brindavan and Ayodhya, the land trodden by the sacred feet of Krishna and Rama, still purifies the heart of countless people. Even Jesus, during the missing period of his life, lived in Kashmir and learned Yoga from Indian Yogins."

Through her saints and swamis, who knowingly teach the divine wisdom of the Upanishads, Gita, and advaita vedanta, India can "lead all to prosperity, peace and perpetual bliss. Let India lead countries which are spiritually bankrupt. She alone can undertake this gigantic task. India alone can lead the world towards better understanding, harmony, fraternity and peace"

"She [India] cannot become glorious through building of more aeroplanes and warships. She should produce more Yogins, and victors over self. The governors of India should consult the saints on important matters of administration. They should accord them a high place of honour. Then and then alone will the Indian Government be righteous, divine and peaceful."

[Zitiert in: McKean, Lise: Divine enterprise : gurus and the Hindu nationalist movement. -- Chicago : University Press, 1996. -- 361 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 0-226-56010-4. -- S. 166, 168. -- Fair use]


Deorala (Hindi: दिवराला): Sati (Sanskrit: सती - Selbstverbrennung einer Witwe) von Roop Kanwar (Hindi: रूप कंवर, 1969 - 1987).

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roop_Kanwar / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Roop_Kanwar. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-04

Abb.: Lage von Deorala (Hindi: दिवराला)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Titelblatt der Zeitschrift Sunday: "The angry Hindu"

Abb.: Titelblatt
[Fair use]


Madras (Tamil: மதராஸ்): Tod von M. G. Ramachandran (MGR ; Tamil: ம. கோ. இராமச்சந்திரன் - எம். ஜி. ஆர், 1917 - 1987)

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/M._G._Ramachandran / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/M._G._Ramachandran. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-21

Abb.:  M. G. Ramachandran (MGR ; Tamil: ம. கோ. இராமச்சந்திரன்) mit V. N. Janaki (Tamil: வி. என். ஜானகி, 1923 - 1996) im Film Mohini (Tamil: மோகினி, 1948)
[Public domain]


Vidya Bharati (Hindi: विद्या भारती) startet das Sanskar Kendra (Hindi: संस्कार केन्द्र) Programm

"Today there are over 2000 Sanskar Kendras in the country. These centres conduct informal activities for imparting literacy, health-education, self-reliance, sanskriti, (culture), love for the country and social harmony. Special efforts are made to contact and educate the children who are unable to attend formal schools due to family circumstances or non-availability of such schools near their localities. Then there are children who attend formal schools but remain below standard due to adverse family circumstances. An effort is made to provide specific coaching to such children to bring them up to the required standard of their classes. Songs, story telling, games, role-acting, etc. are the major activities for children's development and sanskar learning."

[Quelle: Kuruvachira, J. (Jose) <1958 - >: Politicisation of Hindu religion in postmodern India : an anatomy of the worldviews, identities, and strategies of Hindu nationalists in Bharatiya Janata Party. -- Jaipur : Rawat Publications, 2008. -- 360 S. -- ISBN 81-316-0134-X. -- S. 140. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint das Pamphlet:

Angry Hindu [Pseud.]: "Angry Hindu?" : yes, why not?. -- New Delhi : Suruchi Prakashan, 1988. -- 16 S. : 21 cm. -- Online: https://skanda987.wordpress.com/2011/06/24/angry-hindu-yes-why-not/. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-27

“Angry Hindu” Yes! Why Not?

by Angry Hindu

This was written by a Hindu in France, and is making the email round. There is no alternative for Hindus but the lesson of the Mahabharata. The Pandavas regained their kingdom only because they finally understood and practised the rule of reciprocity. Where the exclusivisms are concerned, the historical evidence is that the only language they understand is their own. I challenge anyone to give a single example of the survival in any significant sense of a pre-existing worldview where the exclusivisms have conquered. And they’ve already conquered most of the world. The indic worldview is the only survivor – so far. 

Angry Hindu” Yes! Why Not?

“ANGRY HINDU” blared out a weekly edited by a noted “secularist” “Yes! Certainly I am angry. I have every reason to be angry. And it is also right for me to be so; otherwise I would be no man.”

“Yes! For too long I have suffered the affronts in silence. For ever so long I have been at receiving end. My people have been kidnapped by the hostiles. My numbers have dwindled. As a result, my adored motherland has been torn asunder. I have been deprived of my age-old rights over my own hearts and homes.

N.W.F.P, Sindh, Baluchistan, more than half of the Punjab, half of Bengal and a third of Kashmir, all these have been usurped from me. And I have been subjected to untold atrocities, dishonor and massacres. I was thrown out from what was once part of India. And yet you tell me that I should not get angry. I should not stand up and say, “Enough is enough.”

My temples have been desecrated and destroyed. The sacred deities in them have been trampled under the aggressors’ feet. My gods are crying. They demand for reinstatement to their original glory. When I speak out my agony, you of the secular tribe condemn me as a threat to our “secular peace”. You add insult to my injury. You rub salt into my wounded heart and yet expect me to keep my mouth shut. This you call justice!

And the thing that infuriates me most is the betrayal and the hypocrisy of your tribe. You get my votes but pamper those who attack me. Whenever I defend myself against them you denounce me as a communal. And when they raise an alarm, however false, you uphold it as their “minority right”. When some ruffians attack me and the police you go and make deals with attackers and carry them out with an iron hand. Every anti-Hindu agency in the world raises an accusing finger against me just because I raise my voice against cruelty and injustice. But when scores my temples are raised to ground in Kashmir and my brothers and sisters are squeezed out from there, my dear Sirs! Did any one of you ever utter a single word against this? And yet you accuse me of being angry.

When a Muslim or a Christian Head of State visits my country, you make the necessary arrangements for him or her to go and pray as well as address his followers in a Masjid or a church as the case may be. You even flash this with great fanfare in the press. There is even silent admiration for his devotion and act. But when our president or Prime Minister worships in a temple, you raise an alarm. You see in it even danger to our “secular’ tradition. Why so? You cannot even tolerate the Ramayana on the TV. You see in it the rise of “Hindu Fundamentalism”.

And your arguments afford one more sample for your double standards. Since some religious communities as compared to that of mine are small in number, you have chosen to call them minorities and have thus given them what you call “minority rights”. But in Kashmir and several N.E. States, Hindus are in a minority. And from these states the Hindu minority is either hounded out or treated as a second class citizen with no minority rights. No body has ever heard you raising any alarm that minorities are in danger of extinction in the said States.

Again, when the Muslim League and the Kerala Christian Congress merrily ruled Kerala in proxy either through Congress or the Communist Party, you never noted the ugly face of communalism. But when a small murmur of protest was raised you suddenly saw the fair face of Kerala haunted by the specter of communalism. Anything practiced by the Hindu minority becomes a great cause of intense concern for you. Even the breaking of a coconut or lighting of a lamp is taboo to you. For you, our national life minus every bit of Hinduism from it constitutes what you call secularism. In fact you want me to cease to be myself. I should not even claim myself as a Hindu in my own country.

This cannot be tolerated. In my heart throb the words of Aurobindo, “Bharat will rise with Sanatana Dharma.” And of Gandhi, “I would not like to live in an India which has ceased to be Hindu.” And of Annie Besant, “If Hinduism perishes; India will no more remain India.” And of Swami Vivekananda that “Hindu is India and India is Hindu.”

The simple and glaring fact is that I form 85% of the total population of India. And that I have shed my blood and sweat in freeing this country. And yet you expect me to continue to be deprived of rights which, those who sided with foreigners and helped to vivisect my motherland enjoy with impunity. That I should not be permitted to teach my children love for my culture and spiritual heritage; that I should stop speaking of my ancestral heroes while at the same time elements inimical to all that I hold sacred have a field day I their schools.

Do you not see the shocking discrimination in all this? Enormous amounts of my hard earned money poured out at the feet of my gods are squandered by those whom I have elected to rule the country. Where as the same rulers not only do not touch a single cent of so called minorities but also finance them at my cost. Even the Hajj Pilgrims are subsidized from my money. Should I, tell me frankly continue to sit silently in the face of such indignities, injustices and exploitations. And do you dare tell me that I have no right to be angry? Even a worm turns, they say. Do you think that I am worse than a worm?

For too long, I was lost in a deep coma. I saw nothing. I did nothing. My country was divided. But incessant blows have at least awakened me. I have now begun to see. I now understand and I have begun to feel and I shall speak out now. I shall now face the challenges.

Yours calling me as “Angry Hindu” has, in fact, made me happy. So far I was an angry landlord or an angry kisan, an angry employer or an angry worker or an angry Maratha, an angry Bengali, an angry Brahmin, or an angry Rajput, an angry Arya Samaji or an angry Jain and so on. But now you address me as an “angry Hindu” that encompasses all of the above. It signifies that now, after all these centuries, I have come to think and feel and act as one whole —- as HINDU. Even you will concede that it is not a small gain.

The one reason for my downfall all these centuries has been — I was a house divided against itself; because of the oblivion of my true and innate Hindu identity. And now even you, though unconsciously, have complimented me that I have realized my blunder and decided to mend the matters. And remember! On your admission, my anger is not of a small group here and there – each canceling out the other. Now my anger is that of more than 650 million people – remember this and take heed! I believed that others would respect my gods and temples as I respected others’. I believed that since I did not aggress upon other lands, others too would not trample upon mine. I believed that generosity begets generosity. I believed that my moral standards in warfare would be reciprocated by the enemies. I believed in the sanctity of womanhood even among the enemies. I expected the same from others. I believed in equal rights for all – irrespective of one’s faith, and I believed that the same attitude is shares by others as well.

But, Alas! Again and again I was deceived I was betrayed. I was stabbed in the back. In return for my welcome and help o others to build their places of worship, they started desecrating and destroying those of mine. In return for my allowing them to practice their faiths, they began subverting my faith. While I stuck to moral standards, they hit me below the belt. While I treated all alike – they treated me as worse than an animal. My goodness itself has been turned on me. I know now a bit of the ways of the world. And I have decided to speak to others in the language they understand. Of course, I am quite well aware that my moral and spiritual standards have been the high watermark of my cultural glory. Of course, I shall not forsake them. No, never! If I forsake them, I will no more remain a true Hindu – a child of our great seers and  servants. But at the same time I shall take care that my virtues are not misinterpreted and exploited by others. I will not allow them to become a vice – by practicing them out of place.

Speaking really I am more angry about myself than about others. Angry, because how long and in how many manners have I allowed myself to b fooled by others in the past and now by the new post-independence tribe of “secularists”. Yes! I have learnt a lesson or two. The first lesson is to listen to the wise sayings and warnings of our great saviors. Adi Shankracharya has commanded that generosity is good and great only when it is showered on the worthy and not otherwise. Sri Ramakrishana has told the story of a cobra which, having become totally docile to the advice of a sadhu was stoned almost to death by the passerby. The sadhu corrected it saying, “I had only asked to stop biting but who asked you to stop hissing also?” And soon enough the passersby heard its hissing sound and the serpent became safe. Swami Vivekanand’s sharp remark to his disciple Sinha was likewise: “just as you would feel when some one insults your mother, so should your blood boil with righteous indignation when Christian missionaries abuse Hinduism or convert a brother of yours.” And the Swami himself had held by the neck two Christians missionaries on board a ship for maligning Hinduism and threatened to throw them overboard if they uttered a word more against our Dharma. The two preachers, shivering in their shoes, apologized, and begged for mercy and thinly they were let off. That is the way Shri Krishna and Chhatrapati Shivaji conducted themselves. Even while practicing the highest of virtues, they did not allow their power of discrimination to be clouded. And it is because of such saviors, I now realize that we continue to live as Hindus.

And, finally, I have come to know the value of my anger itself. It has already put some holy fear in the hearts of some of my congenital baiters. Some of them even have started deserting the “secular camp”. They have begun to have a realistic appreciation of my anger. And even respect it. You had also imagined that you held the monopoly of intellectualism. But now, some of the topmost among the judges, historians, writers, professors and professionals have taken up cudgels on my behalf. And so the ivory tower of “intellectualism’ from which you were raining your missiles on me all these years, is totally and irrevocably smashed. Display of your intellectual arrogance hereafter will only boomerang upon yourself.

Before I close, I urge you to heed the subtle warning given by a top journalist “Hindus are very slow to act, but when they do rise even the Himalayas must start trembling. And Himalayas are the home of the angriest Hindu of them all – Lord Shiva."

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]


USA: Gründung des India Development and Relief Fund (IDRF). Er ist ein wichtiger Finanzier von Projekten des Sangh Parivar (Hindi: संघ परिवार).

Webpräsenz: http://www.idrf.org/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-16

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/India_Development_and_Relief_Fund#cite_note-IndiaEmpire-5. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-16

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Es erscheint die Sondernummer der Zeitschrift कल्याण (Kalyan, Gita Press):

शिक्षा अंक [Bildungs-Nummer]

"If the Balak Ank [Hindi: बालक अंक] presented Gita Press's vision for the nation's future, Kalyans Shiksha Ank [Hindi: शिक्षा अंक], published thirty-five years later, was a compendium of accounts of successive governments’ failure to blend moral teaching with Western pedagogy—especially the failure to dismantle the structure of education created through Macaulay’s minutes of 1835.

Shiksha Ank looked at an entire gamut of issues from ancient to the contemporary times. The idea was to establish the superiority of an ancient education system while presenting a severe critique of modern state policy. It was argued that the word shiksha [Sanskrit: शिक्षा] emanates from the Vedic concept ‘to give’, unlike the English word ‘education’ which means rule-based learning for a specific purpose. Macaulay’s dispatch of 1835 was dismissed as a product of ignorance, as it was unaware of the Indian discourse on education, be it the dialogue between Nachiketa (son of sage Gautama) and Yamraj, or what the Chhandogya Upanishad says about the relationship between the teacher and the taught.

The purpose of education—to create an ideal Hindu male child— was clearly delineated through a poem by Ramchandra Shastri Vidyalankar. The gist of the poem was that to serve one’s parents, teachers and nation was the primary dharma of any child. A child must not be cunning or foxlike; should have faith in religion, God and truth; and must respect time and fellow citizens. He should be hard-working, courageous and fearless, charming, knowledgeable, skilled, cultured and should learn art, science, philosophy and policy, to grasp the essence of knowledge. He was advised to shun fashion, music and dance and not be a spendthrift; and further stay away from playing taash [ताश] (cards), chaupar [चौपड] (a board game) and shatranj [शतरंज] (chess). Educated children were asked to teach others, help the downtrodden and learn new ways to serve society. The cow should be protected, as should the interests of the twice-born castes and the nation.

The special number on education highlighted the note of dissent that Hindu nationalist leader Mahant Digvijaynath [Hindi: महन्त दिग्विजयनाथ, 1894 - 1969] had raised in opposition to the National Education Policy of 1968. An important leader of the Hindu Mahasabha, he was an independent member of parliament from Gorakhpur and had objected to the broad outlines of the policy in 1967. He said the basic problem with the policy was that its core was still based on Macaulay’s minutes on education of 2 February 1835.173 Macaulay’s aim had been to create a class of interpreters between the British imperialist rulers and the ruled. This class, Macaulay had said, should be Indian in flesh and blood but British in its interests, thinking, morality and intelligence.

Digvijaynath had lamented that Macaulay’s mindset still continued to dominate policy formulation more than a century later. He was particularly upset that instead of creating a national identity, the new policy stressed India's diversity—this was nothing more than a clear rejection of the majoritarian politics of the Hindu nationalists. ‘There is no big country in the world without minority groups. But a country’s identity is not altered by minorities. Therefore, it is not true that India is a country of many religions and languages,’ Digvijaynath said."

[Quelle: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9. -- 403ff. -- Fair use]


Tirupati (Telugu: తిరుపతి): Resolution des Board of Trustees der Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP)

"Reproduced from Vishva Hindu Parishad ke Prastav [विश्व हिंदू परिषद के प्रस्ताव] (The Resolutions of the Vishva Hindu Parishad), edited by Raghunandan Prasad Sharma (New Delhi: Vishva Hindu Parishad Publication, n.d.), 72-73. The original text of the resolution is in English.

After anxious consideration in all its perspective of the recent resolution passed at Bangalore by the National Executive of the Janata Party, regarding the Ram Janma Bhoomi [Hindi: राम जन्म भूमि] and all such other places of religious worship, this meeting of the Board of Trustees of Central Vishva Hindu Parishad without reservations,

  1. Strongly condemns the approach and policy of the said Janata Party, of appeasement of fanatic and fundamentalist Muslims for attracting their en bloc votes to gain narrow political advantages, and
  2. focuses the attention of all Hindus irrespective of the political party to which they belong, to the grave implications of such stance of restoring the status quo-ante as on 15th August 1947 of all such places of religious worship viz.
    1. undoing of what has been achieved at Somnath Mandir [Gujarati:સોમનાથ મંદિર] by the efforts of Sardar Patel [Gujarati: વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ] and Cabinet of the Central Government and restoring the mosque there, which will be a fresh great blow to the “Hindu Asmita” [Hindi: हिंदू अस्म्ता - Stolz ein Hindu zu sein] and aspirations of Hindus who constitute 85 percent population of Bharat.
    2. giving up at all times the cherished dreams of the Hindu society to restore to their original grandeur the sacred places of religious worship such as Shri Ram Janma Bhoomi [Hindi: श्री राम जन्म भूमि], Shri Krishna Janma Bhoomi [Hindi: श्री कृष्ण जन्म भूमि], Kashi Vishwanath Mandir [काशी विश्वनाथ मंदिर] etc.
    3. Keeping the bleeding wounds inflicted on Hindu society, its Maan-Bindus [Marathi: मानबिंदू - Key points], Culture and way of life, alive so as to demoralise the values which we respect most, etc.

VHP Board of Trustees warns all political parties that Hindus who are awake, will not tolerate any such nonsense any further from any quarters; and shall continue their fight to the last, to annihilate such tendencies detrimental to the Hindu aspirations and to regain and to restore to the Hindu society and its culture; its honourable position.

This meeting of Board of Trustees of VHP reiterates its previous resolutions regarding the solution of the Ram Janma Bhoomi Mukti [Hindi: राम जन्म भूमि मुक्ति - Befreiung des Geburtsplatzes von Rama]; and directs all the VHP units whether in this country or outside to mobilise the public opinion at all levels against the short-sighted policies of political parties as mentioned above and to marshal the strength of Hindus to achieve our goals in this behalf and to be prepared for come what may."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S.  161f.. -- Fair use]


Erstausgabe der von Bal Thackeray (Marathi: बाळ केशव ठाकरे, 1926 - 2012) herausgegebenen Tageszeitung (in Marathi) सामना [Samna - "Konfrontation"]

Webpräsenz: http://www.saamana.com/. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-10

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saamana. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-10

Abb.: Titelbalken
[Fair use] 


Anzeige der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्) (VHP) in Times of India: "Are Hindus Communal?"

"For example, the VHP placed a large newspaper advertisement that begins with the headline "Are Hindus Communal?" and summarizes the VHP’s arguments concerning the government’s failure to solve the communal problem (Times of India, February 13, 1988). It blames this failure on opportunistic politicians and Muslim leaders who "go on misguiding their followers into believing that Hindu bodies are communal and enemies of Muslims." It describes Hinduism as manavdharma (the religion of mankind); Hinduism is "a parliament of religions and the very antithesis of violence, terrorism and religious intolerance." Reasoning from these tenets, the VHP asserts:

Thus it can be safely asserted that an enemy of Hinduism is the enemy of human race. To label such a noble Hindu society as communal is the greatest lie in the world. It is a great conspiracy to destroy a noble society for petty gains. Search for Hindu identity and its rejuvenating roots should not be mistaken for communalism.... All leaders of the world work for the welfare of their own community.

The VHP advises its "Muslim brothers" that if "they want to remove their chronic poverty" they must learn to "live peacefully and fearlessly with Hindus." It closes the advertisement by asking readers to spread the message "to create awakening." The advertisement’s last paragraph equates the work of the VHP with national integrity, economic development, and social welfare. To create a sense of urgency and arouse support for the organization, it closes with portents of disaster, a disaster that only the VHP can prevent:

The birth of the Vishva Hindu Parishad is for the unity and integrity of the country and the moral regeneration of Hindu society, its survival with self respect and uplift of Harijans [untouchables], Girijans [tribals] and other weaker sections. But it cannot continue its work without financial help from each of you. Hope you will not fail us. Only this can save you from disaster."

[Quelle: McKean, Lise: Divine enterprise : gurus and the Hindu nationalist movement. -- Chicago : University Press, 1996. -- 361 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 0-226-56010-4. -- S.  xiv f. -- Fair use]

1988-05-09 - 1988-05-18

Amritsar (Panjabi ਅੰਮ੍ਰਿਤਸਰ): Operation Black Thunder II. 200 militante Sikhs werden gefangen, 41 werden getötet.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Black_Thunder. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-20

Abb.: Lage von Amritsar
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

1988-10-02 - 1990-06-24

Doordarshan (Hindi: दूरदर्शन) zeigt die TV-Serie Mahabharat in 94 Folgen

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahabharat_(1988_TV_series). -- Zugriff am 2018-03-27

Abb.: Poster
[Fair use]


Die Regierung verbietet den Import von

Rushdie, Salman <1947 - > [سلمان رشدی ]: Satanic verses.-- 1988

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Die_satanischen_Verse / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Satanic_Verses. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-04

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Muzzafarnagar (Hindi: मुज़फ़्फ़रनगर)

Abb.: Lage von Muzzafarnagar (Hindi: मुज़फ़्फ़रनगर)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung von Ekal Vidyalaya -- Hindi: एकल विद्यालय

Webpräsenz Wikipedia:

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

"The main agenda of Ekal Vidyalayas is a systematic programme to Hinduise primary education in the country. It is reported that during roll call in classrooms, students are made to respond with 'Jai Shri Ram', and only the names of Hindu Gods are used to teach English alphabets. For example, in an English booklet in Jharkhand meant for the Class-II primary students we read: A for Arjun, B for Brahma, C for Cow, D for Dhruva, G for Ganesh, H for Hanuman, J for Jambavan, M for Mahadev, O for Om, R for Ram, T for Temple, U for Uma. (Ironically, the letters Έ', Έ', 'Q', 'W', 'X' and 'Z' simply do not exist in this booklet. No names of Hindu Gods beginning with these letters are readily available!). Each day school prayers are devoted to different Hindu Gods like Shiva, Vishnu, Hanuman and others. Some of the books meant for the training of teachers of the Ekal Vidyalayas contain distorted historical facts. For example, a base book for teachers titled Khele, Kude, Nache, Gaye by a certain Rakesh Popli (1952 - 2007) states that Birsa Munda studied in a missionary school, converted to Christianity. He was made to eat beef and forced to cut his tuft in hostel. He returned home upset, began worshipping tulsi, wore sacred thread, roamed in forests, struggled against Christian missionaries, landlords and British government. He was later arrested and slowly poisoned in jail. Popli's book also contains a series of rhymes on cow, Ram-Sita and other Gods of Hinduism. Ekal Vidyalaya teachers also participate in direct actions to promote the Hindutva ideology of the Sangh Parivar."

[Quelle: Kuruvachira, J. (Jose) <1958 - >: Politicisation of Hindu religion in postmodern India : an anatomy of the worldviews, identities, and strategies of Hindu nationalists in Bharatiya Janata Party. -- Jaipur : Rawat Publications, 2008. -- 360 S. -- ISBN 81-316-0134-X. -- S. 143. -- Fair use]


Kolkata (Bengali: কলকাতা): Gründung der Friends of Tribals Society -- Vanbandhu Parishad -- Hindi: वनबंधु परिषद

Webpräsenz: http://www.ftsindia.com/. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Friends_of_Tribals_Society. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22


Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Gründung des Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh USA (HSS USA)



Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Lodha, Gumanmal [गुमानमल लोढ़ा] <1926 - 2009>: How long Shri Ram will be insulted in Ayodhya?. -- [New Delhi] : Vishva Hindu Parishad, o. J. -- 19 S.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guman_Mal_Lodha. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-28

"A long history of 77 wars for prevention of fully demolishing the temple and obstruct the completion of mosque thereon is evident, out of which
  • 5 were at the time of Babar [1483 - 1530] [Persisch: ظهير الدين محمد بابر],
  • 10 Humayun [1508 - 1556] [Persisch: نصیر الدین محمد همایون ],
  • 20 Akbar [1542 - 1605] [Persisch: جلال الدین محمد اکبر],
  • 30 Aurangzeb [1618 - 1707] [Persisch: اورنگ‌زیب],
  • 5 Nawab Sahadat Ali [1680 - 1739] [برہان الملک سعادت علی خان],
  • 3 Nasiruddin Haider [1803 - 1837] [Urdu: ناصر الدیں حیدر شاہ ],
  • 2 Wajid Ali Shah [1822 - 1887] [Urdu: واجد علی شاہ] and
  • 2 under the British rule.

The sacrifices in these struggles prevented erection of minarets and pond for Wazu [Urdu: وضوء] and proper arrangements of offering Namaz [Urdu: نَماز] and also kept intact the 14 pillars of the temple on which idols of Hindu gods and goddesses are still alive."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 402. -- Fair use]


Strategies of Mass Mobilisation and "Hinduisation" Proposed by the Dharma Sansad [धर्म संसद] der Vishva Hindu Parishad
"Proposed in the Dharma Sansad’s convention of January 1989. Reproduced here from Hindu Vishva, January 1989, 60-64, English edition.

Ways and Means for Mass-Awakening

  • Well planned chaturmas [Hindi: चतुर्मास] programmes [four months of the monsoon season are called chaturmas in Hindi; italics mine] by the Saints in all districts of Bharat.
  • After chaturmas “Padyatras” [Hindi: पादयात्रा - Fußwallfahrten] to be chalked out systematically by the saints, each adopting a particular district.
  • At the centres of pilgrimages and on the auspicious occasions, discourses of these saints espousing the cause of re-establishing the Hindu Rashtra.
  • In temples, educational institutions, scarcity areas and other public places exhortations by saints.
  • Meaningful guidance by the top leaders of social, religious and caste organisations.
  • To enlighten the masses with the help of literature, exhibition, video cassettes and other modern methods of propaganda.
  • To hoist Saffron flag atop the houses of all Hindu families residing in urban rural and tribal areas of Bharat.

Ways and Means for Hinduisation

  • The Hindu society should send such persons to legislative assemblies and Parliament, who will guarantee to protect the just rights of the Hindus.
  • Only such persons of sterling character be elected who are above any affinity for sect, caste, language or region.
  • Political leadership should be bestowed only on such persons, who are capable of determining the national policies on the basis of Hindu dharma, Sanskriti and Hindu values of life.
  • In future, the society at large should beware of such politicians who indulge in appeasement of the minorities and accede to their anti-national demands at the cost of national interest, only aiming to fulfil their personal or party ends.
  • Politicians in their election manifestoes [sic] guarantee to protect the under-mentioned just interest of the Hindus and those who will not agree should be opposed by all Hindus unitedly:
    1. Return of Ramjanma Bhoomi [Hindi: राम जन्म भूमि], Sri Krishnajanma Bhoomi [Hindi: श्री कृष्ण जन्म भूमि] and Kashi Vishwanath Temple  [काशी विश्वनाथ मंदिर] to the Hindu society.
    2. The Muslim infiltrators from Bangladesh and Pakistan be sent back and concrete steps be taken to prevent future infiltration.
    3. Under the guise of aid, but actually for encouraging conversions, the funds that are flowing from foreign countries should immediately be stopped.
    4. Legal restraints on the conversion of Hindus.
    5. Common Civil Code for the whole country in keeping with the Bharatiya tradition.
    6. The special rights conferred on minorities under section 29 and 30 of the Constitution which are not available to Hindus, should be available to them.
    7. Special status given under Sections 370 and 371 of the Constitution to certain States should be withdrawn forthwith.
    8. Central Act for prohibiting the slaughter of cow and its progeny.
    9. To stop the indiscriminate taking over of the temples and religious places of Hindus.
    10. Compulsory teaching of Sanskrit language and Yog [Yoga] training side by side of moral and spiritual education to be included in the national education policy."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S. 163ff. -- Fair use]


Allahabad (Hindi: इलाहाबाद): anlässlich der Kumbh Mela (Hindi कुंभ मेला) veranstaltet die Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) eine Dharma Sansad (Versammlung von Sadhus). The Statesman berichtet am 1989-02-01:

"Most of the clergy who spoke today [31 January 1989] took a strong anti-Muslim and anti-government tone. Mahant Avaidyanath [Hindi: महंत अवैद्यनाथ, 1921 - 2014] of Gorakhpur [Hindi: गोरखपुर] pointed out that the Quran prohibited Muslims from constructing mosques on the holy places of other religions. ‘And telling us to construct the temple in another place to avoid conflict is like telling Lord Rama to wed another Sita to avoid war with Ravana.’"

[Zitiert in: Jha, Dhirendra K.: Shadow armies : fringe organizations and foot soldiers of Hindutva. -- New Delhi : Juggernaut, 2017. --229 S. -- ISBN 978-93-8622-824-6. -- S.  41f. -- Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Hazaribagh (Hindi: हज़ारीबाग़)

Abb.: Lage von Hazaribagh (Hindi: हज़ारीबाग़)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Palampur [Hindi: पालमपुर] resolution der BJP zur Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد) in Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या):

"The sentiments of the people must be respected and Ram Janmasthan [Hindi: राम जन्मस्थान  Geburtsplatz Ramas] handed over to the Hindus—if possible through a negotiated settlement, or else by legislation. Litigation certainly is no answer."

Abb.: Lage von Palampur [Hindi: पालमपुर]
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

1989 Sommer

Während des ganzen Sommers organisiert die Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्) mit Hilfe des RSS Ram Shila Pujan (Hindi: राम शिला पूजन) Feiern. Dabei werden Ziegel (Hindi: शिला), in die der Name Ramas [राम] gepresst oder aufgemalt ist, verehrt. Die Ziegel sind gedacht für den Bau eines Rama Tempels an der Stelle der Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد) in Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या).

Bei den Pujans (Hindi: पूजन) werden vorgefertigte Kassetten abgespielt mit Songs und Ansprachen. Aus einer solchen Kassette:

"The blood of foreigners, of traitors who do not pay tribute to the ancestors, will flow. [...] Ram Shilas [Hindi: राम शिला] will be the protectors of the Hindu culture. [...] The foreign conspiracy will not succeed any more. The Ram Shilas will mean death for those who call mother India a witch."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 396. -- Fair use]


"1989-90 – Ram Shilas  [Hindi: राम शिला] (consecrated bricks made of ‘local earth/stones/metals’) were received from over 30 countries including
  • Canada,
  • USA,
  • Suriname,
  • UK,
  • Norway,
  • Denmark,
  • The Netherlands,
  • Germany,
  • Belgium,
  • Israel,
  • Zambia,
  • Botswana,
  • South Africa,
  • Nepal,
  • Malaysia,
  • Sri Lanka,
  • Bangladesh,
  • Thailand,
  • Hong Kong,
  • Singapore,
  • Australia,
  • Sychelles,
  • China,
  • Spain,
  • Portugal,
  • Sweden,
  • Reunion,
  • &c.

for the construction of a magnificent temple dedicated to Sri Rama at His birthplace at Ayodhya.

At that time in Bharat almost 300.000 of the 650.000 villages sent bricks, 300.000 pujas of the Ram Shilas were performed and altogether about 100 million people attended the various processions that carried the bricks to Ayodhya."

[Quelle: http://vhp.org/vhp-50/vhp-has-multi-dimensional-activities/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-04. -- Fair use]


Audiokassetten von Hindutva-Verfechtern

"In 1989-90, audiocassettes produced by Hindutva militants played a crucial role in raising the Ram janmabhoomi campaign to fever pitch. The three most influential cassettes contained vitriolic speeches, recorded at rallies, by VHP-BJP leaders Uma Bharati [Hindi: उमा भारती, 1959 - ], Ashok Singhal [Hindi: अशोक सिंघल, 1926 – 2015], Sadhvi Rithambara [Hindi: साध्वी ऋतम्भरा, 1964 - ], and others. The speeches reiterate the now-familiar Hindutva themes: the marauding, barbaric Muslims came as foreign invaders, looting, pillaging, and enslaving the peace-loving and tolerant Hindus; not content with dividing the country and taking Pakistan, they now have seized Kashmir and still seek to rule the country; but the time has come for Hindus to follow the tradition of Maharana Pratap [महाराणा प्रताप सिंह, 1540 - 1597] and Prithvi Raj Chauhan [Hindi: पृथ्वीराज चौहान, 1165 - 1192]; not only will the Babri Masjid be destroyed, but three thousand other mosques as well; India is a Hindu nation in which only devotees of Rama may remain. And so on.

On the cassette entitled Jai Shri Ram [Hindi: जय श्री राम], the unidentified speaker (evidently Rithambara), rants in a hysterical tone of voice:

Today’s Muslims shun the tradition of Rahim and [Krishna devotee] Ras Khan [Hindi: रसखान, 1548 - 1628], and think of themselves as Babar’s [1483 - 1530] [Persisch: بابر] progeny, tying themselves to Aurangzeb [1618 - 1707] [Persisch: اورنگ‌زیب].... You Muslims link yourselves to Aurangzeb, not to India. Mahatma Gandhi sang songs of "Hindu-Muslim bhai-bhai" [Hindi: भाई-भाई] [brotherhood], but it didn’t happen. We were ready, but you tried to rule us. Your Quran says to destroy all idols, while our tradition says we should be tolerant even if we’re being ground underfoot. The two religions are as different as the earth and sky. But we tried, we sang, "Bande Mataram" [Sanskrit: वऩदे मातरम] [Hail to the Motherland], but now we need our Ram Janmabhoomi. . . . Hindus, wake up! They’ve looted you and you stayed silent; they sacked your temples and you stayed silent. What reward did you get for your forbearance? Your mothers and daughers went on being raped, your temples destroyed.

The speaker recites a Hindi poem also printed on the inlay card:

May our race not be blamed
And may our mothers not say
That when we were needed, we weren’t ready
If there must be a bloodbath
Then let’s get it over with
Because of our fear of a bloodbath before
Our country was divided [at partition]
Since their arrival until today
They have killed so many Hindus
We tried to appease them
But there was bloodshed after all
Instead of having it simmer slowly
It’s better to have it burst with a big flame
If they don’t understand our words
Then we’ll make them understand with kicks
If there must be a bloodbath, then let it happen.

Another tape, entitled Mandir ka nirman karo [Hindi: मंदिर का निर्माण करो]("Build the temple"), mixes speeches with snappy songs, most rendered by film singer Narender Chanchal [Panjabi: ਨਰਿੰਦਰ ਚੰਚਲ]. These contain lyrics such as the following:

The time has come, wake up, young men, and go to Lucknow
You must vow to build Ram’s temple
The conches sound, Ram’s forces are standing ready for battle
Gandiv [Arjuna’s bow] is twanging, his conch calls
Whoever joins with the wicked, smash their dreams
Turn the political dice and blast their policies
Advance in the battlefield of politics and hit hard
To compare Ram with the wicked is beyond disrespect
Destroying his temple is the limit of madness
Don’t play their farcical game of acting in a courtroom
Liberate the janmabhoomi of the jewel of the house of Raghukul
If they don’t heed with words, whip out your swords . . .
Face our enemies with courage
Now isn’t the time for contemplation.

The Hindutva tapes are regarded as playing direct roles in instigating the wave of anti-Muslim riots and pogroms that subsequently swept north India, in which thousands of lives (mostly Muslim) have been lost. Other tapes containing bloodcurdling screams, gunfire, and inflammatory slogans were blared from speakers on cars that drove at night through tense neighborhoods of Agra, Ghaziabad, and elsewhere, bringing armed men into the streets and directly igniting riots (Davis, Basu, and Hasan, above).

Despite being officially banned, the Hindutva cassettes continued to circulate freely, albeit clandestinely, and were still deployed in the late 1993 regional elections. By this period cassette stores were also openly marketing more "moderate" tapes by Chanchal and others (for example, Le Ram ka Nam [Hindi: ले राम का नाम]), with bhajans hailing Ram-rajya:

"We’ll bring back Ram-rajya, let the nagara. and dhol [drums] ring, Jai Shri Ram!"

It is interesting that the Muslim community does not appear to have retaliated by circulating similarly inflammatory cassettes."

[Quelle: Peter Manuel. -- In: Making India Hindu : religion, community, and the politics of democracy in India / ed. by David Ludden, .. Delhi : Oxford UP, 1996. -- 346 S. -- ISBN 0-19-564380-1. -- S. 131ff.  -- Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Kota (Hindi: कोटा)


Abb.: Lage von Kota (Hindi: कोटा)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Es erscheint:

The Political Abuse of History: Babri Masjid-Rama Janmabhumi Dispute : an analysis by twenty five historians. -- New Delhi : Centre for Historical Studies, Jawahral Nehru University, 1989



Khargone (Hindi: खरगोन): Blutige Ausschreitungen zwischen Hindus und Muslimen anlässlich einer Ram-Shila-Prozession (Hindi: राम शिला).

3 Tote

Abb.: Lage von Khargone (Hindi: खरगोन)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Jaipur (Hindi: जयपुर): einer der Slogans bei der VHP-Demonstration: "There are two places for Muslims, Pakistan or the graveyard."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 397. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Jaipur (Hindi: जयपुर)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

1989-10-10 13:35

Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या): Grundsteinlegung (शिलान्यास) für den Tempel an Ramas (Sanskrit: राम) angeblichem Geburtsort vor der Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد)

Abb.: Lage der Grundsteinlegung
[Bildquelle: http://workshop.mod.org.in/?p=1443. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-28. -- CC BY-NC-SA 2.5 IN]

Abb.: Lage von Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Indore (Hindi: इंदौर)


Abb.: Lage von Indore (Hindi: इंदौर)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

1989-10-24 - 1989-11

Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen im Bhagalpur (Hindi: भागलपुर) District, Bihar (Hindi: बिहार)



Abb.: Lage des Bhagalpur (Hindi: भागलपुर) District
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा)

Abb.: Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) 1989: gewonnene Sitze
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29]

1989-12-02 - 1990-11-10

Vishwanath Pratap Singh (Hindi: विश्वनाथ प्रताप सिंह, 1931 - 2008) (Janata Dal) ist Prime Minister Indiens.

Abb.: Vishwanath Pratap Singh (Hindi: विश्वनाथ प्रताप सिंह, 1931 - 2008)
[CC0 1.0]

1990 - 2017

Wahlerfolge der BJP in Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)

Abb.: Sitze der BJP im Regionalparlament von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત) (von insgesamt 182 Sitzen) 1990 - 2017
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_Gujarat. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-10]

Abb.: Lage von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Gründung der Overseas Friends of BJP

Webpräsenz: http://ofbjp.bjp.org/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-12

Abb.: ©Logo der Overseas Friends of BJP USA
[Fair use]


Falna (Hindi: फालना): Narendra Modi auf einer Zusammenkunft der Modi community:

"I am the son of this samaj (society). I have been a member of the RSS since my childhood. RSS taught me Hindutva and it has been a part of me since then. 'A person becomes great on the strength of the samaj. If the samaj is not with him, he cannot be great. But to use the samaj for purposes of politicking does not help. The platform of the samaj should be used to enhance the samaj's strength ...

If we resolve to become strong economically, educationally and socially, we will forge ahead, taking all along with us ... There is a proverb in Chinese: "Those who think for one year do farming. Those who think for ten years, grow trees that will bear fruits in the years to come. But those who think for a generation nurture good human beings." We have to nurture good human beings to create a good society ...

If we educate our girls, we educate our entire samaj. Meanwhile, if you want to succeed in politics, work for those who are left out, who are neglected. There lies power."

[Zitiert in: Kamath, M. V. [ಎಮ್. ವಿ. ಕಾಮತ್] <1921 - 2014>  ; Randeri, Kalindi: The man of the moment : Narendra Modi. -- New Delhi : Times, 2013. -- 419 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-93-259-6838-7. -- S. 52. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Falna (Hindi: फालना)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung des Hindu Students Council

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

Webpräsenz: https://hindustudentscouncil.org/. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_Students_Council. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22


Es erscheint:

Chandra, Kailash: Soya Bharat chete [Bharat should wake up], -- In: Hindu Vishva, 1990-01]

"The tribals and outcastes were very much part of the Hindu society till the Christian missionaries came and made them break away from the rest of the Hindu society. The section of Hindu society residing in forests and remote villages was labelled by the Christian missionaries as "tribals." The tribals were told lies that they were the original inhabitants of India and the rest of the people came to the country as invaders. To divide and weaken the Hindu society, the Christian missionaries misled the tribal population that it is exploited and oppressed by the Hindus. Differences were also created between the Harijans and the upper caste Hindus. This task of a handful of Christian missionaries is now undertaken by the Muslims."

[Übersetzt in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S.  . -- Fair use]


Beginn der Vertreibung und Flucht der hinduistischen Kashmir-Pandits (Sanskrit: काश्मीरी पण्डित) aus Kashmir Vale (Urdu: وادی کشمیر). Von den 160.000–170.000 Pandits bleiben nur 4.000–5.000 in Kashmir.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vertreibung_der_Hindus_aus_Kaschmir / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Exodus_of_Kashmiri_Hindus. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-30

Abb.: Lage von Kashmir Vale (Urdu: وادی کشمیر)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1990-03-04 - 1992-12-15

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister von Rajasthan (Hindi: राजस्थान): Bhairon Singh Shekhawat (Hindi: भैरोंसिंह शेखावत, 1923 - 2010)

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhairon_Singh_Shekhawat / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhairon_Singh_Shekhawat . -- Zugriff am 2018-04-11

Abb.: Lage von Rajasthan (Hindi: राजस्थान)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

1990-03-05 - 1993-12-03

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister in Himachal Pradesh (Hindi: हिमाचल प्रदेश): Shanta Kumar (Hindi: शांता कुमार, 1934 - )

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shanta_Kumar. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-11

Abb.: Lage von Himachal Pradesh (Hindi: हिमाचल प्रदेश)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

1990-03-05 - 1992-12-15

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister in Madhya Pradesh (Hindi मध्य प्रदेश): Sunder Lal Patwa (Hindi: सुंदरलाल पटवा, 1924 - 2016)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunder_Lal_Patwa. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-11

Abb.: Lage von Madhya Pradesh (Hindi: मध्य प्रदेश)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Coimbatore (Tamil: கோயம்புத்தூர): Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) (Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی) sagt:

"There has been a conscious effort on the part of the swayamsevaks who are woring in the BJP to make each one understand the ideological base to which we belong, and our connections with sister organizations like
  • the VHP [Vishva Hindu Parishad -- Sanskrit/Hindi: विश्व हिंदू परिषद]
  • the ABVP [Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) - Hindi: अखिल भारतीय विद्यार्थी परिषद - एबीवीपी -- All India Students' Council],
  • the BMS [Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh - Hindi: भारतीय मजदूर संघ -- Indian Labourers' Association],
  • the Seva Bharati [Hindi: सेवा भारती] and
  • the Kalyan Ashram [Akhil Bharatiya Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram -- Hindi: अखिल भारतीय वनवासी कल्याण आश्रम]

which are all based on the inspiration from RSS.... We have to intensify our efforts, we have to project the viewpoint of the RSS, which is not being reflected, so that with the instrumentality of the BJP in politics it gets more acceptance not only in terms of votes, in terms of parliamentary seats, in terms of assembly seats and in governments but also in that they come to be respected."

[Zitiert in: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 68. -- Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Sikhs und Hindus in Batala (Panjabi: ਬਟਾਲਾ)

Abb.: Lage von Batala (Panjabi: ਬਟਾਲਾ)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Die BJP erklärt, dass sie statt Quoten nach reiner Kastenzugehörigkeit Quoten nach ökonomischen Kriterien bevorzugt.


Die Regierung beschließt, die Empfehlungen des Mandal Report (von 1980-10) umzusetzen. Landesweit starker Protest.

Text des Report: http://www.ncbc.nic.in/User_Panel/UserView.aspx?TypeID=1161. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandal_Commission / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mandal_Commission_protests_of_1990. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29 

Abb.: Titelblatt

1990-09-01 - 1990-11-20

Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત): schwere Ausschreitungen zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in 26 Ortschaften.

ca. 100 Tote

1990-09-25 - 1990-10-30

Ram Rath Yatra (Hindi: राम रथ यात्रा)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ram_Rath_Yatra. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05

Abb.: Verlauf der  Ram Rath Yatra (Hindi: राम रथ यात्रा)
[Bildquelle: Furfur/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]

"In the middle of this highly charged atmosphere, L.K Advani set out in his ‘chariot’ to Ayodhya. A very modem, airconditioned Toyota was decorated to look like a Bollywood version of a chariot from the Ramayana or Mahabharata, complete with traditional Hindu religious iconography of the sacred symbol Om,’ lotuses, and lions. While the chariot itself carried no idols—only L.K. Advani and saffron-clad Hindu holy men and their associates, many dressed as Hanuman (the monkey god) and other characters from the Ramayana—the procession took on a ceremonial life of its own. Many along the route treated the ‘chariot’ as a temple on wheels and honoured it with incense, coconuts, and sandalwood, all the offerings proper for worshipping a divine object. Demonstrations of religious fervour and political militancy blended into each other. Women performed devotional songs and dances, young men, carrying bows and tridents and dressed as characters from the Ramayana paraded in the yatra, some even presenting Advani with bowls of their own blood (Jaffrelot 1996,416,417; Davis 1996, 47). En route, the yatra was met with political rallies in which holy men exhorted the masses to support nationalist causes and candidates. The yatra left a trail of murderous riots in its wake, as it was followed by the convergence of tens of thousands of Hindu ‘volunteers,’ including a large number of women, who attacked the mosque and placed a Hindu flag on its dome. This was the beginning of the end. The mosque was destroyed two years later."

[Zitiert in: Nanda, Meera [मीरा नंदा] <1954 - >: Prophets facing backward : postmodernism, science, and Hindu nationalism. -- Delhi : Permanent Black, 2004. -- ISBN 81-7824090-4. -- S. 40. -- Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen im Gonda District (Hindi: गोंडा जिला)

Abb.: Lage des Gonda District (Hindi: गोंडा जिला)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Channapattana (Kannada: ಚನ್ನಪಟ್ಟಣ): Hindus greifen eine muslimische Prozession zu Ehren Muhammads an

17 Tote (davon 13 Muslime)

Abb.: Lage von Channapattana (Kannada: ಚನ್ನಪಟ್ಟಣ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Festnahme von ca. 15.000 kar sevak (Hindi: कारसेवक) des RSS.


Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی, der Anführer der Ram Rath Yatra (Hindi: राम रथ यात्रा) wird verhaftet. Dies führt bei seinen Anhängern zu gestiegener Gewaltbereitschaft.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lal_Krishna_Advani / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/L._K._Advani. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05


Die Ausschreitungen in der Folge von Advanis Verhaftung führen zu 61 Todesopfern. Davon


Festnahme von ca. weiteren 15.000 kar sevak (Hindi: कारसेवक) des RSS.


Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या): 15 bis 59 kar sevak (Hindi: कारसेवक) des RSS werden bei Demonstrationen von Polizei und Border Security Force erschossen. Sie werden vom RSS als Märtyrer verehrt. Propagandawagen mit Videos über die Märtyrer touren durchs Land.

Abb.: Lage von Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

1990-11-06 - 1990-12

Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Hyderabad (Urdu: حیدر آباد)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1990_Hyderabad_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-02

Abb.: Lage von Hyderabad (Urdu: حیدر آباد)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Asthi Kalash Yatra (Hindi: अस्थि कलश यात्रा) mit den Urnen der 1990-10-30 in Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या) erschossenen kar sevak (Hindi: कारसेवक) des RSS

1990-11-10 - 1991-07-21

Chandra Shekhar (Hindi: चन्द्रशेखर, 1927 - 2007) (Janata Dal) ist Prime Minister Indiens.

Abb.: Chandra Shekhar (Hindi: चन्द्रशेखर, 1927 - 2007), 2001
[Bildquelle: Alok R. Singh/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]

1990-12 - 1991-01

Schwere Ausschreitungen zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़ / Urdu: علی گڑھ)

Abb.: Lage von Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़, Urdu علی گڑھ )
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Aus dem Bericht der PUCL (People's Union for Civil Liberties):

"The area of Sarai Sultani/Sarai Rai is largely composed of Muslims but is surrounded by Hindu localities. Muslims who gathered in the Mosque for Friday prayer on 7.12.90 [December 7,1990] were alarmed when they saw hundreds of people on roof tops of Hindu houses throwing bombs at Muslims and their houses and at the Mosque. We saw impacts of bombs [they must be crude bombs] on the houses in the locality and many houses destroyed in PAC firing and rioting. We were also told that the ... PAC [Uttar Pradesh Provincial Armed Constabulary] provided a cover to the rioters by preventing the Muslims from approaching the Mosque to rescue their friends and relatives; that some Hindus with country-made pistols were moving along with PAC jawans [Hindi: जवान - Polizist, Soldat]; that Muslims were confined to their houses and inside the Mosque. If any Muslim dared to come out the PAC is alleged to have fired at them."

[Zitiert in: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 171f. -- Fair use]

1990-12-10 berichtet die Times of India:

"Violence spread to the outskirts of the city today when members of two communities clashed at Hamdard Nagar and Jabalpur [Jamalpur], hardly half-a-km from Aligarh Muslim University (AMU). The Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) personnel opened fire to disperse the rioters, killing at least five persons. Officially, however, only three deaths were reported from these localities....

Contrary to official reports, bloody dashes took place on the city outskirts this morning. A mob of 2,000 people set afire many houses in Hamdard Nagar locality. Residents of the area narrated gory tales of PAC brutality. When this reporter visited the house of two brothers, who were shot by the PAC personnel in their residence, the victims’ fresh blood stains were still visible. The widows said their husbands, both rickshaw-pullers, were at home when six PAC jawans [Hindi: जवान - Polizist, Soldat] barged in and despite repeated pleas shot them from point blank range. "They were innocent. Please remove the PAC or they will kill all of us," one of them said, wailing uncontrollably. Their neighbours expressed the same apprehension. Scores of residents began to migrate to safer places after the firing, with their scanty belongings."

The scene at the AMU’s Jawaharlal Nehru Medical College was heartrending. The bodies of the five killed in Hamdard Nagar were still lying in the hospital with those of victims from other localities


Ujjain: Satyanarayan Jatiya (Marathi: सत्यनारायण जतिया, 1946 - ) über Ambedkar (Hindi: भीमराव रामजी आंबेडकर, 1891 -1956):

" I praise Ambedkar's work. Equality amongst all, Fraternity, Justice. Such were the goals of Dr Ambedkar [...] He had the ideas but we are putting them into practice in the RSS, because there is no caste and no religion there. The only religion is Bharat Mata and we want to serve the nation."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 49, Anm. 166 -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Satyanarayan_Jatiya. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-22


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Kanpur (Hindi कानपुर)

Abb.: Lage von Kanpur (Hindi कानपुर)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Es erscheint:

Ramaseshan, Radhika: The press on Ayodhya. -- In: Economic an political weekly. -- 1990-12-25

"The [Hindi] press was directly responsible for causing most of the communal riots that erupted in UP after the masjid was attacked, resulting in a death toll of over a hundred. By carrying out a sustained, feverish campaign highlighting the alleged ‘bloodbath’ in Ayodhya, caused by police firings on November 2, against the "police repression" of kar sevaks lodged in different jails, especially the one in Unnao, and against the pro-Muslim bias of chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, this press has achieved three objectives: it has whipped up emotional fervour for the "cause" of the Ram temple even among a large section of disinterested and apolitical Hindus, and as a corollary, completely polarised the Hindus and the Muslims, since the shrine ultimately symbolises Hindu animosity against Muslims. Lastly, it has seriously undermined the moral authority of Mulayam Singh Yadav [Hindi: मुलायम सिंह यादव, 1939 - ], who by steadfasdy maintaining that he adhered to the letter of law in this dispute, came to represent the voice of moderation and sanity. Although Yadav has reiterated that he will not allow the temple to be constructed on the disputed site, the critical dependence of his government on the support of the Congress (I), which has not only loudly condemned the alleged "atrocities" committed on the kar sevaks but has also demanded that the temple be constructed on the contentious site, the passage of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and its allies towards their ultimate goal—that of breaching the shrine and erecting a temple—has been rendered that much easier."

[Zitiert von: Victoria L. Farmer. -- In: Making India Hindu : religion, community, and the politics of democracy in India / ed. by David Ludden, .. Delhi : Oxford UP, 1996. -- 346 S. -- ISBN 0-19-564380-1. -- S. 109f.  -- Fair use]


Interview von Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی:

"Q5: What; according to the BJP, is the main issue in the coming elections [of 1991]?
Advani: The main issue is going to revert back to what was being talked about two months back. Mainly how can the unity of this country be preserved? What is nationalism? How do you ensure social harmony?Communal harmony? And in that context what is secularism? These issues have been there all along but have been very sharply focussed as a result of Ayodhya. I view this not as an issue of Ayodhya, though at the level of the common man, the common voter, it will continue
to be Ayodhya. I view it in this context. And this I believe is going to be the principal issue in this election.

Q9: How do you square a purely religious ritual like temple building with the larger Hindutva concept?
Advani: I would like to answer this question by recalling Sardar Patel’s [
Gujarati:  વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ
, 1875 - 1950] approach to Hindu-Muslim problems. His approach was that this is broadly a Hindu country and the tendency to shy away from Hindu feeling is not secularism. Take the case of Somnath [Gujarati: સોમનાથ મંદિર], something like that could not have happened now. Some might say it was the aftermath of Partition and therefore it (the reconstruction of Somnath) took place. I would say no. It was because of Patel. Nehru [Hindi: जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889 - 1974] did not like it even then.

Q10: How do you justify the BJP stand that the Rama temple issue is a matter of faith?
Advani: There was that theft of the Prophet’s hair at the Hazrat Bal shrine [Kashmiri:
آستان عالیہ درگاہ حضرت بل] in Srinagar. Now if someone complains that the relic has been stolen and the state must exert its entire energy to see that it is recovered, and someone counters: ‘Can you prove that this is the Prophet Mohammed’s hair?’ Would it be a right question? But I for one would say, that as my Muslim brethren believe that it is the hair of the Prophet, I respect their sentiments.

Similarly if crores of Hindus believe that it is the birthplace of Rama, I would expect the State as well as other sections of opinion in this country, especially the minorities, to respect that sentiment and say ‘Well, if you believe it to be the birthplace of Rama, it is the birthplace of Rama, we are not asking you to prove this.’

Q11: Isn’t upholding the cause of temple construction communal? What about the Muslims’ claim that it is the site of a mosque?
Advani: How do you explain the total apathy to the pulling down
of temples in Kashmir? In 1986, 55 temples were destroyed in Anantnag [Kashmiri: اننتناگ]. Last year too, temples were gutted. Why is it that all political parties, Hindus in general, and the media, are indifferent to it.

As for the Ayodhya site for 54 years no one has offered namaz [Urdu: نماز] there. From 1949, 40 years now, regular poojas [Sanskrit: पूजा] are going on. On should end the dispute on this. Moreover the VHP [Vishwa Hindu Parishad] has offered that, if you are attached to the bricks and mortar, which you call a mosque, we are willing to reverently shift it to another site where you can construct another mosque, we would even contribute to its construction. It would be an amicable solution and settlement of the problem.

Q12: How do you relate your demand for the construction of the Rama temple at Ayodhya to the larger issue of secularism? How do you propose to dispel the misgivings among the Muslims on this score?Advani: I am fighting against the attitude of politicians and political parties that anything associated with Hindu is communal, their allergy to it and their idea that if you cherish this allergy, only then your secular credentials are proved.

I have not made it a temple issue. I have made it an issue of secularism, of national unity. I am also trying to convert it into an issue pertaining to the welfare of so-called minorities—that this is not in their (minorities’) interest. These days Muslims meet me and say ‘humko kahan phasa diya. Humko pata bhi nahin tha ki hum wahan jaa bhi nahin sakte.’

And these political parties have done a singular disservice even to the reputation of the country by propagating that the Hindus have suddenly gone mad under the leadership of the BJP and they want to pull down a 500 year old mosque and build a temple in its place. If the facts were to be presented, the impression would be totally different. Hindus have not become fundamentalists. Not at all. It is a remarkable though happy fact that there are 35 mosques in Ayodhya apart from the controversial one. Not one of them was touched during these months of turmoil. Lakhs of people visited the place. All of them extremely devout and passionate. Not one of them was touched. Why is it that no Muslims were killed in Ayodhya? No riots took place in Ayodhya, Why?

It is our responsibility to see that the misgivings which have been deliberately created by our adversaries are removed. But at the same time the efforts to remove these misgivings should not tend to make us apologetic and defensive about our basic beliefs.

Q13: Don’t you think that a democratic India cannot be a Hindu-oriented country or Hindu Rashtra?

Advani: Every country has a certain cultural ethos. Even if Italy is called a Catholic State or Great Britain a Protestant one, they are still regarded as liberal. But if India is called a Hindu State, or a Hindu Rashtra, why does it become communal?

In the pre-Independence Congress, the dominant ideology used to be that of Gandhiji [Gujarati: મોહનદાસ કરમચંદ ગાંધી, 1869 - 1948]. Before that, it was of Tilak [Marathi: बाळ गंगाधर टिळक, 1856 - 1920]. Gandhiji, Rajaji [Tamil: சக்ரவர்தி ராஜகோபாலாச்சாரி, 1878 - 1972], Sampoornanand [Hindi: संपूर्णानन्द, 1891 - 1961], Rajen Babu, Sardar Patel [Gujarati:  વલ્લભભાઈ પટેલ, 1875 - 1950], Purshottamdas Tandon [Hindi: पुरुषोत्तम दास टंडन, 1882 - 1962], all represented one school of thought. Gandhiji had no inhibitions in saying that he wanted to establish Ram Rajya, which was synonymous with his concept of an ideal State. He had no reservations in having the audience at his evening meetings chant Raghupati Raghava Raja Ram [Hindi: रघुपति राघव राजा राम]But that did not mean he wanted to establish a theocratic State. 

Q14: What do you mean by positive secularism?
Advani: Positive secularism flows from our commitment to national
unity which is an article of faith for us and not just a slogan to be converted into slick spots for the TV. Our Constitution seeks to strengthen this unity by rejecting theocracy and by guaranteeing equality to all citizens, irrespective of their religion. These are the two principal facets of secularism as our Constitution makers conceived them. For most politicians in the country, however, secularism has become just a device for garnering block minority votes.

A desire to appease the minorities often makes these politicians flaunt their allergy to Hinduism and everything associated with the word Hindu. Privately, many of them share our respect for the RSS, and our views on Article 370, on the need to replace the Minorities Commission with the Human Rights Commission, on Rama Janma Bhoomi [Hindi: राम जन्मभूमि], and even on the desirability of having an honourable electoral arrangement with the Shiv Sena [शिवसेना] in Maharashtra. But publicly they keep criticising us on these issues because they think that it is an easy way of proving their secular credentials, and gaining the support of the minorities. I think that thereby they are doing a disservice to the country, and ill serving the minorities as well.

I wish the country’s political leadership, irrespective of party affiliation, could realise that the utterances and activities of some elements among the minorities are becoming increasingly aggressive and are ominously reminiscent of the pre-1947 years. These elements must be isolated, not propitiated. If these elements are allowed to grow, the consequences can be extremely dangerous for national integrity. Appeasement failed to avert partition. Appeasement is no way of combating the present threats to national unity. These threats have to be met head-on, and squarely spiked.

The BJP believes in Positive Secularism; the Congress-I and most other parties subscribe only to Vote Secularism. Positive Secularism means: justice for all, but appeasement of none. In the ensuing elections, let this become the BJP’s distinctive message to the nation."

[Zitiert in: Hindu nationalism : a reader / ed. by Christophe Jaffrelot. -- Princeton : Univ. Pr., 2007. -- ISBN 978-0-691-13098-9. -- S. 282 - 285. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Goel, Sita Ram  ;  Shourie, Arun ; Narain, Harsh ; Dubashi, Jay  ; Swarup, Ram: Hindu temples : what happened to them. -- New Delhi : Voice of India, 1992. -- 2 Bde. -- Online: http://voiceofdharma.org/books/htemples1/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-13

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_Temples:_What_Happened_to_Them. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-13

Abb.: Einbandtitel


The movement for the restoration of the Ramajanmabhumi Temple at Ayodhya has brought to the fore a suppressed chapter of India's history, namely, the large-scale destruction of Hindu temples1 by the Islamised invaders.  This chapter is by no means closed.  The Appendix to this book provides details of many temples destroyed by Muslims all over Bangladesh as recently as October-November 1989.  Currently, temples, or whatever had remained of them, are meeting a similar fate in the Kashmir valley.

This chapter, however, though significant, was only a part of the Muslim behaviour-pattern as recorded by Muslim historians of medieval India.  The other parts were:

  1. mass slaughter of people not only during war but also after the armies of Islam had emerged victorious;

  2. capture of large numbers of non-combatant men, women and children as booty and their sale as slaves all over the Islamic world;

  3. forcible conversion to Islam of people who were in no position to resist;

  4. reduction to the status of zimmis [Arabisch: ذمي] or non-citizens of all those who could not be converted and imposition of inhuman disabilities on them;

  5. emasculation of the zimmis by preventing them from possessing arms;

  6. impoverishment of the zimmis through heavy discriminatory taxes and misappropriation of a major part of what the peasants produced;

  7. ruination of the native and national culture of the zimmis by suppressing and holding in contempt all its institutions and expressions.

Nor is this behaviour pattern a thing of the past.  It persisted even after the Muslim rule was over.  The Muslim revivalist movements in the nineteenth century, particularly in Bengal, tried to repeat, as far as they could, the performance of the medieval Muslim swordsmen and sultans.  More recently, after the Islamic state of Pakistan was carved out, Hindus have been forced to leave their ancestral homes, en masse from its western wing and in a continuous stream of refugees from its eastern wing, now an independent Islamic state of Bangladesh that came into being with the help of India.  Hindu temples and other cultural institutions have more or less disappeared from Pakistan, while they continue to be under constant attack in Bangladesh.

How to understand this behaviour pattern so persistently followed over a thousand years under very different conditions and so consistent in its expression? What is its deeper ideological source?

It is rooted in Islam's religious teachings, its theology and its religious laws; it derives from its peculiar conception of momins [Arabisch: مؤمن] and kafirs [Arabisch: كافر], from its doctrines of Jihad [Arabisch: جهاد], Daru'l-Islam [Arabisch: دار الاسلام] and Daru'l-harb [Arabisch: دار الحرب], and from what it regards as the duty of a Muslim state.  Hindu India is called upon to make a deeper study of Islam than it has hitherto done.  It can neglect this task at its own peril.

The present volume makes no pretence of presenting such a study, but by choice restricts itself mainly to the study of Hindu temples destroyed and desecrated and converted into mosques and khanqahs [Persisch: خانقاه] without overlooking Muslims' ideology of iconoclasm; here and there, it also mentions other theological props and concomitants of the iconoclastic ideology.  In the book Ayodhya retain its importance, but it does not occupy the centre of discussion.  In dealing with its subject, it exercises complete fidelity to truth; unlike secularist and Marxist writers, it does not believe in re-writing and fabricating history.  Its aim is to raise the informational level of our people and to make them better aware of the more persistent ideological forces at work.

Mahavira Jayanti.
April 7, 1990



1 'Hindu Temples' in the present context include temples belonging to all sects of Sanatana Dharma - Brahmanical, Buddhist, Jain and the rest."

1991-02 - 1993

Murli Manohar Joshi (Hindi; मुरली मनोहर जोशी, 1934 - ) ist Präsident der BJP.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murli_Manohar_Joshi / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Murli_Manohar_Joshi. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05

Abb.: Murli Manohar Joshi (Hindi; मुरली मनोहर जोशी, 1934 - ) mit Narendra Modi, 2014
[Bildquelle: Narendra Modi. -- https://www.flickr.com/photos/92359345@N07/9757293861. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05. --
CC BY-SA 2.0]


PUCL [People's Union for Civil Liberties] Bulletin über die communal riots in Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़ / Urdu: علی گڑھ):

"There is no doubt that the PAC [Uttar Pradesh Provincial Armed Constabulary] killed a large number of Muslims. On some occasions Muslims may have acted in a provocative manner by way of trying to snatch rifles, going out during curfew hours, etc. but the PAC retaliated with disproportionate brutality.

The part played by the PAC in the Aligarh riots is indeed reprehensible. Almost every where [sic] Muslims told us that at least as many persons of their community were killed by the PAC as by Hindus. In several places we were shown the high terraces from which PAC personnel fired at fleeing Muslims. Even young Muslim children were thus killed by the PAC. At many places PAC fired at Muslims when neither they (the PAC) nor Hindus were attacked. The PAC acted as a highly communalised force.

It may be noted that PAC’s bonhomie with Hindus made Muslims angry. For example Hindus fraternised with PAC personnel, offered them sweets, garlanded them; and if any of them declined to accept their offers Hindus raised slogans and exhorted them to listen to the call of Hindutva and Ram Bhakt [devotion to the god Ram]. It would indeed require tremendous self-control on the part of an average Muslim to tolerate such Hindu fraternisation with the police."

[Zitiert in: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 12f. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uttar_Pradesh_Provincial_Armed_Constabulary. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-30

Abb.: Lage von Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़, Urdu علی گڑھ )
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Bhadrak (Oriya: ଭଦ୍ରକ)

Abb.: Lage von Bhadrak (Oriya: ଭଦ୍ରକ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Saharanpur (Hindi: सहारनपुर)

Abb.: Lage von Saharanpur (Hindi: सहारनपुर)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा)

Abb.: Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) 1991: gewonnene Sitze
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29]


Hyderabad (Telugu: హైదరాబాద్ / Urdu: حیدر آباد): Ansprache von Sadhvi Rithambara (Hindi: साध्वी ऋतम्भरा, 1964 - ):

"Hail Mother Sita [Sanskrit: सीता]! Hail brave Hanuman [Sanskrit: हनुमान्]! Hail Mother India! Hail the birth place of Ram [Sanskrit: राम]! Hail Lord Vishwanath [Sanskrit: विश्वनाथ] [Shiva] of Kashi [Sanskrit: काशी] [Benares]! Hail Lord Krishna [Sanskrit: कृष्ण]! Hail the eternal religion [Sanskrit: धर्म] [dharma]! Hail the religion of the Vedas [Sanskrit: वेद]! Hail Lord Mahavira [Sanskrit: महावीर]! Hail Lord Buddha [Sanskrit: बुद्ध]! Hail Banda Bairagi [Panjabi: ਬੰਦਾ ਸਿੰਘ ਬਹਾਦਰ]! Hail Guru Gobind Singh [Panjabi: ਗੁਰੂ ਗੋਬਿੰਦ ਸਿੰਘ]! Hail the great sage Dayananda [Gujarati: દયાનંદ સરસ્વતી]! Hail the great sage Valmiki [Sanskrit: वाल्मीकि] ! Hail the martyred kar-sevaks [Hindi: कार सेवक]! Hail Mother India!

I have come to the Hindus of Bhagyanagar [Hyderabad] with a message. The saints who met in Allahabad directed Hindu society to either bend the government to its will or to remove it. The government has been removed. On the fourth of April, more that two and a half million Hindus displayed their power at the lawns of Delhi's Boat Club. We went to the Parliament but it lay empty. The saints said, fill the parliament with the devotees of Ram. This is the next task of Hindu society.

As far as the construction of the Ram temple is concerned, some people say Hindus should not fight over a structure of brick and stone. “They should not quarrel over a small piece of land. I want to ask these people, "If someone burns the national flag will you say 'Oh, it doesn't matter. It is only two meters of doth which is not a great national loss.' The question is not of two meters of cloth but of an insult to the nation. Ram's birthplace is not a quarrel about a small piece of land. It is a question of national integrity. The Hindu is not fighting for a temple of brick and stone. He is fighting for the preservation of a civilization, for his Indianness, for national consciousness, for the recognition of his true nature. We shall build the temple!

It is not the building of the temple but the building of India's national consciousness. You, the wielders of state power, you do not know that the Ram temple is not a mere building. It is not a construction of brick and stone. It is not only the birthplace of Ram. The Ram temple is our honor. It is our self-esteem. It is the image of Hindu unity. We shall raise its flag. We shall build the temple!

Some people became afraid of Ram's devotees. They brought up Mandal. They thought the Hindu will get divided. He will be fragmented by the reservations issue. His attention will be diverted from the temple. But your thought was wrong. Your thought was despicable. We shall build the temple!

I have come to tell our Hindu youth, do not take the candy of reservations and divide yourself into castes. If Hindus get divided, the sun of Hindu unity will set. How will the sage Valmiki look after Sita? How will Ram eat Shabri's berries [Hindi: बेर - Ziziphus mauritiana Lam.]? Those who wish that our bonds with the backward castes and the Harijans are cut will bite dust. We shall build the temple!

Listen, Ram is the representation of mass consciousness. He is the god of the poor and the oppressed. He is the life of fisherman, cobblers, and washermen. If anyone is not a devotee of such a god, he does not have Hindu blood in his veins. We shall build the temple!

Marking its boundary, making it aware of a collective cultural loss, giving it a body, is not enough to protect and maintain the emerging Hindu identity. For identity is not an achievement but a process constantly threatened with rupture by forces from within and without.

My Hindu brothers! Stop shouting that slogan, "Give one more push and break the Babri mosque! The mosque is broken, the mosque is broken!" What mosque are you talking about? We are going to build our temple there not break anyone's mosque. Our civilization has never been one of destruction. Intellectuals and scholars of the world, wherever you find ruins, wherever you come upon broken monuments, you will find the signature of Islam. Wherever you find creation, you discover the signature of the Hindu. We have never believed in breaking but in constructing. We have always been ruled by the maxim, "The world is one family"  [Sanskrit: वसुधैव कुटुम्बकम्], We are not pulling down a monument, we are building one.

Scholars, turn the pages of history and tell us whether the Hindu, riding a horse and swinging a bloody sword, has ever trampled on anyone's human dignity? We cannot respect those who have trod upon humanity. Our civilization has given us great insights. We see god in a stone, we see god in trees and plants. We see god in a dog and run behind him with a cup of butter. Hindus have you forgotten that the saint Namdev [Marathi: नामदेव] had only one piece of bread to eat which was snatched by a dog. Namdev ran after the dog with a cup of butter crying, "Lord, don't eat dry bread. Take some butter too!" Can the Hindu who sees god even in a dog ever harbor resentment towards a Muslim?

Wherever I go, I say, "Muslims, live and prosper among us. Live like milk and sugar. If two kilos of sugar are dissolved in a quintal of milk, the milk becomes sweet!" But what can be done if our Muslim brother is not behaving like sugar in the milk? Is it our fault if he seems bent upon being a lemon in the milk? He wants the milk to curdle. He is behaving like a lemon in the milk by following people like Shahabuddin [سید شہاب الدین] and Abdullah Bukhari [سید عبد اللہ بخاری]. I say to him "Come to your senses. The value of the milk increases after it becomes sour. It becomes cheese. But the world knows the fate of the lemon. It is cut, squeezed dry and then thrown on the garbage heap. Now you have to decide whether you will act like sugar or like a lemon in the milk. Live among us like the son of a human being and we will respectfully call you 'uncle.' But if you want to be have like the son of Babar then the Hindu youth will deal with you as Rana Pratap [Hindi: महाराणा प्रताप] and Chatrapati Shivaji [Marathi: छत्रपति शिवाजी महाराज] dealt with your forefathers." Those who say we are against the Muslims, lie. We are talking of the birthplace of Ram, not constructing at Mecca or Medina. It is our birthright to build a temple to our Lord at the spot he was born.

We have religious tolerance in our very bones. Together with our three hundred and thirty million gods, we have worshipped the dead lying in their graves. Along with Ram and Krishna, we have saluted Mohammed and Jesus. With vasudhe kuttumbkam [Sanskrit: वसुधैव कुटुम्बकम्] as our motto, we pray for the salvation of the world and for increase in fellow feeling in all human beings. We have never said, "O World! Believe in our Upanishads [Sanskrit: उपनिषद्], Believe in our Gita [Sanskrit: गीता]. Otherwise you are an infidel and by cutting off the head of an infidel one gains paradise." Our sentiments are not so low. They are not narrow-minded. They are not dirty. We see the world as our family.

Today, the Hindu is being insulted in his own home. The Hindu is not sectarian. How could he be if he worships trees and plants! Once [the Mughal emperor] Akbar and [his Hindu minister] Birbal were going
somewhere. On the way they saw a plant. Birbal dismounted and prostrated himself before the plant saying, "Hail mother tulsi [Sanskrit: त्तुलसी - Ocimum tenuiflorum L.]!" Akbar said, "Birbal, you Hindus are out of your minds, making parents out of trees and plants. Let's see how strong is your mother!" He got off his horse, pulled the tulsi plant out by its roots and threw it on the road. Birbal swallowed this humiliation and kept quiet. What could he do? It was the reign of the Mughals. They rode farther and saw another plant. Birbal again prostrated himself saying, "Hail, father! Hail, honored father!" Akbar said, "Birbal I have dealt with your mother. Now, let me deal with your father too." He again pulled out the plant and threw it away. The plant was a nettle. Akbar's hands started itching and soon the painful itch spread all over his body. He began rolling on the ground like a donkey, with tears in his eyes and his nose watering. All the while he was scratching himself like a dog. When Birbal saw this condition of his king, he said, "O Protector of the World, pardon my saying that our Hindu mothers may be innocent but our fathers are hard-bitten." Akbar asked, "Birbal, how do I get rid of your father?" Birbal said, "Go and ask forgiveness of my mother tulsi. Then rub the paste made out of her leaves on your body and my father will pardon you."

I mean to say that the long-suffering Hindu is being called a religious zealot today only because he wants to build the temple. The Muslims got their Pakistan. Even in a mutilated India, they have special rights. They have no use for family planning. They have their own religious schools. What do we have? An India with its arms cut off. An India where restrictions are placed on our festivals, where our processions are always in danger of attack, where the expression of our opinion is prohibited, where our religious beliefs are cruelly derided. We cannot speak of our pain, express our hurt. I say to the politician, "Do not go on trampling upon our deepest feelings as you have been doing for so long."

In Kashmir, the Hindu was a minority and was hounded out of the valley. Slogans of "Long live Pakistan" were carved with red hot iron rods on the thighs of our Hindu daughters. Try to feel the unhappiness and the pain of the Hindu who became a refugee in his own country.

The Hindu was dishonored in Kashmir because he was in a minority.

But there is a conspiracy to make him a minority in the whole country.

The state tells us Hindus to have only two or three children. After a while, they will say do not have even one. But what about those who have six wives, have thirty or thirty-five children and breed like mosquitoes and flies?

Why should there be two sets of laws in this country? Why should we be treated like stepchildren? I submit to you that when the Hindu of Kashmir became a minority he came to Jammu. From Jammu he came to Delhi. But if you Hindus are on the run all over India, where will you go? Drown in the Indian Ocean or jump from the peaks of the Himalayas?

What is this impartiality toward all religions where the mullahs get the moneybags and Hindus the bullets? We also want religious impartiality but not of the kind where only Hindus are oppressed. People say there should be Hindu-Muslim unity. Leave the structure of the Babri mosque undisturbed. I say, "Then let's have this unity in case of the Jama masjid too. Break half of it and construct a temple. Hindus and Muslims will then come together."

You know the doctors who carry out their medical experiments by cutting open frogs, rabbits, cats? All these experiments in Hindu-Muslim unity are being carried out on the Hindu chest as if he is a frog, rabbit or cat. No one has ever heard of a lion's chest being cut open for a medical experiment. They teach the lesson of religious unity and amity only to be Hindus.

In Lucknow there was a Muslim procession which suddenly stopped when passing a temple where a saffron flag was flying. The mullahs said, "This is the flag of infidels. We cannot pass even under its shadow. Take down the flag!" Some of your liberal Hindu leaders and followers of Gandhi started persuading the Hindus, "Your ancestors have endured a great deal. You also tolerate a little. You have been born to suffer. Take down the flag." Luckily, I was also there. I said to the leader who was trying to cajole the Hindus into taking down the flag, "If I took off your cap, gave four blows to your head with my shoe and then replaced the cap, will you protest?" This is not just our flag, it is our honor, our pride. Religious impartiality does not mean that to appease one you insult the other. Hindu children were riddled with bullets in the alleys of Ayodhya to please the Muslims. The Saryu river became red with the blood of slaughtered kar-sevaks. We shall not forget.

They said, "Let's postpone the mid-term elections till the Hindu's anger cools down." I say, "Is the Hindu a bottle of mineral water? Keep the bottle open for a while and the water will stop bubbling?" It is nine hundred thousand years since Ravana kidnapped Sita and challenged god Ram. But to this day we have not forgotten. Every year we burn his effigy and yet the fire of our revenge burns bright. We will not forget mullab Mulayam [Hindi:मुलायम सिंह यादव] and his supporter Rajiv Gandhi. I have come to tell the young men and mothers of Bhagyanagar, listen to the wailing of the Saryu river, listen to the story told by Ayodhya, listen to the sacrifice of the kar-sevaks. If you are a Hindu, do not turn your face away from the Ram temple, do not spare the traitors to Ram.

After the incident on the ninth of November, many Hindu young men came to me. "Sister," they said, "Give us weapons to deal with mullab Mulayam." I said, "Why waste a bullet to deal with an eunuch?" Ram had become tired shooting his arrows. Ravana's one head would fall to be immediately replaced by another. Vibhishna [Ravana's brother] said, "Lord, you will not kill this sinner by cutting off his heads. His life is in his navel." My brother Hindus, these leaders have their lives in their chairs [of power]. Take away their power and they’ll die—by themselves. They are only impotent eunuchs. When Ram was banished from Ayodhya many citizens accompanied him to the forest and stayed there overnight. In the morning, Ram said, "Men and women of Ayodhya, go back to your homes." The men and women went back but a group of hermaphrodites, who are neither men nor women, stayed back and asked, "Lord, you have not given us any instructions." Ram is kind. He said, "In the future Kaliyuga you will rule for a little while." These, neither-men-nor-women, are your rulers today. They will not be able to protect India's unity and integrity.

Make the next government one of Rams devotees. Hindus, you must unite in the coming elections if you want the temple built. Hindus, if you do not awaken, cows will be slaughtered everywhere. In the retreats of our sages you will hear the chants of "Allah is Great." You will be responsible for the catastrophes for history will say Hindus were cowards. Accept the challenge, change the history of our era.

Many say, Rithambra you are a sanyasin. You should meditate in some retreat. I tell them raising Hindu consciousness is my meditation now and it will go on till the saffron flag flies from the ramparts of the Red Fort.

They ask what would happen to the Muslims in a Hindu India? I tell them the Muslims will not be dishonored in a Hindu state nor will they be rewarded to get their votes. No umbrella will open in Indian streets because it is raining in Pakistan. If there is war in the Gulf then slogans of "Long Live Saddam Hussein" won't be shouted on Indian streets. And as for unity with our Muslim brothers, we say, "Brother, we are willing to eat sevian [sweet noodles] at your house to celebrate Id but you do not want to play with colors with us on Holi. We hear your calls to prayer along with our temple bells, but you object to our bells. How can unity ever come about? The Hindu faces this way, the Muslim the other. The Hindu writes from left to right, the Muslim from right to left. The Hindu prays to the rising sun, the Muslim faces the setting sun when praying. If the Hindu eats with the right hand, the Muslim with the left. If the Hindu calls India "Mother," she becomes a witch for the Muslim. The Hindu worships the cow, the Muslim attains paradise by eating beef. The Hindu keeps a mustache, the Muslim always shaves the upper lip. Whatever the Hindu does, it is the Muslim's religion to do its opposite. I said, "If you want to do everything contrary to the Hindu, then the Hindu eats with his mouth,· you should do the opposite in this matter too!

Say with pride, we are Hindus! Hindustan [India] is ours!”

[Übersetzt in: Kakar, Sudhir [सुधीर कक्कड़] <1938 - >: The colors of violence : cultural identities, religion, and conflict. -- Chicago : Univ. Press, 1996. -- 217 S. -- ISBN 0-226-42285-2. -- S. 155 - 165. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sadhvi_Rithambara. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-06


Wahlslogan der BJP in der Times of India:

"High integrity, consistent ideology, internal discipline and stability, nature leadership, and a dedicated cadre to do them all."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 437f.s -- Fair use]

1991-06-21 - 1996-05-16

P. V. Narasimha Rao (Telugu: పాములపర్తి వెంకట నరసింహారావు, 1921 - 2004) (Congress) ist Prime Minister Indiens

Abb.: P. V. Narasimha Rao (Telugu: పాములపర్తి వెంకట నరసింహారావు, 1921 - 2004), 1992
[Bildquelle: Biswarup Ganguly/Wikimedia. -- CC BY 3.0]

1991-06-24 - 1992-12-06

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister von Uttar Pradesh (Hindi: उत्तर प्रदेश): Kalyan Singh (Hindi: कल्याण सिंह, 1932 - )

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kalyan_Singh. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-11

Wirtschaftliche Liberalisierung Indiens.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economic_liberalisation_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-11

Abb.: Lage von Uttar Pradesh (Hindi: उत्तर प्रदेश)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Es erscheint:

History versus casuistry : evidence of the Ramajanmabhoomi Mandir presented by the Vishva Hindu Parishad to the Government of India in December-January 1990-91. -- New Delhi : Voice of India, 1991. -- 144 S.


Der Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act, 1991 tritt in Kraft.

Online: http://www.lawzonline.com/bareacts/places-of-worship-special-provisions/places-of-worship-special-provisions-act.html. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-06


An Act to prohibit conversion of any place of worship and to provide for the maintenance of the religious character of any place of worship as it existed on the 15th day of August, 1947, and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto. "



1991-09-08 - 1992-08-09

DD National strahlt in 47 Folgen aus

Chanakya (Hindi: चाणक्य)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chanakya_(TV_series) . -- Zugriff am 2018-06-27

Abb.: Poster
[Fair use]


Gründung von Vijnana Bharati (VIBHA) -- Hindi: विज्ञान भारती - विभा -- Indian Science

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vijnana_Bharati. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-21


Der Baudhik Pramukh (Hindi: बौधिक प्रमुख) (Chefideologe) des RSS shaka (Hindi: शाखा) in Shivpuri (Hindi: शिवपुरी) über die samskar (Hindi: संस्कार) des RSS:

"The samskars [Hindi: संस्कार] of the RSS consist, for example, in rendering proper respect to older people and making one’s home a palace where all can meet. And we try progressively to give children this outlook because in the RSS family there is no bad language, no quarrels. One learns to be polite and to address one’s elders with respect. Before starting work or eating one says a prayer."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 48. -- Fair use]


Gründung von Swadeshi Jagaran Manch [oder: Swadeshi Jagran Manch, SJM] - Hindi: स्वदेशी जागरण मंच -- Nativist Awakening Front

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

Webpräsenz Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swadeshi_Jagaran_Manch. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

1991-12-11 1992

Gründung von Hindu Aikya Vedi -- Malayalam: ഹിന്ദു ഐക്യവേദി -- Hindu United Front

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

Webpräsenz: http://www.hinduaikyavedi.org/. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-21

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_Aikya_Vedi. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-21


Es erscheint:

Swarup, Ram [Hindi: राम स्‍वरूप] <1920 - 1998>: Hindu view of Christianity and Islam. -- New Delhi : Voice of India, 1995. -- 136 S. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/HinduViewOfChristianityandIslamRamSwaroop. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-04

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ram_Swarup / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ram_Swarup. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-04

Abb.: Einbandtitel


Es erscheint das Interview:

Katiyar, Vinay [Hindi: विनय कटियार] <1954 - >: It is a war situation. -- In: Frontline. -- 1992-04-24

"Might is the only law I understand. Nothing else matters to me. In India it is a war-like situation as between Rama [Sanskrit: राम] and Ravana [Sanskrit: रावण]."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S.  . -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vinay_Katiyar. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-06


Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ): Gründung der Samskardham (Gujarati: સંસ્કારધામ) Schule. Sie ist ein Herzensanliegen von Narendra Modi.

Webpräsenz: http://sanskardham.org. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-20

Abb.: Lage von Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ)

Abb.: Lage von Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Premiere des Dokumentarfilms

राम के नाम -- In the Name of God / von Anand Patwardhan [Marathi: आनंद पटवर्धन] <1950 - >. -- Online: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OO-VaJBHiik. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-10

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ram_ke_Naam. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-10

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Fair use]


Radhyesham Khemka [Hindi: राधेश्याम खेमका] im Editorial in der Zeitschrift कल्याण (Kalyan, Gita Press):

"When a Delhi-based newspaper raised the question of the purity- impurity of the site [Geburtsplatz von Gott Rama], saying,

'If the spot inside the Babri Masjid where the idol of Ramlalla is kept is the exact spot where he was born, then it cannot be a place of worship because in any childbirth, blood is spilt, which renders the place unfit for worship,’

Kalyan reacted sharply, stating that the human mind was limited and such limitations often resulted in illogical behaviour. Khemka liberally quoted from the Gita, Ramayana and other religious texts to argue that the birth of a god— whether Rama or Krishna—did not involve the usual labour pains or spilling of blood."

[Quelle: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9 . -- S. 418. -- Fair use]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Sitamarhi (Hindi: सीतामढ़ी)

Abb.: Lage von Sitamarhi (Hindi: सीतामढ़ी)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या): Zerstörung der Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد)

Abb.: Lage von Ayodhya (Hindi: अयोध्या)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

"Am 6. Dezember 1992 organisierte der VHP zusammen mit der BJP eine neue Massenkundgebung in Ayodhya bei der symbolhaft der Grundstein für einen neuen Tempel gelegt werden sollte. Die Organisatoren der Kundgebung hatten der Regierung zugesagt, dass es bei dieser symbolhaften Aktion bleiben sollte und dass die Moschee unangetastet bliebe. Die BJP-Regierung in Uttar Pradesh (Hindi: उत्तर प्रदेश) unternahm andererseits keinerlei Anstrengungen, das Gelände der Moschee durch ausreichend starke Polizeikräfte zu schützen. Ungefähr 150.000 kar sevaks hatten sich versammelt um den Reden von Advani [Hindi: लालकृष्ण आडवाणी, 1927 - ], Murli Manohar Joshi [Hindi: मुरली मनोहर जोशी, 1934 - ] und anderen BJP- und VHP-Führern zuzuhören. Einige Demonstranten durchbrachen die dünnen Polizeiabsperrungen und drangen auf das Gelände der Moschee vor. Dadurch ermutigt folgten weitere Tausende, die sich dann mit Vorschlaghämmern sowie anderen improvisierten Gerätschaften und bloßen Händen an die Arbeit machten, die Moschee zu demolieren. Anwesende Journalisten und Fernsehreporter wurden durch die kar sevaks bedroht, tätlich angegriffen und vorübergehend eingesperrt. Die Veranstalter versuchten, die aufgebrachte Menge mit Appellen zu beruhigen, wobei anwesende Journalisten den Eindruck gewannen, dass diese Anstrengungen nur halbherzig unternommen wurden. Nach einigen Stunden war von der Babri-Moschee nur noch ein Steinhaufen übrig. Die Statuen und Bilder von Gott Rama wurden zuvor in Sicherheit gebracht. Bei der Aktion kamen auch 4 kar sevaks durch herabstürzende Steine und Mauerwerk ums Leben und mehr als 100 wurden verletzt." [Quelle: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tempel-Moschee-Kontroverse_von_Ayodhya#Zerst%C3%B6rung_der_Moschee. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-16]

Nach einer Umfrage von MARG (1993) billigen die Zerstörung der Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد):

In Delhi (Hindi: दिल्ली) und West Uttar Pradesh (Hindi: उत्तर प्रदेश) gemäß einer Umfarge (1993) billigen die Zerstörung der Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد):

1992-12-06 - 1992-12-13

Während communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus werden in Indien über mindestens 1.188 Menschen getötet:

[Datenquelle: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 463]

Abb.: Lage der genannten Bundesstaaten mit Anzahl der Getöteten
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Verbot von

1992-12 - 1993-01

Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई)

Erste Phase, bis 1992-12-16:

Zweite Phase: 1993-01-05ff.:

(alles Mindestschätzungen)

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bombay_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01

Abb.: Tote bei den Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई) Riots
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bombay_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01]

Abb.: Lage von Bombay (Marathi: मुंबई)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Surat (Gujarati: સુરત), Bhopal (Hindi: भोपाल), Jahangirabad (Urdu: جہانگیربد)

Abb.: Lage von Surat (Gujarati: સુરત), Bhopal (Hindi: भोपाल), Jahangirabad (Urdu: جہانگیربد)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - ) erklärt in einer Rede, dass die Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد)

"was a symbol of shame and has been erased."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S.  -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atal_Bihari_Vajpayee / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atal_Bihari_Vajpayee. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-06


K. N. Govindacharya (Hindi: के॰ एन॰ गोविन्दाचार्य, 1943 - ) auf die Frage, welche Wirkung die Vorfälle wegen der Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد) auf die Wahlarithmetik haben:
"There will be a semblance of polarisation in which the nationalists will be on one side and the pseudo-secularists will be on the other. People who believe in the concept of geo-cultural nationalism on one side and those who believe in dharmasala nationalism on the other. This polarisation will only be advantageous for us, for this is the thought process, ethos and psyche of the people. We have touched that sympathetic chord and definitely the thought process will resonate."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 474. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._N._Govindacharya. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-06

1993 - 1998

Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی ist Präsident der BJP.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lal_Krishna_Advani / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/L._K._Advani. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05


Es erscheint:

Vajpayee, Atal Bihari [Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी] <1924 - >: Hindus betrayed. -- Delhi : Suruchi, 1993. -- 62 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm


Swami Chinmayananda Saraswati (Malayalam: ചിന്മയാനന്ദ, 1916 – 1993) beansprucht in einer Rede in der Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) für sich und die Sadhus (Sanskrit: साधु) die Verantwortung für die Zerstörung der Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد):

"I would like to repeat that the call for kar sevaks was given by them [sadhus] and not given by the Vishva Hindu Parishad, the BJP or RSS. I take the blame here and now. Till yesterday, nobody was prepared to own responsibility. Today I come forward to own the responsibility for the entire sequence of events."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 479. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinmayananda / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinmayananda_Saraswati. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23


Es erscheint das Hauptwerk des Vedic creationism:

Cremo, Michael A.  <1948 - >; Thompson, Richard L. <1947 - 2008>: Forbidden archeology : the hidden history of the human race. -- San Diego : Bhaktivedanta Institute,1993. -- 914 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0963530984


Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Mookerjee, Syama P. (Prasad) [Bengali: শ্যামাপ্রসাদ মুখোপাধ্যায়] <1901 - 1953>: Leaves from a diary. -- Calcutta : Oxford Univ. Press, 1993. -- 240 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 0195631196. -- "This volume contains Mookerjee's autobiographical writings and the English translation of his "Bengali Diary". The diary is narrative in nature and chronicles the history of Bengal from 1937 to 1946, the most crucial phase in Mookerjee's political career."

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]

Enthält wichtige Informationen zum Thema Sangh Parivar und British Government.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syama_Prasad_Mukherjee / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Syama_Prasad_Mukherjee. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-03


Urteil des Lucknow (Hindi: लखनऊ) bench  des Allahabad (Hindi: इलाहाबाद) High Court in Sache Vishwa Hindu Adhivakta Sangh Vs, the State of Uttar Pradesh (Hindi: उत्तर प्रदेश)

"The 63-page verdict of judges H.N.Tilhari and A.N.Gupta of the Lucknow bench  of Allahabad High Court in the case of the Vishwa Hindu Adhivakta Sangh Vs the State of Uttar Pradesh, delivered on January 1 and available here now, states that by virtue of the sketch of Lord Ram in the Constitution, when it was adopted by the Constituent Assembly November 23 1949, the Hindu god-king became a

"constitutional entity and admittedly a reality of our national culture and fabric and not a myth.""

[Quelle: Amit Mital. -- https://groups.google.com/forum/#!topic/soc.culture.indian/S9Q0Sw2INFo. -- Zugriff am  2018-04-06. -- Fair use]


Laut einer Umfrage glauben, dass Hindunationalismus eine positive Wirkung auf das Leben in Indien haben


Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی in einem Interview mit der RSS-Zeitschrift Organiser:

"I have called ... cultural nationalism not only the substratum of India’s unity but also a dynamo for the country’s progress and transformation into a modem progressive and prosperous nation. The dynamo is missing. If, in the last 45 years we have experienced an economic set-back it is also because of this factor. There is nothing to unite us. Secularism, Constitution, democracy, these by themselves have not been adequate inspiration for the masses. [...] After all the position in India six years back was that all of us accepted that the country came face to face with a number of fissiparous tendencies exploding, like in Kashmir, Punjab, Assam, Tamil Nadu. Casteist tensions in U[ttar] P[radesh] and Bihar grew in such a manner as to see massacre of entire villages. The Ayodhya issue came up at that time. We perceived that the country can be united through that movement. And Ayodhya has really sublimated all these fissiparous tendencies."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 483, Anm. 3. -- Fair use]


Mumbai (Marathi: मुंबई): Bombenanschläge durch Muslime.

257 Tote

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1993_Bombay_bombings. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-06


Es erscheint:

BJP's White Paper on Ayodhya & the Rama temple Movement. -- New Delhi: Bharatiya Janata Party. -- 1993. -- 170 S. -- Online: http://lib.bjplibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/176/1/bjp-white-paper-onayodhya.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-28

Abb.: Titelblatt


This magnum opus on the Ayodhya movement catalogues and centralises at one place and in a coherent manner the full canvas of the movement, and gives a true account of its evolution and progress, of its causes and consequences, of its participants and detractors. The contents of the foregoing nine chapters constitute a well-documented biography of the movement. The conclusions that flow out of this exercise are highly instructive. They are:

  1. First, the Ayodhya movement is not just a movement for a Temple at Ayodhya, but encompasses the greatest nationalist reassertion of India in its known history. The movement is founded on a sound philosophy that is rooted in truth. It has evolved as a corrective to the distortions of the post-Independence Indian politics and has re-commenced the Somnath evolution that stood suspended after the death of Sardar Patel. (Chapter I)
  2. Second, the Ayodhya struggle is not the creation of the Sangh Parivar, or the BJP, or even the Sants. It is a continuation of the unremitting struggle of the Hindus to repossess their holy place desecrated by the invaders. The Hindus adopted different methods — first, military means and war diplomacy; second, legal means, and third, mass agitation — depending upon whatever means were effective at any given time. The massive Ayodhya movement from 1984 is a historical continuity whose context was an insensitive polity and an unmoving judiciary. (Chapter II)
  3. Third, the evidence available on Ayodhya irrefutably established that a Hindu Temple was brought down to raise a mosque, and that this had been the point of struggle between the Hindus and Muslims for centuries. And yet the dialogue between the VHP and the AIBMAC on evidence could not produce any result because of the unreasonable and evasive response of the Masjid groups and the anti-Temple approach of the Central Government led by the Congress and of other parties. (Chapter III)
  4. Fourth, the attitude of different governments, Prime Ministers, political parties and leaders since the Ayodhya movement took shape, clearly and unequivocally pointed to their concern for office and success from electoral point of view and the block votes of Muslims. This compelled them to adopt means and strategies that were delinked from fairness and national interest. (Chapter IV)
  5. Fifth, the attitude of the Narasimha Rao Government at first was to neglect and ignore the issue as long as it was possible. But when the issue became highly sensitive in July 1992, the Prime Minister defused it with the active co-operation of the BJP by giving an assurance that he would solve the problem and remove the hindrances to the Kar Seva in 3 months, and thus got the Kar Seva by the Sants suspended. He had, however, no intention of solving the issue as he had promised, as indeed the subsequent events confirmed. (Chapter V)
  6. Sixth, having secured 3 months time from the Sants, the Prime Minister did nothing for 70 days. He devised a hydra-headed strategy to achieve certain political objectives that were calculated to deal with the challenge to him within his party and government. For this purpose, he had to involve high institutions like the judiciary in the Ayodhya controversy. In his ambitious plan to achieve the impossible, he wanted to fire, literally and figuratively, over the shoulders of the BJP by using the courts. He merely treated the Ayodhya issue as a BJP-related problem, and turned it into a political game. Finally, all his dexterity and cleverness which are no substitutes for sincerity and candour, boomeranged on him. The mosque was demolished not in spite of his efforts or the court orders, but, precisely because of both.  (Chapter VI)
  7. Seventh, the aftermath of Ayodhya and its fall out bring out how the Prime Minister was coerced by the intra-party power struggle into more and more wrongs against national interest — the promise to reconstruct the mosque, the ban on RSS, etc., the arrest of the Ayodhya movement leaders, the dismissal of the BJP governments, the ban on the BJP rally in Delhi and elsewhere, and the attempt to promote a sarkari Trust to displace the Ayodhya movement. While the Narasimha Rao Government is endlessly running amok, the national debate has centred around what is secularism, nationalism, and communalism. The Ayodhya movement appears to have taken the lid off the Muslim community in India and set-off a debate which that community was consistently held incapable of. It has not stopped at that. The Ayodhya movement has made all secular parties less allergic to Hindutva and the Marxists now find even Swami Vivekananda agreeable. (Chapter VII)
  8. Eighth, the White Paper put out by the Narasimha Rao Government virtually repudiates and condemns what the Prime Minister had been saying, and upholds what the Sants and the BJP had been asserting. While the PM charged the Ayodhya movement with preplanning and conspiracy to demolish the disputed structure, the" Government White Paper ruled out both. While the PM repeatedly labelled the structure as a mosque, his White Paper says on its very first page that from 1949 it was not being used as a mosque and in page after page thereafter it says that it was only a disputed structure. The charges against the VHP and the UP government made in the Government White Paper are palpably false. (Chapter VIII)
  9. Nine, the role of law and the judiciary in the Ayodhya case clearly confirm the confession of the judiciary that some aspects of the Ayodhya case are incapable of judicial determination. It also brings out the fact that the judiciary had condemned itself as far back as 1955, that is 38 years before, for keeping the Ayodhya case pending; it is ironical that it should be pending even today. The effect, regardless of the intent, of the interim judicial orders in the Ayodhya case was to prevent the construction, while the delay, unprecedented in legal history, indefinitely prolonged the suit. It is evident that the English system of jurisprudence which is intended to settle bipartite property disputes cannot adjudicate on an explosive issue like Ayodhya. (Chapter IX)

Thus this White Paper deals with all aspects of the Ayodhya movement — its historic relevance and philosophic background as a recommencement of the suspended Somnath evolution; its historic background and the different methods by which the Hindus have been struggling for centuries to repossess the Ramajanmabhoomi; the thorough and complete evidence that proves how the temple was destroyed to raise the mosque, without anything to rebut the Hindu case which has fully met the shifty and shifting demands of the Masjid groups; the role of the different governments, Prime Ministers, political parties and leaders in response to the Ayodhya movement; how the cleverness of Shri Narasimha Rao landed his Government in a mess from which it drifted from one wrong to another and finally turned the Ayodhya movement into a multi-dimensional struggle; how the White Paper published by the Government repudiated Shri Narasimha Rao’s declarations and accusations and how it prevaricates and withholds truth; and how the law and judiciary confessed their inability to solve the Ayodhya issue and yet kept passing interim orders to stifle the Temple construction. There is no aspect of the Ayodhya movement or its implications which this White Paper has not dealt with.

The BJP trusts that this comprehensive document will be an invaluable input to the ongoing national debate on Ayodhya and related issues — the meaning and content of secularism, communalism, and nationalism — which the Ayodhya movement has thrown up for public debate and discourse. The BJP hopes that those who aspire to know and understand the depth and the reach of this greatest mass movement in the history of this nation, will find in this White Paper a true and sincere account of the Ayodhya movement."

[a.a.O., S. 159ff. -- Fair use]


Jaswant Singh (Hindi: जसवंत सिंह, 1938 - ) in der RSS-Zeitschrift Organiser zur Zerstörung der Babri-Moschee (Urdu: بابری مسجد):

"Without doubt a wrong took place. But in this act of destruction, I do not see the kind of cataclysm that people are pointing out, or wish to draw attention to. [...] I think in a very real sense, and this might hurt many, a political era ended on 6 December. It is a great sorrow to me that this transition from the old order towards an emerging India-you can question whether the emerging India is the ‘right’ India or whether it ought to be moving differently - had to occur accompanied by violence. But it is without doubt a transition from the old to the new."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 475. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jaswant_Singh / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jaswant_Singh. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-06


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Manipur (Meitei: ꯃꯅꯤꯄꯨꯔ)

Abb.: Lage von Manipur (Meitei: ꯃꯅꯤꯄꯨꯔ)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


The Organiser "Quoting RSS General Secretary's reply to the Tribunal constituted under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967 to hear the case on the RSS":

"The term Hindu in the conviction as well as in the constitution of the RSS is a cultural and civilizational concept and not a political or religious term. The term as a cultural concept will include and did always include all including Sikhs, Buddhists, and Jains. The cultural nationality of India, in the conviction of the RSS, is Hindu and it was inclusive of all who are born and who have adopted Bharat as their Motherland, including Muslims, Christians and Parsis. The answering association submits that it is not just a matter of RSS conviction, but a fact borne out by history that the Muslims, Christians and Parsis too are Hindus by culture although as religions they are not so."

[Zitiert in: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindutva. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-22


Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی  in der Presidential adress bei der Bharatiya Janata Party National Council session:

"'Hindutva is not the panacea for the crises that have overwhelmed our society; but at least it establishes the moral and ethical base to cope with the assaults with a measure of self-confidence."

"The campaign to construct a Rama Temple at the birthplace of Rama in Ayodhya may have been initiated by the sadhus, the VHP and the RSS. The BJP extended to it its full support. The campaign became a mass movement. Now, it is not just the aspiration of any organisation or party, it is the resolve of the entire nation."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 483f., Anm. 4f.. -- Fair use]


Der Bajrang Dal (Hindi: बजरंग दल) wird nach dem Vorbild des RSS straffer organisiert. Uniformen werden eingeführt. Ein Handbuch für die Instruktoren erscheint.

1993-09-11 - 1993-09-25

Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی organisiert vier janadesh yatra [Hindi: जनदेश यात्रा] gegen den Constitution 80th Amendment Bill und den Representation of People (Amendment) Bill.

Advanis Begründung:

"We strongly object to religion being translated as dharma... for the average Indian, irrespective of whether he is a Hindu, or a Muslim or a Christian, his respective religion is for him an inspiration for righteous conduct. By ousting religion from politics, we will only be weakening the moral base of public life... politics should be cleansed of adharma, not dharma. It should be rid of corruption and criminalisation, not of probity and integrity..."

[Zitiert in: http://www.bjp.org/en/leadership/shri-lk-advani/yatras/janadesh-yatra. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-07. -- Fair use]

Einzelheiten zu den yatras: http://www.bjp.org/en/leadership/shri-lk-advani/yatras/janadesh-yatra. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-07


Allahabad (Hindi: इलाहाबाद): Gurujan Singh, VHP-Mitglied, in einem Interview:

"Untouchability developed in India during gulami [Hindi: गुलामी] [imprisionment], that is, when India was ruled by the Muslims and the British. The Hindus to protect themselves from the foreign invaders locked themselves in their homes. They buried their money and raised the boundary walls of their houses to hide their women folk. The gurukuls [Hindi: गुरुकुल] were shut down and children kept indoors. Thus, contact with the outer world broke down and children became samskar shunya [Hindi: संस्कार शून्य] [negligent of true knowledge and a sense of duty towards their motherland). Even the books were kept aside during the foreign attacks. There was no exchange of knowledge during thousand years of foreign attacks. The Hindus because of this closed environment became alienated from each other. Each one of them began considering oneself the best. A superiority complex formed in each Hindu and this led to the practice of untouchability."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S.  82f. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Godse, Nathuram Vinayak [Marathi: नाथूराम विनायक गोडसे] <1912 - 1949> ; Godse, Gopal Vinayak [Marathi: गोपाळ विनायक गोडसे] <1920 - 2005>: Why I assassinated Mahatma Gandhi? : Nathuram Godse and the events, the accused and the epilogue. -- Delhi : Surya Bharti Prakashan, 1993. -- 192 S. : Ill.

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer späteren Ausgabe
[Fair use]

1993-12-02 - 1998-12-03

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister von Delhi (Hindi: दिल्ली):


Abb.: Lage von Delhi (Hindi: दिल्ली)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

1993-12-04 - 1998-12-01

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister von Rajasthan (Hindi: राजस्थान): Bhairon Singh Shekhawat (Hindi: भैरोंसिंह शेखावत, 1923 - 2010)

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhairon_Singh_Shekhawat / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhairon_Singh_Shekhawat . -- Zugriff am 2018-04-11

Abb.: Lage von Rajasthan (Hindi: राजस्थान)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Es erscheint:

Wahiduddin Khan <Maulana> <1925 - > [وحید الدین خاں] : Indian Muslims : the need for a positive outlook. -- New Delhi : Al-Risala, 1994. -- 192 S. -- ISBN: 8185063818

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wahiduddin_Khan. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23


Es erscheint:

Jain, Girilal [Hindi: गिरिलाल जैन] <1924 – 1993>: The Hindu phenomenon. -- New Delhi: UBSPD, 1994. -- 170 S. -- ISBN 9788186112328. -- Online: http://www.girilaljainarchive.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/01/The-Hindu-Phenomenon-1.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-13 

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]

"Editor's Note

Girilal Jain belonged to that minority of Indian intellectuals who welcomed the movement for the Ram temple as part of the process of Hindu self-renewal and self-affirmation. The rise of Hindus, he argued, was a phenomenon that began 200 years ago with the consolidation of the British Raj and the disarming of the local populace. This produced a fundamental shift in the power balance between Hindus and Muslims which has not been reversed since, though it led to the partition of the country in 1947. Every important Hindu leader from Rammohan Roy to Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru has made his contribution to the Hindu resurgence. The Ramjanambhoomi movement was only the latest manifestation of this phenomenon, its importance being that it had placed the issue of the civilizational base of Indian nationalism at the centre of the country’s political agenda.

Girilal Jain believed that the political-economic order that Jawarharlal Nehru had fashioned was as much in the throes of death as its progenitor, the Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist order. Two major planks of this order, secularism and socialism, had lost much of their old glitter while the third, non-alignment, had become redundant. By the same token, re-Hinduization of the country’s political domain had begun.

It was not an accident that the battle between aroused Hindus and the Indian state had been joined on the question of the Ram temple. For Ram was the exemplar par excellence for the Hindu public domain. In historic terms, therefore, the proposed temple was another step towards that goal. The proper English translation of 'Hindu rashtra' would be 'Hindu polity and not 'Hindu nation'.

The concept of nation was, in fact, Girilal Jain argued, alien to the Hindu temperament and genius. It was essentially Semitic in character, even if it arose in western Europe in the eighteenth century when it had successfully shaken off the Church’s stranglehold. For, like Christianity and Islam, it too emphasized the exclusion of those who did not belong to the charmed circle (territorial, linguistic or ethnic) as much as it emphasized the inclusion of those who fell within the circle.    .

By contrast, the essential spirit of Hinduism was inclusivist, and not exclusivist by definition. Such a spirit must seek to abolish and not build boundaries. That is why he held that the Hindus could not sustain an anti-Muslim feeling except temporarily and, that too, under provocation.

In that sense, Girilal Jain argued, the Hindu fight was not with Muslims; the fight was between Hindus anxious to renew themselves in the spirit of their civilization, and the state and the intellectual class trapped in the debris the British managed to bury us under before they left: "The proponents of the Western ideology are using Muslims as auxiliaries and it is a pity Muslim leaders are allowing themselves to be so used.”

Girilal Jain had worked out the broad framework of this project and commenced work on the draft, when he fell fatally ill in June 1993. The book has been completed on the basis of his draft, notes and recent writings. Despite all its shortcomings I believe the end result is a fairly accurate statement of his position though, of necessity, it has been stated briefly.


Meenakshi Jain [Hindi: मीनाक्षी जैन]"

[a.a.O., S. v - vii. -- Fair use]


Gopal Vinayak Godse (Marathi: गोपाळ विनायक गोडसे, 1920 - 2005), der Bruder des Gandhimörders Nathuram Vinayak Godse (Marathi: नाथूराम विनायक गोडसे, 1912 - 1949) in einem Interview mit der Zeitschrift Frontline:

“All the brothers were in the RSS. Nathuram [Marathi/Sanskrit: नाथूराम, 1912 - 1949], Dattaaatreya [Marathi/Sanskrit: दत्तात्रेय], myself and Govind [Marathi/Sanskrit: गोविंद]. You can say we grew up in the RSS rather in our homes. It was like a family to us. Nathuram had become a baudhik karyavah (intellectual worker) in the RSS. He said in his statement that he left the RSS. He said it because Golwalkar [Marathi: मा. स. गोळवलकर, 1906 – 1973] and the RSS were in a lot of trouble after the murder of Gandhi. But he did not leave the RSS.

[Zitiert in: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 50. -- Fair use]


Der Führer der VHP im Shivpuri District (Hindi: शिवपुरी) zum Unterschied zwischen VHP und BJP:

"There were some differences in the high commands of the BJP and the VHP. VHP and RSS are purely Hindu minded and pro-Hindu bodies while the BJP, being a political body, certain Muslims are also members of it; so their perspectives are to some extent different from our outlook. They don’t want to give the impression to the public that they are anti-Muslim. Due to that difference, the high command did not ask any support from the VHP or the RSS in these elections. It has affected the results. We were not so active as we were in 1989, 1990 and 1991. Then we toured the whole countryside. But this time we were just sitting at home or doing local canvassing, that’s all."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 489. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Shivpuri (Hindi: शिवपुरी)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

1994-03 - 2000-02

Rajendra Singh (Hindi: राजेन्द्र सिंह, 1922 – 2003) ist Sarsanghchalak (Hindi: सरसंघचालक) des RSS

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rajendra_Singh_(RSS). -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23


Sarnath (Hindi:सारनाथ): First Hindu-Buddhist Sammelan

"1994 – Bharat: First Hindu-Buddhist Sammelan, Sarnath: With a view to establish World Peace, the First three-day International Sammelan was held under the auspices of World Buddhist Cultural Foundation (India) on 19-21 March 1994 at Sarnath near Varanasi, where Lord Buddha had delivered his first enlightening lecture over 2,500 years ago. Over 400 Dharmacharya delegates hailing from Bharat, Japan, Korea, Thailand, Tibet and Sri Lanka participated in the deliberations on the common elements in Hinduism and Buddhism.

The important points of discussions were as follows:

  1. Karma [कर्म] (action) and Punarjanma [पुनर्जन्म] (rebirth),
  2. Atma [आत्मा] (soul) and Sadvivek [सद्विवेक] (discrimination),
  3. Moksha [मोक्ष] (liberation) and Nirvan [निर्वाण] (Salvation),
  4. Brahma [ब्रह्म] (totality) and Shoonya [शून्य] (cypher),
  5. Avatar [अवतर] (incarnation) and Lord Buddha.

RSS Chief Ma. Shri K.S. Sudarshan [Malayalam: കെ.എസ്. സുദർശൻ, 1931 - 2012], VHP Secretary General Dr. Pravinbhai Togadiya [Hindi: प्रवीण तोगड़िया, 1956 - ], HH Sadhvi Ritambhara Devi [Hindi: साध्वी ऋतम्भरा] and several Sant-Mahatmas participated in the Sammelan."

[Quelle: http://vhp.org/vhp-50/vhp-has-multi-dimensional-activities/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-04. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Sarnath (Hindi:सारनाथ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Hyderabad (Telugu: హైదరాబాద్): Lal Krishna Advani (1927 - ) -- Urdu: لال کرشن اڈوانی in der Eröffnunsrede zum BJP National Executive Meeting:

"Hindutva is not a slogan for us. It is the Bharatiya Janata party’s ideological mascot, the most distinctive feature of its identity and approach. It has been the hall mark of the party well before Ayodhya and will continue to be so even after a magnificent Rama Temple at the birth place of Rama in Ayodhya becomes a fact of life."

[Zitiert in: Jaffrelot, Christophe <1964 - >: The Hindu nationalist movement in India. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Pr., 1996. -- 592 S. : Ill. -- Originaltitel: Les nationalistes hindous (1993). -- S. 536. -- Fair use]


Jaibhan Singh Pawaiya (Hindi: जयभान सिंह पवैया, 1955 - )

"If they [Muslime aus Bangladesh] don’t leave the country, we will throw them into the Bay of Bengal."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S. 109. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jaibhan_Singh_Pawaiya. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-06


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Bangalore

"Immediate Cause: Trouble broke out on 7th October in Bangalore when anti-Urdu telecast protesters turned violent.

The riots were apparently caused by introduction of a ten minute Urdu bulletin on Doordarshan at a prime time slot, i.e., immediately after the Kannada language news cast from 7.45 to 7.55 p.m. The telecast of Urdu news began from 2nd October. This created an explosive situation. It remained a linguistic protest only for a short while. Very soon the protest against the Urdu telecast acquired communal overtones. By 6th October the involvement of the Hinudutva forces became obvious. Members of the Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the BJP, stoned and damaged the official cars of the chief justice of Karnataka, G.T. Nanavati [1935 - ], and Health Minister, Maalaka Reddy. On 7th October the situation further worsened and took a definite communal turn. The protest procession was deliberately routed through Muslim dominated areas of South Bangalore and provocative slogans were shouted before a Masjid where Muslims were offering Friday prayers. It was also not by accident that Friday was chosen for the protest procession which was led by Akhil Bhartiya Vidyarthi Parishad affiliated student organisation from the V.V. Puram college. The procession made its way to the K.R. Market circle where the biggest mosque in the city is located. Near the mosque, the processionist who had already turned unruly about a kilometer away started attacking a few autorickshaws whose Muslim drivers fled and took shelter inside the mosque. The police managed to disperse the processionist but now those inside the mosque came out and started attacking buses. The same thing happened which the processionist had desired, that is, to provoke the Muslims. The deputy commissioner of police's attempt failed to restrain the mob which was now pelting stones indiscriminately, the police then opened fire killing 3 persons on the spot. Some police men sustained injuries and the DCP [deputy commissioner of police] himself was hit with broken bottle. The fact that the violence continued even after the announcement suspending the telecast of Urdu news bulletin, reflected that violence was communal in nature."

[Quelle: Engineer, Ashgar Ali <1939 - 2013> [ اصغر علی انجینئر] : Communal riots after independence : a comprehensive account. -- Mumbai : Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, 2004. -- 253 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 81-7541-150-3. -- S. 134f. -- Fair use]

1925 - 1995

Tote bei communal riots in Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़, Urdu علی گڑھ )

Abb.: Tote bei communal riots in Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़, Urdu علی گڑھ )
1925 - 1995
Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 63. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़, Urdu علی گڑھ )
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Es erscheint die Sondernummer der Zeitschrift कल्याण (Kalyan, Gita Press):

गोसेवा-अंक [Kuhverehrungs-Nummer]

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]


Es erscheint

Feuerstein, Georg <1947 - 2012>; Kak, Subhash <  - 1947 - > [Urdu: سوهاج كاك]; Frawley, David <1950 - >: In search of the cradle of civilization : new light on ancient India. -- Wheaton : Quest Books, 1995. -- 341 S. : Ill.. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0835607208

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/In_Search_of_the_Cradle_of_Civilization. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-12

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]


Premiere des Films

Bombay - Tamil: பம்பாய் / von Mani Ratnam (Tamil: மணிரத்னம், 1956 - )

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bombay_(Film) / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bombay_(film). -- Zugriff am 2018-06-27

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Vajpayee, Atal Bihari [Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी] <1924 - >: The Sangh is my Soul. -- In: Organiser. -- 1995-05-07

"What I am today is the making of Shri Tarte [Narayanrao Vishwanath Tarte -- Marathi: नारायण राव तरटे , 1913 - 2005]. Next to him I was inspired by Deendayal Upadhyaya [Hindi: दीनदयाल उपाध्याय, 1916 - 1968] and Bhaurao Deoras [Marathi: भाऊराव देवरस, 1917 - 1992]. Gwalior [Hindi: ग्वालियर] was then not within the field of Bhauraoji. But once he had come to Gwalior with Shri Balasaheb Apte [1939 - 2012] who was the then Bauddhik Pramukh... My father was not attached to the RSS, but my elder brother was... But the Islamic division of the world into 'Darul Harab' [Arabisch: دار الحرب] and 'Darul Islam' [Arabisch: دارالإسلام] comes in the way. Islam has yet to learn the art of existing and flourishing in a country where Muslims are in a minority. They cannot convert the whole of India to Islam. After all, they have to live here. So they have to recognise this fact. And today it has become a matter of grave concern and deep thinking in the Muslim countries. Because Quran offers no guidance in this regard. It only talks of killing kafirs or converting them to Islam. But they cannot do it always and everywhere. How can they do it where they are in a minority? If they try to do it, a major clash will take place and only the members of the minority will be killed. But Muslims themselves have to change this state of affairs. We cannot change it for them... Congress has not correctly understood the Muslim problem. They continue to carry on their policy of appeasement. But to what effect? The Muslims of this country can be treated in three ways....
  • One is 'tiraskar' [Hindi: तिरस्कार] which means if they will not themselves change leave them alone, reject them as out compatriots.
  • Second is 'puruskar' [Hindi: पुरस्कार] which is appeasement, i.e., bribe them to behave, which is being done by the Congress and others of their ilk.
  • The third way is 'parishkar' [Hindi: परिष्कार] meaning to change them, that is, restore them to the mainstream by providing them samskaras. ...

We want to change them by offering them the right samskaras. Their religion will not be changed. They can follow their own religion. Mecca can continue to be holy for the Muslims but India should be holier than the holy for them. You can go to a mosque and offer namaz, you can keep the roza [Persisch: [روزه. We have no problem. But if you have to choose between Mecca or Islam and India you must choose India. All the muslims should have this feeling: we will live and die only for this country.

I wrote "Hindu Tan-man Hindu Jeevan" when I was studying in the tenth class. I had then said, "koi batlaye Kabul mein jaakar kitni masjiden todin." I still stand by my words. But we (Hindus) did pull down the structure in Ayodhya. In fact it was a reaction to the Muslim vote-bank. We wanted to solve this problem through negotiation and legislation. But there was no puraskar for burai [Hindi: बुराई] (evil act). We change burai also with parishkar. Now I think, the Hindu society has been regenerated which was the prime task of the RSS. Earlier Hindus used to bend before an invasion but not now. This change in Hindu society is worthy of welcome. So much change must have come with the new-found ... The simple reason for my long association with the RSS is that I like the Sangh. I like its ideology, and above all I like the RSS attitude towards people, towards one another which is found only in the RSS ... When I was ill during the Emergency, my family members did not turn up to see me. They were afraid of being arrested for any such action. Only the RSS workers helped me."

[Quelle: http://indianterrorism.bravepages.com/vajpayee.htm. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-04] 

1995-05-19 - 2001-10-07

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister vom Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત):


Abb.: Lage von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Es erscheint:

द्वितीया एकात्मता यात्रा [Zweite Ekatmata Yatra]. -- In: हिन्दू चेतना [Hindu Chetna]. -- 1995-07-16

"Bharatmata [Sanskrit: भारतमाता - Mutter Indien] and its symbols—Gangamata [Sanskrit: गंगामाता - Mutter Ganges] and Gaumata [Sanskrit: गौमाता - Mutter Kuh] have the eternal essence of bringing together each and every Bharatiya [Sanskrit: भारतीय - Inder]. These three have the ability to unite Hindu society, uplifting it from caste, sect and language."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S. 43. -- Fair use]


Hindu Milk Miracle

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_milk_miracle. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-20


Uma Bharati (Hindi: उमा भारती, 1959 - ) in einer Rede:

"A Hindu refugee can come in this country and take shelter because a child has a legitimate right to its mother’s lap, but someone who has kicked the womb of Bharatmata after calling it impure and then left the country, should be kicked in the same way and thrown out of the country.

The cow is killed in this country because she is a Hindu’s mother and she will continue to be killed till the time a Hindu regards her as a mother

[if] Muslims have the freedom to practise their religion by slaughtering cows, then Hindus should have the freedom to kill the slaughterers of cows."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S. 105f. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uma_Bharti. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-06


Delhi (Hindi दिल्ली): Raghunandan Prasad Sharma (VHP) in einem Interview:

"When Muslims were on their conversion drive some Brahmin intellectuals refused to convert to Islam. As a consequence of their refusal to adopt Islam, the Muslims made them do such jobs as the cleaning of toilets. They cleaned shit but they did not give up Hinduism. Because they were engaged in a mahtvapurna [Hindi: महत्त्वपूर्ण] [essential] work they began to be called mehtars [Urdu: مھتار]. The term mehtar acquired a negative connotation over the years. However, all mehtars [Sudras] are Brahmins or upper-ranking Kshatriyas."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S. 83. -- Fair use]


Narendra Modi (Gujarati: નરેંદ્ર દામોદરદાસ મોદી, 1950 - ) wird National Secretary der BJP


Eine Umfrage von MARG in Karnataka (Kannada: ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ) zeigt, dass die BJP besonders beliebt ist bei den Brahmanen, von denen bei den Befragten 39% BJP bevorzugten. BJP wird in Karnataka auch unterstützt von Lingayat (Kannada: ಲಿಂಗಾಯತ) unter B.S. Yediyurappa (Kannada: ಬಿ. ಎಸ್. ಯಡಿಯೂರಪ್ಪ, 1943 - ).

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/B._S._Yeddyurappa / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B._S._Yeddyurappa. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-07

Abb.: Lage von Karnataka (Kannada: ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Supreme Court zu Hindutva [Dr. Ramesh Yeshwant Prabhoo Vs. Shri Prabhakar Kashinath Kunte & Ors [1995] INSC 822 (11 December 1995)]:

"This being the scope and nature of the religion, it is not strange that it holds within its fold men of divergent views and traditions which have very little in common except a vague faith in what may be called the fundamentals of the Hindu religion." (emphasis supplied) (at pages 481-482) These Constitution Bench decisions, after a detailed discussion, indicate that no precise meaning can be ascribed to the terms `Hindu', `Hindutva' and `Hinduism'; and no meaning in the abstract can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of Indian culture and heritage. It is also indicated that the term `Hindutva' is related more to the way of life of the people in the sub- continent. It is difficult to appreciate how in the face of these decisions the term `Hindutva' or `Hinduism' per se, in the abstract, can be assumed to mean and be equated with narrow fundamentalist Hindu religious bigotry, or be construed to fall within the prohibition in sub-sections (3) and/or (3A) of Section 123 of the R.P. Act. Bharucha, J. in Dr. M. Ismail Faruqui and Ors. etc. (Ayodhya case), in the separate opinion for himself and Ahmadi, J. (as he then was), observed as under :

"....Hinduism is a tolerant faith. It is that tolerance that has enabled Islam, Christianity, Zoroastrianism, Judaism, Buddhism, Jainism an Sikhism to find shelter and support upon this land...." ( at page 442 ) Ordinarily, Hindutva is understood as a way of life or a state of mind and it is not to be equated with, or understood as religious Hindu fundamentalism. In "Indian Muslims - The Need For A Positive Outlook" by Maulana Wahiduddin Khan, (1994), it is said :

"The strategy worked out to solve the minorities problem was, although differently worded, that of Hindutva or Indianisation. This strategy, briefly stated, aims at developing a uniform culture by obliterating the differences between all of the cultures coexisting in the country. This was felt to be the way to communal harmony and national unity. It was thought that this would put an end once and for all to the minorities problem." ( at page 19 ) The above opinion indicates that the word `Hindutva' is used and understood as a synonym of `Indianisation', i.e., development of uniform culture by obliterating the differences between all the cultures co-existing in the country."

[Quelle: http://www.advocatekhoj.com/library/judgments/index.php?go=1995/december/51.php. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-12. -- Fair use]


BJP Election Manifesto. -- Online: http://lib.bjplibrary.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/261/1/BJP%20ELECTION%20MANIFESTO%201996.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-24

"With a BJP Government at the Centre, the next five years will be devoted to implementing our Manifesto based on the four concepts of Suraksha [सुरक्ष], Shuchita [शुचिता], Swadeshi [स्वदेशी] and Samrasata [समरसता]. Hindutva [हिन्दुत्व], or cultural nationalism, shall be the rainbow which will bridge our present to our glorious past and pave the way for an equally glorious future; it will guide the transition from Swarajya [स्वराज्य] to Surajya [सुराज्य]. Our Manifesto reflects the application of these four concepts in good governance and their role in moulding the nation we dreamt of on the dawn of Independence — a prosperous and strong India, a country where every citizen regards this land of ours, this Bharatbhoomi [भारतभूमि], that stretches from the Indus to the seas, as his sacred motherland.

The BJP believes in one nation, one people, and one culture.

We are, therefore, committed to promoting social reconciliation rather than conflict. We are resolved to put an end to the politics of competitive communalism, of appeasement, and of casteism. The politics of pitting caste against caste, community against community and class against class has torn asunder our social fabric. The BJP will reweave this fabric into a harmonious pattern."

[a.a.O., Fair use]

"A New Direction, A New Dispensation.

Nearly half a century of Congress misrule has all but shattered the internal polity of the country. There is not one institution of the Republic left that can be said to now be in a state of total health. The Legislature, the Executive, unfortunately the Judiciary, and even the media have been afflicted by the mindlessness of the Congress' exploitation and loot of our country.

The Bharatiya Janata Party well recognises that to correct this great wrong of the past five decades requires the skill and commitment of a Vishwakarma. With humility, we address ourselves to this task.

The first is to restore to our state its authority. Perhaps never since the scourge of the Pindaries has the writ of our state been as enfeebled as by this Congress misrule. The primary task, therefore, is to restore to the state, and to governance, its honour and its prestige — izzat [عزت] and iqbal [إقبال]. For this the BJP will institute a set of measures. This is a challenge that is principally moral and only then functional. The BJP commits itself, therefore, to:

  1. Addressing purposefully to the many challenges being posed to us in Jammu & Kashmir and in the North-East of India. We are of the view that in both these strategically important border regions of the country, misgovernance, neglect and emotional separation from India lie at the root of the problems. Terrorism and challenges to the state will be met forthrightly; changes in law where warranted will be brought about expeditiously; the approach will be firm but always fair.
    To translate this Manifesto into reality, to fulfil our destined role of leading India into the next millennium, the Bharatiya Janata Party seeks the support and cooperation of all our citizens.
  2. Launching a major nationwide drive to identify influx of illicit arms and their possession. Proliferation of small arms affects directly the law and order in the country as also the security of the nation. We recognise that narcotics smuggling and narco-terrorism are linked. The country must be rid of both. The law in this regard will be made more effective and implemented.
  3. Toning up the administration (as enumerated subsequently) and reforming its functioning, accountability and responsibilities.
  4. Rationalising the number, structure, composition and role of paramilitary forces, including recent initiatives like National Security Guard (NSG), Rapid Action Force (RAF) and Special Protection Group (SPG). We will review the personal security arrangments: We believe that the security of the high dignitaries of the country is the responsibility of the state. This security, however, should neither be exaggerated nor intrusive. It should not ever be at the cost of the collective convenience of the citizens of the country. The BJP will reform this."

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]]


Service Centres run by Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA) (Hindi: वनवासी कल्याण आश्रम)

Tribal villages in India 121.794
Tribal villages where VKA work is going on 18.518
Boys’ hostels 125
Girls’ hostels  25
Male students 4.158
Bal samskara kendras (Centres for building character among children)   649
Crèches and pre-school centres 1.487
Primary schools 261
Secondary and higher secondary schools  23
Libraries and reading rooms 65
Medical dispensaries  521
Hospitals 7
Centres for agricultural development 33
Industrial training centres 44
Sports centres 1.489
Religious community halls 1.781
Folk art centres 198

[Quelle: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S. 131f.. -- Fair use]


Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा)

Abb.: Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) 1996: gewonnene Sitze
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29]


Delhi (Hindi: दिल्ली): Surya DevTripathi, Generalsekretär der Dehli Unit der VHP, in einem Interview:

"If one has to spread one’s ideology in every walk of life one has to open several fronts. That was the basic idea. That is why RSS opened fronts in many directions such as the Mazdoor Sangh for the labour movement, Vidhyarthi Parishad for students and Jana Sangh in politics etc. One body cannot tackle everything. The basic idea was to spread the organisation in various directions. It had to be multifaceted. This is how VHP came up. The RSS did not organise temples, sadhus and shankaracharyas. Somebody had to do that work. The Hindu society was divided into fragments—the Arya Samaj, Sanatana Dharma, Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism etc. were all distinct from each other. A broad platform was required to bring these together. For example, Sikhism is not an independent religion but an offshoot of Hinduism. Similarly, Jains are our own people. Our broad idea is to bring all these faiths within the Hindu fold again so that all feel that they arc Hindus. This is the aim of the VHP."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S. 96. -- Fair use]

1996-05-16 - 1996-06-01

Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - ) (BJP) ist Prime Minister Indiens.

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atal_Bihari_Vajpayee / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atal_Bihari_Vajpayee. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23

Abb.: Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - )
[Public domain]

1996-06-01 - 1997-04-21

H. D. Deve Gowda (Kannada: ಹೆಚ್.ಡಿ.ದೇವೇಗೌಡ, 1933 - ) (Janata Dal) ist Prime Minister Indiens

Abb.: H. D. Deve Gowda (Kannada: ಹೆಚ್.ಡಿ.ದೇವೇಗೌಡ, 1933 - )
[Bildquelle: Prathyush Thomas/Wikimedia. -- Free Art License 1.3]

1997-04-21 - 1998-03-19

Inder Kumar Gujral (Hindi: इंद्र कुमार गुज़राल, 1919 - 2012) (Janata Dal) ist Prime Minister Indiens.

Abb.: Inder Kumar Gujral (Hindi: इंद्र कुमार गुज़राल, 1919 - 2012), 1997
[Bildquelle: Biswarup Ganguly/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]

1997-09-21 - 2002-03-08

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister von Uttar Pradesh (Hindi: उत्तर प्रदेश):


Abb.: Lage von Uttar Pradesh (Hindi: उत्तर प्रदेश)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Coimbatore (Tamil: கோயம்புத்தூர)

"Immediate Cause: Trouble broke out on 29th November in Coimbatore when a traffic constable charged two Muslim fundamentalists belonging to Al-ulama for violating traffic rules and took them to police station. They raised hue and cry but police officers pacified them and let them go. On their way back, they were again booked by a traffic constable for traffic rule violations. They stabbed the constable and ran away. The policeman died. The Hindu Munnai and Hindu People's Party workers gathered in numbers in government hospital where the dead body was kept. They attacked Dravida Munnetra Kazham party legislator C.T. Dhandapani [Tamil: சி. டி. தண்டபாணி] and set his car on fire. Dhandapani was admitted to the hospital with serious head injuries. The riots soon sparked off, with attack from both sides and on 1.30 at night police firing also took place. In the mean time, a large section of the police struck work in protest against the killing of the constable."

[Quelle: Engineer, Ashgar Ali <1939 - 2013> [ اصغر علی انجینئر] : Communal riots after independence : a comprehensive account. -- Mumbai : Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, 2004. -- 253 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 81-7541-150-3. -- S. 150f. -- Fair use]


Muslimische Bombenanschläge auf drei Züge in Tamil Nadu. Auf den

Abb.: Streckenführung des Chennai-Madurai Pandiyan Express (Tamil: பாண்டியன் அதிவிரைவுத் தொடருந்து)
[Bildquelle: Adityamadhav83/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]

Abb.: Streckenführung des Chennai-Coimbatore Cheran Express (Tamil: சேரன் விரைவுவண்டி)
[Bildquelle: Adityamadhav83/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]

Abb.: Streckenführung des Chennai-Allepey Express
[Bildquelle: Adityamadhav83/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 4.0]

1998 - 2000

Kushabhau Thakre (Marathi: कुशाभाऊ ठाकरे, 1922 - 2003) ist Präsident der BJP

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kushabhau_Thakre. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05


Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ): Flugblatt des Bajrang Dal (Hindi: बजरंग दल) über die Ziele des Bajrang Dal:

  • "To protect the country i.c. mother India.
  • To raise a loud voice against people criticising Hindu society.
  • To protect religion and culture.
  • To work for the protection of Hindu women (sister and daughter).
  • To fight against anti-national elements.
  • To crusade against cow-slaughter.
  • To conduct an awareness campaign against trapping of Hindu girls by Muslims and the anti-national activities of Christian missionaries.

Bajrang Dal means national power—Hindu power.

World creator mother Jagdamba [Sanskrit: जगदंबा], she is Durga mata [Sanskrit: दुर्गा माता], she is Bharatmata [Sanskrit: भारतमाता].

For protection of our national interest let us join the Bajrang Dal.

Our existence has meaning only when the country exists.

Come youth come out for the country.

Let us join the Bajrang Dal and pay gratitude to her."

[Zitiert in: Katju, Manjari: Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian politics. -- 2. ed. -- Hyderabad : Orient Blackswan, 2010. -- 186 S. -- ISBN 978-81-250-4043-7. -- S. 138. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Shourie, Arun [अरुण शौरी] <1941 - >: Eminent historians : their technology, their line, their frauds. -- Delhi : ASA Publications, 1998. -- ISBN 8172233558. -- 271 S.

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]


In June-July 1998, progressives kicked up quite a racket. The government has packed the Indian Council of Historical Research with pro-Ram Mandir historians, they shouted. It has surreptitiously altered the aims and objectives of the Council, they shouted.

As is their wont, they had sparked the commotion by giving wind to a concoction.

As is their wont too, they were charging others with planning to do in some undefined future what they had themselves been actually doing for decades - that is, write history to a purpose.

The commotion led me to look into their record - to look at what they had made of an institution like the Indian Council of Historical Research, and to read the textbooks they had authored.

Small scandals turned up too. So accustomed have we become to crores being raked off that the amounts mentioned in this narrative will seem less than the pilfering of pickpockets. That is so in part because our standards have become so lax. And in part because the real crime of these eminences does not lie in the loss they have inflicted in terms of money. It lies in the condition to which they have reduced institutions. It lies in their dereliction - because of which projects that were important for our country have languished. It lies even more in the use to which they have put those institutions.

They have used them to have a comfortable time, of course. They have used them to puff up each other’s reputations, of course. But the worst of it is that they have used their control of these institutions to pervert public discourse, and thereby derail public policy.

They have made India out to have been an empty land, filled by successive invaders. They have made present-day India, and Hinduism even more so, out to be a zoo - an agglomeration of assorted, disparate specimens. No such thing as ‘India’, just a geographical expression, just a construct of the British; no such than as Hinduism, just a word used by Arabs to describe the assortment they encountered, just an invention of the communalists to impose a uniformity - that has been their stance. For this they have blackened the Hindu period of our history, and, as we shall see, strained to whitewash the Islamic period. They have denounced ancient India’s social system as the epitomy of oppression, and made totalitarian ideologies out to be egalitarian and just.

They have belittled our ancient culture and exaggerated syncretistic elements which survived and made them out to have been an entire ‘culture’, the ‘composite culture’ as they call it. Which culture isn’t? And all the while they have taken care to hide the central facts about these common elements in the life of our people: that they had survived in spite of the most strenuous efforts spread over a thousand years of Islamic rulers and the ulema to erase them, that they had survived in spite of the sustained efforts during the last one hundred and fifty years of the missionaries and British rulers to make us forget and shed these elements, that the elements had survived their efforts to instead inflame each section to see its ‘identity’ and essence in factors which, if internalized, would set it apart. Most of all, these intellectuals and the like have completely diverted public view from the activities in our own day of organizations like the Tabhligi jamaat and the Church which are exerting every nerve, and deploying uncounted resources to get their adherents to discard every practice and belief which they share with their Hindu neighbours.

These intellectuals and their patrons have worked a diabolic inversion: the inclusive religion, the pluralist spiritual search of our people and land, they have projected as intolerant, narrow-minded, obscurantist; and the exclusivist, totalitarian, revelatory religions and ideologies - Islam, Christianity, Marxism-Leninism - they have made out to be the epitomes of tolerance, open-mindedness, democracy, secularism!

This has been their real crime. It has also been a bit of a feat. For they have been just a few: during the Ayodhya controversy, for instance, every other week a press statement would appear in favour of the stand of the Babri Masjid Action Committee - one week over the names of ‘eminent historians’, the next over the signatures of ‘distinguished social scientists’, and the week after that in the name of ‘leading intellectuals’! But they would always be the same lot. Always the same small lot: six in one statement, eight in the next; their high was forty-two once. But what commotion they have been able to create, and what mischief.

They have been able to do so because of what they were advancing - for instance, the Marxist ‘thesis’ they were parroting in their textbooks - was in accord with the temper of the times. Because their kinds were in critical positions in professions like journalism and universities. And because the rulers reckoned that to garner votes it would be politic to dress up in progressive plumes; patronizing persons who had taken out a copyright, so to say, on the progressive hue was accordingly useful.

Most of all, they were able to work their mischief because of the control they came to acquire over institutions.

Times have changed: the committed progressive of yesterday is the unthinking conservative today.

The needs of the rulers have changed: who can fool the masses today by nationalizing banks and parading certificates from progressives?

The theory in which progressives preened about had been shown decades ago to be without basis. At that time no one listened. But today no one invokes it! For it has floundered on the one test the progressives had said alone mattered: the test of practice. Whatever the theoretical imperfections, whatever the empirical evidence, the one thing that counts is that it has worked in practice - in the Soviet Union, in eastern Europe, in China: that was their argument. And as only those facts about these countries were facts which they certified, the argument could scarcely be countered. Today that very argument works to the opposite effect: whatever the logical coherence you claim for it, whatever scraps of empirical evidence you adduce in its favour, the one thing that counts is that it has failed in practice!

So, the fashions are changing, the patronage of rulers is evaporating, their holy books have been repudiated in their Meccas.

All that remains is their hold over governmental institutions. The remedy is twofold. First, enable a multitude of other institutions to come up: for this, a few changes in laws, some marginal incentives for setting up and running foundations, and faith in others -that persons outside the state also are eager to do good by the country - are all we need. Second, loosen the hold over existing institutions of eminences of the kind surveyed here: for this all that is needed is to document what they have made of these institutions."

[a.a.O., S. 6-8. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eminent_Historians. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-17


Es erscheint:

Goodrick-Clarke, Nicholas <1953 - 2012>: Hitler's priestess : Savitri Devi, the Hindu-Aryan myth, and Neo-Nazism. -- New york : University Press, 1998. -- 269 S. -- ISBN 0-8147-3111-2

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hitler%27s_Priestess. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-30


Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा)

Abb.: Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) 1998: gewonnene Sitze
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29]

1998-03-19 - 2004-05-22

Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - ) (BJP) ist Prime Minister Indiens.

Abb.: Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - )
[Public domain]


Es erscheint:

Frawley, David (aka. Vamadeva Shastri [वामदेव शास्त्री]) <1950 - >: Awaken Bharata : a call for Indias rebirth. -- New Delhi : Voice of India, 1998. --294 S. -- ISBN 978-81-85990-51-4

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Frawley / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Frawley. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-03 

Abb.: Einbandtitel


Several years ago I wrote two books on Hinduism and India. The first, Arise Arjuna, was a compilation of different articles on contemporary problems, including difficult and controversial social and political issues. The second, Hinduism: The Eternal Tradition, was an attempt to clarify the broader meaning of Hindu Dharma in the modern world, including a series of questions and answers on topical matters. Since then I have continued to write various articles on Hinduism and on important issues facing India today. The present volume is the result of that work, reflecting not only development in my own thought but the changing situation in the country.

The theme of the present book is the need for a resurgent Hinduism, particularly on an intellectual level: a new Hindu intelligentsia to meet the challenge of the media and computer age and the burgeoning information revolution. Such a new Hindu intelligentsia requires both a critique of anti-Hindu forces, which are numerous and well-funded, and a self-examination among Hindus, exposing the weaknesses within Hindu society and in contemporary Hindu thought.

On the first count, Hindus must learn to articulate their views to the world mind, even if other groups may feel challenged by what they may have to say. Hindus must be aware of those who oppose them and strive to counter the distortions about them that are prevalent both in the media and in text books. Hindus must learn to defend their great spiritual heritage, even if this may place them at odds with more circumscribed beliefs. It is no longer enough for Hindus to be apostles of tolerance with no clear principles or doctrines with which to sustain it. They must stand for the truth, which cannot always be popular, and not simply seek to placate everyone.

On the second count, Hindus must learn to project a united front on a social level and reclaim the greater field of Hindu Dharma that covers all aspects of life and culture and was not merely confined to the temple or the ashram. They must not only reform Hindu society but use the great yogic and Dharmic principles of their tradition to help reform the world today that is descending into a quagmire of either sensate materialism on one hand, or dogmatic religious fundamentalism on the other. In this regard Hindus need to understand why they have become divided and are failing to meet current challenges. They must project a new effort to promote Hindu Dharma as a whole and not be content merely to support their particular sect or local tradition, however great that may be.

Clearly Hindus in old India did these things quite well, developing critiques of all existing systems of philosophy and religion as well as establishing firm principles of social harmony. This we can clearly see by examining the older teachings of Hindu Dharma, including the six schools of Hindu philosophy, the various Dharma Sutras, and above all the great Mahabharata, which presents teachings for all types of individuals and all social groups. Modern teachers, like Sri Aurobindo or Swami Vivekananda, have performed a similar work in recent times, offering important critiques of Western religion, philosophy and culture as well showing how to regenerate India based upon spiritual, yogic and Vedic models. Unfortunately, modern India has not followed these examples, which has led to most of its current problems. Now is the time to reverse this trend.

Awaken Bharata asks for Hindus to awaken and stand up as Hindus in the greater sense of Sanatana Dharma: a broad, open and enduring tradition of truth for humanity, not as modern or new age universalists with no real tradition, nor as sectarian Hindus caught in local religious forms. For those who may not know, Bharata is the traditional name for India. It derives from the great king Bharata, one of the early emperors of the region in Vedic times. It also refers to India as the carrier (Bharata) of humanity’s sacred flame of spiritual aspiration. Awaken Bharata is a plea for that ancient spiritual soul of the country, which was beaten down by a thousand years of brutal foreign domination, to come alive today and lead not only India but the world into a new spiritual age. It calls for Hindus to return not only to the way of the great Rishis who realized the Divine reality behind the universe, but to the way of the great kings and warriors of Bharata, who were willing to lay down their lives for Dharma in order to maintain a land where the spiritual life could be pursued without oppression by worldly forces.

In this book I have dealt primarily with broad principles and not tried to address the specifics of passing events. This is partly because, living in the United States and only visiting India, I may not be informed of the details of specific issues so as to be able to deal with them properly. But it is also because inner principles are more important than changing outer circumstances. As the book consists of what were originally separate articles, there is some overlap of their material and their themes, but hopefully not much that is repetitious.

Awaken Bharata is aimed primarily at a Hindu audience and addresses issues that other groups may not know of or perceive in the same way. Each religious community has its internal issues and its particular language that may not be clear to others. Hence non-Hindus may not be able to relate to all that is said within these pages. And, if I were speaking to a non-Hindu audience on similar topics, I might also relate them differently. However, non-Hindus can benefit by this book to help them see a more Hindu point of view.

For those of a non-Hindu background, including academicians or even sympathetic friends of India, there may be much in the book that is challenging. The West needs to hear a Hindu critique of its ways, including its vulgar commercialism that is spreading its tentacles all over the world. Islam and Christianity need to hear the Hindu voice, which represents the Pagan religions that they have demonized and continue to assault with their conversion efforts. Western academia as well, limited to humanistic and historical perspectives, needs to hear a critique of its anthropocentric views from a cosmic and eternal perspective such as Hindu Dharma offers.

There has been such a tendency to attack Hinduism, particularly through negative stereotypes, without anyone speaking out to defend it, that some people may be disturbed to find a Hindu response to deal with. The very term Hindu is offensive to those who think that there is nothing valuable in any Hindu point of view, which by its very name sounds primitive and communal. But this book, though perhaps among the first by a Westerner to strongly articulate a Hindu critique, will not be among the last. Hopefully it will help engender a new mode of thinking to remove present distortions.

There are those who may accuse me of creating intolerance for questioning the view that all religions are good and, in particular, for criticizing Islam and Christianity from a Hindu point of view. True tolerance, we must note, should be able to accept criticism. What attempts to blot out criticism or stifle differing points of view is intolerance and nothing else. Why should modern religious tolerance be based upon a refusal to question religious dogma ? That is more like the inquisitions of the Middle Ages that prevented any church from being questioned. Freedom of religion requires freedom to criticize religion as well, or it is not a real freedom. In this regard a Hindu critique of other religions is the one most lacking and necessary to provide a balanced view, while anti-Hindu views are readily available from missionary groups everywhere, as well as occurring commonly in the media.

Unfortunately most students of India or practitioners of Hindu-based Yoga teachings are ignorant of the real state of the country or its traditional political ideals and practices. They naively believe the leftist controlled English language news media of India, or Western academic or media views of India that are at best condescending and at worst maligning. They do not realize that what has been happening to Hinduism in India is not much different than what has happened to Buddhism in China, where leftist and Marxist forces have sought to destroy older spiritual traditions, regarding them as fascist or communal, because they challenge their urge to rule the country. The same anti-Hindu leftist forces in India have not supported the cause of Tibet either, which they similarly regard as a backward and oppressive culture.

While some readers may want to reject my characterization of a leftist and communist domination of the Indian media and universities, they should not forget that India still has two communist ruled states, Kerala and Bengal. The communist chief minister of West Bengal, Jyoti Basu, was one of the main prime ministerial candidates proposed for the United Front, a leftist alliance, when it came to power in 1996. His name is being projected again as the possible Prime Minister should the front come to power in elections slated for early in 1998. Even a newspaper such as The Hindu of Madras supported Basu for the Prime Minister position. This is a good example of how Marxists forces remain powerful in India, something the West should not forget, though Marxist professors from India like to appear in America as mere social liberals !

Above all, I encourage people to study more about India, particularly outside standard media or academic sources, seeking to listen to Hindu groups and Hindu voices at least to learn what they have to say. A definition of Hinduism and Hindu politics by non-Hindus is bound to be biased and not give the complete story. Denouncing the current Hindu revivalism as regressive may be a convenient political ploy or intellectual escape but certainly this oldest religion and culture of the world deserves a better hearing, without which any picture of humanity cannot be complete.

As a personal note I took up this cause after having studied and written extensively about the Vedas, Yoga, Ayurveda and related aspects of Hindu Dharma, and having first discovered comparable distortions in all these areas. I had to break through many false views before I could understand how much Hindu Dharma as a whole has been misrepresented. I hope other readers can similarly take the time and think deeply, in order to break through this barrier of perception. I have always been something of a revolutionary and strive to go to the core of things, even if this upsets or goes against prevailing opinions. I have taken that stance here as well because this is often how new insight is born and how we are able to move beyond present limitations to a greater truth. Certainly something in the world and in India in particular needs to change, and it is necessary to stir up the waters to bring this about.

Others may question how a Westerner can comment on the complex and unique issues of such a foreign nation and culture. Well Hindus have for decades been naively following the views of Westerners who project negative ideas about their traditions and divide their country up in various ways in order to conquer, convert or Westernize it. Therefore, there may be some benefit in Hindus listening to an American who has a more positive view of their traditions. At least I have taken the time to really study the tradition in depth before making conclusions, something most Western commentators on India do not even attempt

Awaken Bharata is being released as a companion to a related volume by N.S. Rajaram [1943 - ]. Originally we hoped to do one book together but it soon became clear that there was too much material for a single book. Readers should examine Rajaram’s book as well and his other writings as a whole, which are all extremely insightful. One area that I have not dealt with in this particular volume, except in passing, is the need for a new historical model of ancient India, though I have addressed this in other books. However, Rajaram has examined the issue in his book, which can be consulted for the latest information on this important topic. Another writer whose works are helpful to clarify the views presented here are those of Arun Shourie [Panjabi: ਅਰੁਣ ਸ਼ੌਰੀ, 1941 - ], who has boldly, perhaps more than any other writer, challenged negative stereotypes and misconceptions about India and Hinduism today.

My previous book Arise Arjuna, asked for Arjuna, the Dharmic soul of India, to rise up again. The present volume continues that call to Bharata, the ancient spirit of the region, to awaken once more. Only the idea of a land such as Bharata can inspire an Arjuna. Only a character with the strength of Arjuna can create a spiritual land such as Bharata was meant to be. More Arjunas are required to awaken Bharata. A new vision of Bharata is necessary to inspire new Arjunas. Without any land of Bharata the nations of the world are without any real spiritual leader and the world is indeed a poor place to live. Without any Arjunas or spiritual warriors, there can be no Bharata. May this vision find those who can both deepen and fulfill it!

Many people have helped encourage me to do this type of book and I am grateful for all their help. Most notably I would like to thank the Hindu Students Council (HSC) of America and the National Hindu Students Forum (NHSF) of Great Britain for their interest and support, as well as Ashok Chowgule [1948 - ] of the Hindu Vivek Kendra in Mumbai. These groups are doing excellent work with the media and the Internet to promote a fair presentation of Hindu Dharma, and are living examples of the work I am encouraging Hindus to take up in this book.

Finally, I would like to dedicate the book to my friend and teacher Dr. B.L. Vashta [ब.ल.वष्ट] of Mumbai and Pune (1919-1997), an important thinker and journalist in the field of Hindu Dharma, who introduced me into this greater study, encouraged my activity within it, and who remains as an inspiration to carry it further.

Santa Fe, New Mexico, USA December 1997

David Frawley (Vamadeva Shastri)"

[a.a.O., S. xxiv - xxxi. -- Fair use]


Bildung der National Democratic Alliance (NDA)

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Democratic_Alliance_(Indien) / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Democratic_Alliance_(India). -- Zugriff am 208-05-22


Pokhran (Hindi: पोखरण ): Unterirdische Atombombentests

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_nuclear_weapons_tests_of_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-12

Abb.: Lage von Pokhran (Hindi: पोखरण )
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

"In May 1998, the media around the world carried pictures that should have sent a chill down our collective spines. They showed crowds of ordinary, everyday men and women dancing in the streets of New Delhi to celebrate India’s successful nuclear weapons tests. For these mobs, the technological hardware of the bomb was a symbol of their national greatness, their strength, and even their virility. It was a Hindu bomb against the Islamic bomb of Pakistan. Opinion polls showed over 90 per cent approval of India’s decision to go nuclear.

The ideologues of Hindu nationalism and many ordinary people on the streets claimed that the bomb was foretold in their sacred book, the Bhagavad Gita [Kapitel 11], in which God Krishna declares himself to be

‘the radiance of a thousand suns, the splendour of the Mighty One ... I have become Death, the destroyer of the worlds.’

While Robert Oppenheimer [1904 - 1967] used the Hindu imagery after the first nuclear test in 1945 to express fear and awe at what science had wrought, Hindu partisans see in this imagery a cultural and religious justification for their nuclear weapons. Indeed, some observers have gone so far as to claim that for many Indians the nuclear tests were a religious experience in which they saw ‘the triumph of divine power ... the workings of providence, grace, revelation and a history guided by an inexorable faith’ (Harman 2000,738).

There is plenty of evidence for a distinctively Hindu packaging of the bomb. Even though the Bharatiya Janata Party government eschewed religious rhetoric in its official pronouncements, it gave the other members of the Hindutva family, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, free rein to claim the bomb for the glory of Hindu civilization and Vedic sciences. Shortly after the explosion, Vishwa Hindu Parishad ideologues inside and outside the government vowed to build a temple dedicated to Shakti [Sanskrit: शक्ति] (the goddess of energy) and vigyan [Sanskrit: विज्ञान] (science) at the site of the explosion. The temple was to celebrate the vigyan [Sanskrit: विज्ञान] of the Vedas that are supposed to contain all the science of nuclear fission and all the knowhow for making bombs. Plans were made to take the ‘consecrated soil’ from the explosion site around the country for mass prayers and celebrations. Mercifully, the fear of spreading radioactivity scuttled these plans. But the Hinduization of the bomb has continued in many other ways. There are reports that in festivals around the country, the idols of Ganesh were made with atomic orbits in place of the traditional halo around his elephant head. Other gods were cast as gun-toting soldiers. At an official level, the weapons and the missiles under construction are routinely given distinctly mythological names, from Agni (the fire god) to Trishul [Sanskrit: त्रिशूल]  (trident, the symbol of God Shiva). The religious imagery was sufficiently pronounced to have alarmed a group of American scholars of Hinduism who issued a letter of concern to ‘protest the use of religious imagery to glorify and to legitimate nuclear exercises.’"

[Quelle: Nanda, Meera [मीरा नंदा] <1954 - >: Prophets facing backward : postmodernism, science, and Hindu nationalism. -- Delhi : Permanent Black, 2004. -- ISBN 81-7824090-4. -- S. 41f.. -- Fair use]


Modi wird offiziell BJP National Secretary General (Organization)


Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister in Himachal Pradesh (Hindi: हिमाचल प्रदेश): Prem Kumar Dhumal (Hindi: प्रेम कुमार धूमल, 1944 - )

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prem_Kumar_Dhumal. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-11

Abb.: Lage von Himachal Pradesh (Hindi: हिमाचल प्रदेश)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


BJP Manifesto 1998. -- Online: http://www.bjp.org/en/documents/manifesto/national-democratic-alliance-manifesto-1999". -- Zugriff am 2018-04-09

"Our National Identity

Cultural Nationalism

THE BJP is committed to the concept of "One Nation, One People and One Culture". The unique cultural and social diversity in India is woven into a larger civilizational fabric by thousands of years of common living and common and shared values, beliefs, customs, struggles, joy and sorrow, as well as symbols of high degree of unity without uniformity. Our nationalist vision is not merely bound by the geographical or political identity of Bharat but it is referred by our timeless cultural heritage. This cultural heritage which is central to all regions, religions and languages, is a civilizational identity and constitutes the cultural nationalism of India which is the core of Hindutva. This we believe is the identity of our ancient nation "Bharatvarsha".

Every effort to characterize Hindutva as a sectarian or exclusive idea has failed as the people of India have repeatedly rejected such a view and the Supreme Court, too, finally endorsed the true meaning and content of Hindutva as being consistent with the true meaning and definition of secularism. In fact, Hindutva accepts as sacred all forms of belief and worship. The evolution of Hindutva in politics is the antidote to the creation of vote banks and appeasement of sectional interests. Hindutva means justice for all.

The BJP is convinced that Hindutva has immense potentiality to re-energize this nation and strengthen and discipline it to undertake the arduous task of nation-building. This can and does trigger a higher level of patriotism that can transform the country to greater levels of efficiency and performance. It is with such integrative ideas in mind, the BJP joined the Ram Janmabhoomi movement for the construction of Shri Ram Mandir at Ayodhya. This greatest mass movement in post-Independence history reoriented the disoriented polity in India and strengthened the foundation of cultural nationalism.

The BJP is committed to facilitate the construction of a magnificent Shri Ram Mandir at Ram Janmasthan in Ayodhya where a makeshift temple already exists. Shri Ram lies at the core of Indian consciousness. The BJP will explore all consensual, legal and constitutional means to facilitate the construction of Shri Ram Mandir at Ayodhya.

[Quelle: http://भाजपा.भारत/documents/manifesto/bjp-election-manifesto-1998/chapter-2. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-09. -- Fair use]


New Delhi (Hindi: नई दिल्ली): Conference of State Education Ministers and Secretaries, unter der Leitung von Union Minister for Human Resource Development Murli Manohar Joshi (Hindi: मुरली मनोहर जोशी, 1934 - ).

Ziel der Veranstaltung u.a.:

"that the content of education from the primary level to the higher education stage should be "Indianised, nationalised and spiritualised", and that courses at all levels, including vocational training courses, should incorporate the "essentials of Indian culture"."

(Quelle: http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl1523/15230040.htm. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-16)


Chandigarh (Hindi: चंडीगढ़, Panjabi: ਚੰਡੀਗੜ੍): Giriraj Kishore (Hindi: गिरिराज किशोर, 1920 - 2014), Generalsekretär der Vishwa Hindu Parishad, sagt:

"Today the Christians constitute a greater threat than the collective threat from separatist Muslim elements."

[Zitiert in: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 92. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Giriraj_Kishore. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-04


Nationaler Protesttag der Christen. 23 Mio. Christen fordern, dass die Regierungen die wachsende Gewalt gegen Christen unter Kontrolle bringen.


New Delhi (Hindi: नई दिल्ली): es erscheint

Raj Eshwar: Paravartan (Back to Hinduism) : why and how. -- New Delhi : Suruchi, 1999. -- 132 S.

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]

"It is clear from the analysis of figures appearing in the Census for the period from 1881 to 1981 that in comparison to pre-Pakistan period, the post-Pakistan period has registered the percentage of population growth of Muslims compared with that of the Hindus at a high rate of 21.62 per cent (approximately one and a quarter times more) (see Appendix B). The main reasons for the increase in Muslim population are as follows:
  1. According to the analysis done by the Registrar General and Census Commission of India, an average Muslim does not participate in family planning whether he may be a city-dweller or a villager, literate or illiterate and may belong to any profession. Although, irrespective of religion, family planning is necessary for everyone yet there is difference in the approach of a Hindu and that of a Muslim to this subject.
  2. In India Muslims indulge in polygamy whereas in other Muslim countries its prevalence is negligible. On the other hand, after the enactment of Hindu Marriage Act, a Hindu cannot have more than one wife.
  3. For the two reasons noted above an average Indian Muslim produces more children than a Hindu. Besides that, every Muslim supports Tablig (Conversion) of Hindus in every possible way. He looks upon conversion as a noble task. According to the Census reports of 1961, 1971 and 1981 the Muslim population has increased in comparison to the Hindu population by 6.42 percent, i.e. the Muslim population of 10.48 crores in the year 1990 increased by 6,73,000 during the year 1991. Their number will go on increasing at the rate of 6,73,000 per year. (See Appendix C.) According to the World Christian Encyclopedia 1901 -80 of Roman Catholic Christians published in 1982, there were 1,20,479 missionaries in India including 5979 foreign missionaries engaged in the conversion of Hindus and they convert 1,75,000 Hindus to Christianity every year. As per details published in Christian Mission Handbook, California, U.S.A., 1986, various Christian organisations send their missionaries to foreign lands to spread Christianity and to convert the natives of those countries according to a well-worked-out plan. America sends one missionary for every 4800 heads of the country’s population, Switzerland one for every 2400, France one for 2300, Holland one for 1300, Spain one for 1260 and Ireland one for 328 are 43 (53 after the disintegration of Russia) countries in the world whose state religion is Islam whereas 66 counties have Christianity as state religion; combined together they remit approximately 1440 crore rupees every year to India for the conversion of Hindus. In September 1987, the Minister of State for Home Affairs admitted in the Lok Sabha that according to government records 450 crore rupees were received from foreign countries and much more has been received surreptitiously. Hindu organisations that are working in the field of ‘Paravartan’ have not been able to reconvert more than 11,000 people a year during the past one decade.

All Hindus have to make up their mind to work for Paravartan to save themselves from this alarming situation. We will have to inform our posterities of the glory, the scientific nature and the quality of eternal quest for truth of Hindu Dharma. We have to be united and disciplined. We must accept that caste system based on birth is outdated. Forgetting all our social and economic differences we must wipe out the scourge of untouchability from society as soon as possible and forever by shaping the ideals of our families in such a way that no dalit Hindu may ever think of his conversion to any other faith and may not feel isolated from the mainstream. A comprehensive plan for eradication of untouchability has been given in Appendix ‘D’ for the swayamsevaks of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. If the various Shakhas of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh adopt this programme, they can bring about a revolution in India. It is essential that every Hindu probes into the mind of those Muslims or Christians who come in contact with him or who can be approached to know whether he can be persuaded to re-embrace Hinduism. If he can become Hindu, further talks may be carried on. If he is fanatic, the matter may be dropped to be taken up some time later. Every Hindu can easily reconvert at least five Muslims or Christians to Hinduism or can save Hindus from getting converted to other religions. They have been converted from amongst ourselves. Every Hindu should persuade them with love, revive in them the Hindu culture and the spirit of nationalism and inspire them to get reconverted individually or collectively.

In the beginning, efforts should be made to ensure that out of the yearly increase in population of 6,73,000 among the Muslim and 1,75,000 among the Christians at least half, i.e. 4,24,000, are reconverted to Hinduism every year. Every Hindu will have to work in this direction otherwise the very entity of Hindus would be lost under the democratic system of the country and all Hindu institutions would be destroyed. Paravartan is a programme of national welfare, in which all Hindus must participate. Democracy and secularism can be saved in India only if the Hindus retain their majority in all parts of India notwithstanding different economic policies and ideologies pursued by the political parties that be in power from time to time for taking the country to the peak of prosperity.

India is an agricultural country. Most of the Muslims and Christians eat beef. If a Muslim or a Christian eats beef twice a week on an average, he would consume five cows in his life time. It leads to a great loss to agriculture and decline in milk production. We Hindus revere cow as our mother because it is a very useful animal. If a Hindu succeeds in reconverting a Muslim or a Christian to Hinduism, he immediately earns the gratification of saving the lives of five cows. The ancestors of the Muslims and Christians were all Hindus: if they come back to their Hindu fold, it would bring peace to the tormented souls of their ancestors."

[Zitiert in: Hindu nationalism : a reader / ed. by Christophe Jaffrelot. -- Princeton : Univ. Pr., 2007. -- ISBN 978-0-691-13098-9. -- S. 248ff. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Roy, Raja Ram Mohan <1966 - >: Vedic physics : scientific origin of Hinduism. -- Toronto : Golden Egg Pub., 1999. -- 248 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0968412009. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/VedicPhysicsRajaRamMohanRoyModernAuthor1999. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-30

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]

"All I have done is to provide a framework in which these mantras [des Veda] start to make sense. Once we understand that the Rgveda is a book of particle physics and cosmology, men it becomes clear by reading the scriptures following the Vedas that this ancient science was gradually forgotten over time. It also follows that modern science is not the only way to investigate the subtle nature of reality."

[a.a.O., S. XIII. -- Fair use]


Narendra Modi wird Sprecher der BJP


Manoharpur, Kendujhar district (Oriya: କେନ୍ଦୁଝର ଜିଲ୍ଲା): der australische Missionar Graham Stuart Staines (1941 – 1999) wird mit seinen zwei Söhnen von Bajrang Dal Terroristen lebendig verbrannt.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Graham_Staines. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-30

Abb.: Lage des Kendujhar district (Oriya: କେନ୍ଦୁଝର ଜିଲ୍ଲା)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Maharajganj (Hindi: महाराजगंज): Die Polizei erhebt Anklage gegen Yogi Adityanath (Hindi: योगी आदित्यनाथ, 1972 - ) und 24 weitere wegen


Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

Jayant Balaji Athavale (Marathi: जयंत बाळाजी आठवले) gründet Sanatan Sanstha (Marathi: सनातन संस्था)

Webpräsenz: https://www.sanatan.org/en/. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-21

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sanatan_Sanstha. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-21

1999-05-03 - 1999-07-26

Kargil Kargil (Urdu کرگل Balti; Ladakhi ཀར་གིལ) Krieg

Abb.: Lage von Kargil (Urdu کرگل Balti; Ladakhi ཀར་གིལ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kargil-Krieg / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kargil_War. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-23


Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा)

Abb.: Wahlen zur Lok Sabha (Hindi: लोक सभा) 1999: gewonnene Sitze
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elections_in_India. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-29]


Papst Johannes Paul II. besucht New Delhi (Hindi: नई दिल्ली). Er veröffentlicht


Darin wird der Missionsauftrag der Kirche wiederholt.

"Weil nun Jesus im Heiligen Land zur Welt kam, dort lebte, starb und auferstand, wurde dieser kleine Teil Westasiens Boden der Verheißung und Hoffnung für die gesamte Menschheit. Jesus kannte und liebte dieses Land, machte sich die Geschichte, die Nöte und Hoffnungen jenes Volkes zu eigen; er liebte die Menschen, übernahm die Traditionen und das jüdische Erbe. In frühester Zeit hat Gott bereits dieses Volk auserwählt und sich ihm zur Vorbereitung auf das Kommen des Erlösers offenbart. Als Verkünderin des Evangeliums und gestärkt durch die Macht des Heiligen Geistes zog die Kirche von diesem Land hinaus in alle Welt: »um alle Völker zu meinen Jüngern zu machen« (vgl. Mt 28,19). Zusammen mit der überall verbreiteten kirchlichen Gemeinschaft wird die Kirche in Asien die Schwelle des dritten christlichen Jahrtausends überschreiten und voll Staunen auf das schauen, was Gott von Anfang an bis heute geschaffen hat, gestärkt durch das Bewußtsein, daß, »wie im ersten Jahrtausend das Kreuz auf dem Boden Europas gepflanzt wurde und im zweiten Jahrtausend auf dem Amerikas und Afrikas, wir beten [können], daß im dritten Jahrtausend eine große Glaubensernte auf diesem ausgedehnten und so lebendigen Kontinent reifen möge«."

[Quelle: http://w2.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/de/apost_exhortations/documents/hf_jp-ii_exh_06111999_ecclesia-in-asia.html. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-04. -- Fair use]

Das führt zu einem Aufschrei unter Hindunationalisten

"VHP protested this direct affront for religious conversion of Hindus. There is a general impression that people change their religion because of poverty and enticement given by churches. But it is a fact that in spite of being much poorer than Hindus the Islamic people do not opt for Christianity.  The only explanation could be the religious awareness constantly created, the close contact and continuous person to person dialogues are the only reason for a Muslim not becoming a Christian. The X’ian evangelization machinery worldwide has a strength of 410,000 wholetime preachers, 262,300 missionaries, 13,000 libraries, 22,000 magazines in different languages, 1,800 private TV and Radio Stations, 788 blueprints for global evangelisation and the Budget is Rs. 180,000,000,000. We Hindus have to make introspection in this regard.

Prominent citizens also opposed the Papal visit. They met Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee [Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - ] and expressed concern over Pope John Paul II’s visit to Bharat, saying it was aimed at promoting conversions in the country. The delegation of citizens included noted artistes, writers, academicians, medical practitioners, jurists, religious scholars and social workers.

  • Dr Vidya Niwas Mishra [विद्यानिवास मिश्र, 1926 - 2005], former editor of the Hindi daily, Navbharat Times [Hindi: नवभारत टाइम्स], and former vice-chancellor of Kashi Vidyapeeth [Hindi: काशी विद्यापीठ],
  • danseuse Sonal Mansingh [Marathi: सोनल मानसिंग, 1944 - ], chairperson of Dharma Rakshana Sammelan Padma Subrahmanyam [Tamil: பத்மா சுப்ரமணியம், 1943 - ]],
  • former central minister Hari Kishore Singh [Hindi: हरि किशोर सिंह, 1934 - ] and
  • eminent ophthalmologist Dr S S Badrinath [Tamil: எஸ். எஸ். பத்ரிநாத், 1940 - ]

were some of the members of the delegation. During their half-hour meeting with the prime minister, the delegation stressed that “the government should deliberate upon the implications of the openly stated intention of the Vatican to undertake intensive and organised religious conversions in India.” The delegation impressed upon the prime minister “to look into the socio-political, cultural and demographic consequences of such organised conversions and the grave threat this poses to harmonious living, national character and the integrity and security of the nation, particularly in the wake of what happened in East Timor”. The team also submitted a memorandum signed by more than 100 prominent citizens, including former Madras high court judge N Krishnaswamy Reddiar [1913 - 2002], former Central Bureau of Investigation director C V Narasimhan, former Tamil Nadu director general of police K Ravindran, and writer Sultan Shaheen."

[Quelle: http://vhp.org/vhp-50/vhp-has-multi-dimensional-activities/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-04. -- Fair use]

2000 - 2001

Bangaru Laxman (Hindi: बंगारू लक्ष्मण, 1939 – 2014) ist Präsident des BJP

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangaru_Laxman. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-04


Beginn der Zeitung दैनिक सनातन प्रभात [Marathi und Hindi] -- ಸನಾತನ ಪ್ರಭಾತ [Kannada] -- સનાતન પ્રભાત [Gujarati] -- Daily Sanatan Prabhat

Es ist das Organ der Sanatan Sanstha -- Marathi: सनातन संस्था

Webpräsenz: https://sanatanprabhat.org. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-25

"Many editions of the Sanatan Prabhat have proclaimed that the organization aims to establish a‘Hindu Rashtra’ by 2023. Its articles and headlines attack Muslims, Christians, rationalists and communists on a regular basis and dub them as evil-doers. In 2007, the Sanatan Prabhat quoted Athavale:

‘You feel so victorious after killing a mosquito, imagine how you would feel after killing an evil person?’

On 29 February 2008 the paper asked Athavale’s followers not to damage buses and private vehicles, and act instead like Maoists against the arrogant police force. It also published a mobile number as a contact point to organize training for the purpose."

[Quelle: Jha, Dhirendra K.: Shadow armies : fringe organizations and foot soldiers of Hindutva. -- New Delhi : Juggernaut, 2017. --229 S. -- ISBN 978-93-8622-824-6. -- S.  17f. -- Fair use]


Hindu-Horden verbrennen das Film-Set zu Deepa Mehtas's (1950 - ) Film "Water" und werfen es in den Ganges.

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Fair use]

"Mehta had originally intended to direct Water in February 2000, with the actors Shabana Azmi, Nandita Das and Akshay Kumar. Her earlier film, Fire, however, had previously attracted hostility from conservative right-wing organizations, which objected to her subject matter and portrayal of conservative households in a negative light. Protestors organised protests and attacks on cinemas that screened that film. The day before filming of Water was due to begin, the crew was informed that there were complications with their location permits for filming. The following day, they learned that 2,000 protesters had stormed the ghats, destroying and burning the main film set and throwing the remnants into the Ganges in protest of what ultimately were revealed to be false accusations regarding the subject matter of the film. Activist Arun Pathak [Hindi: अरुण पाठक, 1975 - ] also organised a suicide protest to stop the film production.

The resulting tensions and economic setbacks led to several years of struggle as Mehta was eventually forced to film Water in Sri Lanka, rather than in India. Finally Mehta was able to make the film, but with a new cast and under a false title (River Moon) in 2003. The struggle to make the film was detailed by Mehta's daughter, Devyani Saltzman, in a non-fiction book, Shooting Water: A Mother-Daughter Journey and the Making of the Film."

[Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Water_(2005_film)#Controversies. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-29]


Rohit K. Vyasmaan (Hindi: रोहित व्यासमान, 1970 - ) startet die Website Hindu Unity (hinduunity.org). 2006 wird die Website vom indischen Department of Telecommunications wegen anti-muslimischer Hetze gesperrt.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rohit_Vyasmaan. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-17


Bharat Bhushan in Hindustan Times:

"The only organization which has consistently geared itself to microlevel politics, getting into almost every sphere of activity which influences social and political life is the RSS.
  • In the field of education, its front organization Vidya Bharati [Hindi: विद्या भारती] today is the largest educational organization in the non-governmental sector with 13,000 educational institutes including Saraswati Vidya Mandirs [Hindi: सरस्वती विद्या मंदिर], 75,000 teachers and over 17 lakh students.

It has organizations, headed by RSS volunteers, addressing

  • tribals
    • (Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram [Hindi: अखिल भारतीय वनवासी कल्याण आश्रम]),
  • literature
    • (Akhil Bharatiya Sahitya Parishad [Hindi: अखिल भारतीय साहित्य परिषद]),
  • intellectuals
    • (Pragya Bharati,
    • Deendayal Research Institute [Hindi: दीनदयाल शोध संस्थान]),
  • historians
    • (Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Yojana [Hindi: अखिल भारतीय इतिहास-संकलन योजना]),
  • teachers
    • (Bharatiya Shikshan Mandal [Hindi: भारतीय शिक्षण मंडल] and
    • Akhil Bharatiya Rashtriya Shaikshik Mahasangh [Hindi: अखिल भारतीय शैक्षिक महासंघ]),
  • language
    • (Sanskrit Bharati [Sanskrit: संस्कृतभारती]),
  • culture
    • (Sanskar Bharati [Hindi: संस्कार भारती]),
  • slum-dwellers
    • (Seva Bharati [Hindi: सेवा भारती],
    • Hindu Seva Pratishthan [Kannada: ಹಿಂದು ಸೇವಾ ಪ್ರತಿಷ್ಠಾನ],
    • Swami Vivekanand Medical Mission,
    • National Medicos Organization),
  • leprosy patients
    • (Bharatiya Kushta Nivarak Sangh [Hindi: भारतीय कुष्ठ निवारक संघ]),
  • cooperatives
    • (Sahkar Bharati [Hindi: सहकार भारती]),
  • consumers
    • (Akhil Bharatiya Grahak Panchayat [Hindi: अखिल भारतीय ग्राहक पंचायत]),
  • publication of newspapers and other propaganda material
    • (Bharat Prakashan [Hindi: भारत प्रकाशन],
    • Suruchi Prakashan [Hindi: सुरुचि प्रकाशन],
    • Lokhit Prakashan [Hindi: लोकहित प्रकाशन],
    • Gyanganga Prakashan [Hindi: ज्ञानगंगा प्रकाशन],
    • Archana Prakashan,
    • Bharatiya Vichar Sadhana,
    • Madhav Prakashan,
    • Rashtrotthan Sahitya,
    • Sadhana Pustak Prakashan and
    • Akashvani Prakashan [Hindi: आकाशवाणी प्रकाशन]),
  • scientists
    • (Vigyan Bharati [Hindi: विज्ञान भारती]),
  • caste integration
    • (Samajik Samrasta Manch),
  • religion and proselytization
    • (Vivekananda Kendra [Hindi: विवेकानन्द केन्द्र -- Tamil: விவேகானந்த கேந்திரம்],
    • Vishwa Hindu Parishad [Sanskrit/Hindi: विश्व हिंदू परिषद],
    • Hindu Jagaran Manch [Hindi: हिन्दू जागरण मंच],
    • Bajrang Dal [Hindi: बजरंग दल]),
  • industrialists
    • (Bharat Vikas Parishad [Hindi: भारत विकास परिषद]),
  • Sikhs
    • (Rashtriya Sikh Sangat [Hindi: राष्ट्रीय सिख संगत  -- Panjabi: ਰਾਸ਼੍ਟ੍ਰੀ ਸਿਖ ਸਂਗਤ]),
  • ex-servicemen
    • (Poorva-Sainik Seva Parishad  [Hindi: अखिल भारतीय पूर्व सैनिक सेवा परिषद]),
  • NRIs [Non-resident Indians]
    • (Bharatiya Swayamsevak Sangh  [Hindi:भारतीय स्वयंसेवक संघ], 
    • Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh [Hindi: हिन्दू स्वयंसेवक संघ],
    • Hindu Seva Sangh,
    • Sanatana Dharma Swayamsevak Sangh,
    • Friends of India Society International)

- the list is virtually endless.

These organizations are in addition to its political front (BJP),

  • trade union wing (Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh [Hindi: भारतीय मजदूर संघ]),
  • women’s wing (Rashtriya Sevika Samiti [Hindi: राष्ट्र सेविका समिति),
  • students wing (Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad [Hindi: अखिल भारतीय विद्यार्थी परिषद]),
  • and its economic wing (Swadeshi Jagaran Manch [Hindi: स्वदेशी जागरण मंच]).

For the RSS, politics is not only about who can come into power and the quantum of patronage disbursed. That is why it does not see the battle for the hearts and minds of the people being fought only at the hustings but in almost all spheres of social activity."

[Zitiert in: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 13f. -- Fair use]

2000-03-10 - 2009-03-21

Kuppalli Sitaramayya Sudarshan (Tamil: கே. எஸ். சுதர்சன்,1931 – 2012) ist Sarsanghchalak (Hindi: सरसंघचालक) des RSS


Chandigarh (Hindi: चंडीगढ़, Panjabi: ਚੰਡੀਗੜ੍): Kuppalli Sitaramayya Sudarshan (Tamil: கே. எஸ். சுதர்சன்,1931 – 2012) fordert laut The Statesman die Annexion Pakistans:

"At the appropriate time, we will form Akhand Bharat [Hindi: अखंड भारत्] [United India]. We have to regain the areas which we lost in 1947. We have to regain Lahore [Urdu / Pandschabi: لہور , ਲਾਹੌਰ]– the Capital of Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s Khalsa Raj. We have to reclaim Nankana Sahib [Panjabi / Urdu: ننكانہ صاحِب] and several other religious places, as also Sindhu [Sanskrit: सिन्धु] [Indus] and Kasoor [Panjabi / Urdu: قصُور]. The feeling for ‘Akhand Bharat’ has to survive because it is akin to the feeling that led to the unification of Germany, Vietnam and Poland [sic]. Partition of India was wrong."

[Zitiert in: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 105. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Chandigarh (Hindi: चंडीगढ़, Panjabi: ਚੰਡੀਗੜ੍), Lahore (Panjabi / Urdu: لہور , ਲਾਹੌਰ),  Nankana Sahib (Panjabi / Urdu: ننكانہ صاحِب),  Kasoor (Panjabi / Urdu: قصُور
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus im Yamuna Pushta (Hindi: यमुना पुश्ता) Slum von Delhi

Abb.: Lage des Yamuna Pushta (Hindi: यमुना पुश्ता) Slum
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Hindustan Times:

"VHP's state vice-president and chief of publicity Ganga Prasad Yadav said: "Our people are being targeted by the missionaries.  At least two VHP activists were killed in the Khunti [Hindi: खूंटी] region.  The Catholic Church has found the need to create four dioceses - Ranchi [Hindi: राँची], Khunti [Hindi: खूंटी], Simdega [Oriya: ସିମଡେଗା] and Gumla [Oriya: ଗୁମ୍ଲା], out of the earlier one Ranchi diocese.  The sole intention is to convert more and more people.  We have information that they want to construct one church in every village.  We have accepted the challenge.  Our fight will continue till conversions, fuelled by foreign funding, come to an end.""

[Quelle: http://archive.li/3FSoX#selection-581.0-581.583. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-16. -- Fair use]


Muslime töten ca. 100 Hindu-Pilger auf der Amarnath (Hindi: अमरनाथ) Wallfahrt

Abb.: Lage von Amarnath (Hindi: अमरनाथ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ), Surat (Gujarati સુરત), Rajkot (Gujarati: રાજકોટ), Palanpur (પાલનપુર)

Abb.: Lage von Ahmedabad (Gujarati: અમદાવાદ), Surat (Gujarati સુરત), Rajkot (Gujarati: રાજકોટ), Palanpur (પાલનપુર)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]



Es erscheint:


Bangaru Laxman (Hindi: बंगारू लक्ष्मण, 1939 – 2014), Präsident der BJP:

"New BJP president Bangaru Laxman Hindi: बंगारू लक्ष्मण, 1939 – 2014], who projected a liberal image in the Nagpur party council meet and dubbed the Hindutva issues, including Ayodhya, as "irrelevant", has done a volte face in the RSS mouthpiece, Panchajanya [Hindi: पाञ्चजन्य] , asserting that there was no question of junking Hindutva because the concept was integral to the BJP.

In a two-page interview that has appeared in the latest issue of the journal, Laxman has said: "

"Look here, the question of giving up Hindutva simply does not arise. After all, Hindutva is inbuilt in the party. When have I ever said the party is ready to give up its fundamental principles and ideology? Even today the BJP is wedded to these."

In an apologetic tone, Laxman said right now the BJP was bound by the NDA's [National Democratic Alliance] agenda.

"Yes, we went to the people with the NDA agenda (during the last elections), we are committed to the agenda because after all we have to respect the people's mandate."

During the Nagpur meeting, the press quoted Laxman as saying that it was not the Ayodhya issue alone that had catapulted the BJP to power in the 1990s. He seemed at pains to shake off the party's Hindutva past and L.K. Advani's campaign declaring Hindutva as the party's ideological mascot.

But when Panchajanya asked what he thought were the milestones in the BJP's history, he named the Ramjanmabhoomi plank.

"There are many. But in the past among the issues that dominated, the Ramjanmabhoomi agitation played a major role."

On the differences between the Centre and the Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM) on economic policies, Laxman was guarded.

"Look, we won our mandate in 1999 for the National Agenda for Governance. But the SJM has not told people for the next five years we will keep our mouth shut. Broadly, the NAG is also committed to the concepts of swadeshi and self-reliance. They were mentioned in the two general budgets. If we look at it closely, there are differences between us and the SJM...The government is taking their views seriously... I am confident that in the days to come, whatever differences that exist will be resolved amicably."

When questioned on the alleged indifference of the BJP ministers to the party cadre, Laxman rushed to the defence of the government.

"There are no flaws in the way they (the ministers) have been trained... Sometimes because of their new responsibilities, the ministers are not mindful of such things. The party workers also have to understand that small things like transfers and postings are not national or social issues that they have to go running to the ministers. But ego is a bad thing and should be set right."

He outlined strengthening the organisation as his first priority, especially in the states going to polls next year. But he categorically stated that there was no way the BJP would deviate from the NDA agenda and chart its own course for the next five years. In other words, like his predecessor Kushabhau Thakre [Marathi: कुशाभाऊ ठाकरे, 1922 - 2003], Laxman seemed willing to play second fiddle to the government and speak the RSS' idiom as and when it suited him. In short, tight-rope walk."

[Quelle: https://www.telegraphindia.com/1000830/national.htm. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-29. -- Fair use]     

2000-10-12 - 2005-02-02

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister von Goa (Konkani: गोंय): Manohar Parrikar (Konkani: मनोहर गोपालकृष्ण प्रभु पारिकर, 1955 - )

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manohar_Parrikar / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manohar_Parrikar. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-11

Abb.: Lage von Goa (Konkani: गोंय)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


National Curriculum Framework for School Education Nov. 2000. -- Online: http://ctegujarat.org/Downloads/NCF%20Secondary%20Education-2000.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-12
"1.4.2 Strengthening National Identity and Preserving Cultural Heritage

The school curriculum must inculcate and nurture a sense of pride in being an Indian through a conscious understanding of the growth of Indian civilisation and also contributions of India to the world civilisation and vice versa in thoughts and deeds. Strengthening of national identity and unity is intimately associated with the study of the cultural heritage of India, rich with various hues. It is here that education has to play its dual role of being conservative and dynamic — bringing about a fine synthesis between change-oriented technologies and the country’s continuity of cultural tradition. While on the one hand, education should help in promoting a global world order, on the other, it should be seen as developing a national consciousness, a national spirit and national unity essential for national identity. At no point of time can the school curriculum ignore the inclusion of specific content to forge national identity, a profound sense of patriotism and nationalism tempered with the spirit of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, non-sectarian attitudes, capacity for tolerating differences arising out of caste, religion, ideology, region, language, sex, etc. It is also important that along with the contributions of other countries to the world civilisation, India’s contribution to world civilisation be also incorporated. It becomes necessary since many in India are not aware of the progress and achievement of the country in various fields including science and technology, not only the past achievements, but also the great potential of indigenous knowledge being of greater depth and relevance. For strengthening the unity and integrity of the nation it is essential that the cultural heritage, traditions, and history of the different ethnic groups and regions of the country and their contributions are understood and appreciated in the right perspective. This shall help in truly understanding the nature of the country’s pluralistic society and its composite culture.

The national spirit and the sense of national identity assumed great importance during the long saga of India’s freedom struggle. As such, the study of this freedom struggle at all stages of school education shall continue to be significant. However, conscious efforts shall have to be made to acquaint the students with the events related to freedom struggle and the sacrifices made by the people in different parts of the country – from the North to the South, from the West to the East, as well as the regions like the North-East and the far flung islands.

1.4.3 Integrating Indigenous Knowledge and India’s Contribution to Mankind

Today, even more than ever before, there is a world-wide recognition of India’s indigenous knowledge systems. Ayurveda is being increasingly recognised as a holistic system of health and Indian psychology as a more complete discipline than the western. In this context it may be relevant to point out that there are domains of knowledge which could be called ‘parallel’, ‘indigenous’, ‘traditional’ or ‘civilisational’ knowledge systems. These belong to societies in the developing world that have nurtured and defined the systems of knowledge of their own, relating to such diverse domains as geology, ecology, agriculture, health and the like.

Education, in order to be relevant and meaningful must relate to the socio-cultural context of the students. An indigenous Indian curriculum would celebrate the ideas of the country’s thinkers such as Sri Aurobindo, Vivekananda, Dayananda Saraswati, Mahatma Phule, Gandhi, Tagore, Zakir Hussain, Krishnamurti and Gijubhai Badheka. It would also rely on the innovative experiments and experiences emanating from its own context. Against this backdrop, it may be reiterated that along with the contributions of other countries, the contribution of India to the world wisdom also needs to be brought to general notice explicitly. Paradoxical as it may sound, while our children know about Newton, they do not know about Aryabhatta, they do know about computers but do not know about the advent of the concept of zero or the decimal system. Mention may also have to be made, for instance, of Yoga and Yogic practices as well as the Indian Systems of Medicine (ISM) like the Ayurvedic and Unani systems which are now being recognised and practised all over the world. The country’s curriculum shall have to correct such imbalances.

India’s indigenous knowledge system must be sustained through active support to the societies and groups that are traditional repositories of this knowledge, be they villagers or tribes, their ways of life, their languages, their social organisation and the environment in which they live. There is a need for the innovative ways of preventing the attrition of such knowledge, which usually vanishes with the people, and it is here that education ought to play a very significant role. Equally importantly we need an indepth analysis of the parallelism of insights between the indigenous knowledge systems, on the one hand, and certain areas of modern science and thought concerned with the basics of life, on the other. Indigenousness, obviously, is not opposed to being receptive to new ideas from different peoples, cultures and cultural contexts."

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]

2000-11-05 - 2006-09-18

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister in Jharkhand (Hindi: झारखंड):


Abb.: Lage von Jharkhand (Hindi: झारखंड)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

2000-11-09 - 2002-03-02

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister in Uttarakhand (Hindi उत्तराखण्ड):


Abb.: Lage von Uttarakhand (Hindi उत्तराखण्ड)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

2001 - 2002

K. Jana Krishnamurthi (Tamil: ஜனா கிருஷ்ணமூர்த்தி, 1928 – 2007) ist Präsident des BJP

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jana_Krishnamurthy / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jana_Krishnamurthi. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05

Abb.: K. Jana Krishnamurthi (Tamil: ஜனா கிருஷ்ணமூர்த்தி, 1928 – 2007), 2001
[Public domain]


Volkszählung (Census):

Abb.: Muslimische Bevölkerung in Indien, 2001
[Bildquelle: Furfur/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]


Die Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्) organisert eine Vishwa Dharma Prasar Yatra (Hindi: विश्व धर्म प्रसार यात्रा) durch 47 Städte in 38 Ländern auf fünf Kontinenten. Der Slogan ist: "The world is one family"


Es erscheint die Verteidigungsschrift für RSS und BJP:

Elst, Koenraad <1959 - >: The saffron swastika : the notion of "Hindu fascism". -- New Delhi : Voice of India, 2001. -- 2 Bde. ; 1070 S.  -- ISBN: 8185990697


Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use] 


"RSS General Secretary Mohan Bhagwat [Marathi: मोहन भागवत, 1950 - ] proclaimed at Nagpur [Marathi: नागपूर] on January 2, 2001, to Hindu Swayamsevaks who had collected at Nagpur from 38 countries from all over the world, that

‘god has given the Hindus the responsibility to take the peoples of the world to the pinnacle of human glory. . . . The whole world [is] looking at India with hope’

(IE [Indian Express] January 3, 2001)"

[Quelle: Noorani, A. G. (Abdul Gafoor) <1930 - >:  The RSS and the BJP : a division of labour. -- New Delhi : LeftWorld, 2001. -- (Signpost ; 3). -- ISBN 81-87496-13-4. -- S. 113. -- Fair use]


Die University Grant Commission beschließt die Einführung des Fachs Astrologie an Universitäten.


Bajrang Dal (Hindi: बजरंग दल) und Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्) (VHP) starten in Rajasthan (Hindi: राजस्थान) Trishul Diksha (Hindi: त्रिशूल दीक्षा) - die Verteilung von Trishuls (dreizackigen Waffen). Dies geschieht unter dem Vorwand der Religionsfreiheit, da Trishul die Waffe Shivas ist. 2001 werden in Rajasthan (Hindi: राजस्थान) schätzungsweise 4 Millionen Trishuls verteilt.

Abb.: Trishul  (Hindi: त्रिशूल)
[Bildquelle: http://new.modernrationalist.com/2014/05/manifesto-of-bjp-open-declaration-of-hindutva-a-danderous-future-for-india/. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-23. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Rajasthan (Hindi: राजस्थान)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Express News Service National Network zur bevorstehenden Wahl von Narendra Damodardas Modi (Gujarati: નરેંદ્ર દામોદરદાસ મોદી, 1950 - ) zum Chief Minister von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત):

"National BJP General Secretary and RSS strongman Narendra Modi, who is scheduled to be sworn in as chief minister on Sunday, appears all set to make sweeping changes in the ministry to resurrect the party's image in Gujarat.

Modi is said to have received a clear mandate from the party high command to ensure that the BJP and its government's prestige is redeemed, and to pull it out of the deep morass it has been in, since the debacle in the recent elections ...he made his priorities clear soon after he arrived here from Delhi on Wednesday. 'I have come here to play a one-day match. 1 need fast and performing batsmen to score runs in the limited-overs game,' Modi was quoted as saying. Top party sources said on Wednesday that while effecting changes, Modi would have three criteria - efficiency, discipline and integrity. Ministers accused of corruption and incompetence may get the boot ... The signal is clear - he has little time, just over a year, to face assembly elections in March 2003."

[Zitiert in: Kamath, M. V. [ಎಮ್. ವಿ. ಕಾಮತ್] <1921 - 2014>  ; Randeri, Kalindi: The man of the moment : Narendra Modi. -- New Delhi : Times, 2013. -- 419 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-93-259-6838-7. -- S. 55. -- Fair use]

2001-10-07 -

Die BJP stellt den Chief Minister von Gujarat  (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)


Abb.: Lage von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


Communal riots zwischen Muslimen und Hindus in Malegaon (Marathi: मालेगाव)

Abb.: Lage von Malegaon (Marathi: मालेगाव)
© OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

1950 - 2002

 Anzahl der communal riots und der dabei Getöteten 1950 - 2002

Abb.: Anzahl der communal riots und der dabei Getöteten 1950 - 2002
[Datenquelle: Engineer, Ashgar Ali <1939 - 2013> [ اصغر علی انجینئر] : Communal riots after independence : a comprehensive account. -- Mumbai : Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, 2004. -- 253 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 81-7541-150-3. -- S. 223f. -- Fair use]

1960 - 2002

Tote bei communal riots in einzelnen Staaten

Abb.: Tote bei communal riots in einzelnen Staaten, 1960 -2002
[Datenquelle: Engineer, Ashgar Ali <1939 - 2013> [ اصغر علی انجینئر] : Communal riots after independence : a comprehensive account. -- Mumbai : Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, 2004. -- 253 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 81-7541-150-3. -- S. 229. -- Fair use]
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]

Städte mit den meisten Toten bei communal riots

Abb.: Städte mit den meisten Toten bei communal riots 1960 - 2002
[Datenquelle: Engineer, Ashgar Ali <1939 - 2013> [ اصغر علی انجینئر] : Communal riots after independence : a comprehensive account. -- Mumbai : Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, 2004. -- 253 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 81-7541-150-3. -- S. 229f. -- Fair use]

2002 - 2004-06

Muppavarapu Venkaiah Naidu (Telugu: ముప్పవరపు వెంకయ్య నాయుడు, 1949 - ) ist Präsident der BJP

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Venkaiah_Naidu. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05

Abb.: Muppavarapu Venkaiah Naidu (Telugu: ముప్పవరపు వెంకయ్య నాయుడు, 1949 - )
[Bildquelle: Geospatial World. -- https://www.flickr.com/photos/geospatialworld/32327869232/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-05. -- CC BY 2.0]


Aussagen von Narendra Damodardas Modi (Gujarati: નરેંદ્ર દામોદરદાસ મોદી, 1950 - ):

  • ‘If Congress wins, they will burst firecrackers in Pakistan. If the BJP wins, India will celebrate Diwali [Sanskrit: दीपावलि]. You choose.’
  •  ‘It is not an election for MLAs or choosing a chief minister. It is an election related to religion.'
  • ‘This is the deciding moment. If you want to save the state from the clutches of fundamentalists and jehadis you must all vote ... If you want to sleep well till 2007, wake up on December 12 and vote. Come out in large numbers and kick the jehadis and the fundamentalists out. I assure you that if you keep awake for one day on Thursday I will keep awake for you for five years.’
  • ‘This is a fight which will decide who is the protector of Hindus ... When we talk of protecting Hindus, there’s objection from certain quarters who talk of "Hindu militancy". Hindus can never be militants. And militants cannot be Hindus. If some day a group of Hindus becomes militants, they will rule the world and Pakistan will be wiped out.'
  • ‘Before you vote, think for a moment: you have a car, you have everything under the sun but what if your son does not return home alive in the evening? Until there is no security, there is no progress.’
  • ‘If all the destinations where Lord Ram travelled between Ayodhya and Lanka are joined, they will all pass through the tribal areas of India. So the tribals are the original Hindus who are being abducted by the Swarn Mrigs (golden deer) who are roaming freely in the jungle.’
  • ‘We do not want to continue to run relief camps to produce children. We wish to go towards family planning. But for some people that means "Hum paanch, hamare pacchees" [Hindi: हम पांच, हमारे पच्चीस] (Us five, our twenty-five).’
  • ‘They keep on giving birth to long queues of children, who keep repairing cycle punctures everywhere. We must teach a lesson to those who multiply like this.’
  • ‘We brought Narmada waters during Shravan [Sanskrit:श्रावण] but the Congress would have wanted it in Ramzan.’
  • ‘I would like to specifically tell the Muslims of Signal Falia that instead of sheltering the antisocial elements responsible for the Godhra carnage they should have isolated them at that time. But they failed to do so and today their heads are down in shame.’
  • ‘Congress has always been supporting criminals and antisocial elements. Even when the Muslims of Godhra killed a Sindhi family they did not condemn it.’
  • ‘Musharraf should remember that if he tries to create any problem with the people of Gujarat then the Hindus would become terrorists who will remove Pakistan from the world map.’
  • ‘I have been to Godhra. I have seen the bodies, the shrunken, charred, shrivelled bodies of the women and children and boys. I cannot forget Godhra. For me, Godhra is not an election issue. It is an issue that concerns humanity. I swear to you that the criminals of Godhra will not go unpunished. How the women, children and men must have shrieked when they were being burnt. Can man be so evil? And I am asked to forget Godhra. How can I?’
  • ‘Congress men cannot see Gujarat’s Gaurav because they are wearing Italian spectacles.’
  • ‘Is Lyngdoh [Brington Buhai Lyngdoh, 1922 - 2003] from Italy? He and Sonia Gandhi could be meeting each other at church.’"

[Zitiert in: Bunsha, Dionne: Scarred : experiments with violence in Gujarat. -- New Delhi : Penguin, 2006. -- 307 S. -- ISBN 9780144000760. -- Kindle ed. -- Fair use. -- Dort Quellennachweise]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brington_Buhai_Lyngdoh / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B._B._Lyngdoh. -- Zugriff am 2018-07-03


Es erscheint:

 आठवले, जयंत बाळाजी [Athavale, Jayant Balaji] <1942 - >: क्षात्रधर्म साधना [Fulfilling the Duties of a Kshatriya]. -- 2. Aufl. -- Devada : Sanātana Saṃsthā, 2002. -- 96 S. -- ISBN 9788180491122

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]

"According to Kshatradharma Sadhana, one of the manuals compiled by Athavale,

‘Five per cent of seekers will need to undergo training with weapons.The Lord will provide the weapons at the opportune moment through some medium.’

The manual also says,

‘It does not matter if one is not used to shooting. When he shoots along with chanting the Lord’s name the bullet certainly strikes the target due to the inherent power in the Lord’s name.’"

[Quelle: Jha, Dhirendra K.: Shadow armies : fringe organizations and foot soldiers of Hindutva. -- New Delhi : Juggernaut, 2017. --229 S. -- ISBN 978-93-8622-824-6. -- S.  19. -- Fair use]

2002 (vor 2002-02-07)

In Städten Gujarats  (Gujarati: ગુજરાત) werden von der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (Sanskrit: विश्व हिंदू परिषद्) Flugblätter wie dieses verteilt:

"Vishwa Hindu Parishad

Satyam Shivam Sundaram!

Jai Shri Ram!

Wake up! Arise! Think! Enforce! Save the country! Save the religion!

Economic boycott is the only solution! The anti-national elements use the money earned from the Hindus to destroy us! They buy arms! They molest our sisters and daughters! The way to break the backbone of these elements is:

An economic non-cooperation movement!

Let us resolve

1. From now on I will not buy anything from a Muslim shopkeeper!

2. I will not sell anything from my shop to such elements!

3. Neither shall I use the hotels of these anti-nationals nor their garages!

4. I shall give my vehicles only to Hindu garages! From a needle to gold, I shall not buy anything made by Muslims, neither shall we sell them things made by us!

5. I shall boycott wholeheartedly films in which Muslim heroes and heroines act! Throw out films produced by these anti-nationals!

6. We will never work in offices of Muslims! We'll not hire them!

7. We'll not let them buy offices in our business premises nor sell or rent out houses to them in our housing societies and colonies.

8. I shall certainly vote, but only for him who will protect the Hindu nation.

9. I shall ensure that our sisters and daughters do not fall into the 'love-trap' of Muslim boys at schools, colleges and workplaces.

10. I shall not receive any education or training from a Muslim teacher.

Such a strict economic boycott will throttle these elements! It will break their back-bone! Then it will be difficult for them to live in any corner of this country. Friends, begin this economic boycott from today! Then no Muslim will raise his head before us! Did you read this leaflet? Then make ten photocopies of it and distribute it to our brothers. The curse of Hanumanji be on him who does not implement this and distribute it to others! The curse of Ramchandraji will also be on him! Jai Shri Ram!

A true Hindu patriot.

N.B. The kites we use on kite-flying day are also made by Muslims. The fireworks are also made by them. We should boycott these too. Jai Shri Ram!"

[Quelle der Übersetzung: MITRA, ASHOK: SHALL NOBODY SAVE US?. -- https://www.telegraphindia.com/1020328/editoria.htm#head3. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-19. -- Fair use]


Beginn eines Telefongesprächs der Journalistin Dionne Bunsha mit dem Büro der Vishwa Hindu Parishad in Gujarat:

"'Jai Shri Ram! [Hindi: जय श्री राम]'

‘Hello, can I please speak to Mr Jaideep Patel?'

‘Jai Shri Ram!’


‘Say Jai Shri Ram!’

‘Namaste [Hindi: नमस्ते], I am a journalist and I would like to speak to Mr Patel.’

'Jai Shri Ram! You have to say Jai Shri Ram or I will not talk to you any further. Which country are you from? Aren’t you living in Bharat [Hindi: भारत]?’

‘But I did say Namaste to you, sir...'

'Jai Shri Ram!’ (hangs up the phone.)"

[Quelle: Bunsha, Dionne: Scarred : experiments with violence in Gujarat. -- New Delhi : Penguin, 2006. -- 307 S. -- ISBN 9780144000760. -- Kindle ed. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dionne_Bunsha. -- Zugriff am 2018-07-03

Webpräsenz: http://dionnebunsha.com/. -- Zugriff am 2018-07-03


Eisenbahnattentat von Godhra (Gujarati: ગોધરા). Es ist Auslöser für die blutigen communal riots in Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત) (Gujarat riots)

59 Tote

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eisenbahnattentat_von_Godhra / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Godhra_train_burning. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-10. 

Abb.: Lage von Godhra (Gujarati: ગોધરા)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Über das Verhalten der RSS Kar Sevaks (कार सेवक) im Zug bevor Godhra (Gujarati: ગોધરા):

"It is reported that many kar sevaks travelling in the Sabarmati Express train behaved in an aggressive and 'uncivilised' manner as is evident from the reports. Several passengers reported that they were harassed by the kar sevaks travelling in Sabarmati Express throughout the journey. Many kar sevaks travelled without tickets and took over the reserved compartments, packing the train to thrice their capacity. They threw out ticket checkers who attempted to enter the compartment. At every station they shouted anti-Muslim slogans. At Godhra station they refused to let a passenger buy tea from a Muslim vendor and pushed him out of the coach, while abusing him. At the Godhra station some kar sevaks tried to pull into the compartment a girl. They let her go after the mother screamed for help."

[Quelle: Kuruvachira, J. (Jose) <1958 - >: Politicisation of Hindu religion in postmodern India : an anatomy of the worldviews, identities, and strategies of Hindu nationalists in Bharatiya Janata Party. -- Jaipur : Rawat Publications, 2008. -- 360 S. -- ISBN 81-316-0134-X. -- S. 290, Anm. 46. -- Fair use]

| TNN | Feb 27, 2002, 17:39 IST berichten in der Times of India.

Mob attacks Gujarat train, toll 57
godhra: in a ghastly incident, at least 57 persons were burnt alive and many injured when the ahmedabad-bound sabarmati express was stoned and set on fire by a mob at godhra junction on wednesday morning. the dead comprised 17 men, 25 women and 14 children, most of whom were in the s-6 coach which was charred as the mob put petrol cans to deadly use. at least 36 persons were taken to the godhra civil hospital with burns. survivors said the train was first pelted with stones and petrol bombs around 7.30 a.m., a couple of hundred metres away from godhra junction, as it left the railway station. the train was stopped near singal falia, a notorious area of godhra, as someone apparently pulled the chain to stop it. a mob rushed towards the two coaches (s-6 and s-7) pelting stones initially. once the windows were broken open, they threw petrol bombs inside. later, the survivors said, the s-6 coach was doused with petrol and diesel from outside and set on fire even as the passengers looked on helplessly screaming for help. vishwa hindu parishad (vhp) volunteers were returning from ayodhya on this train. at least 30 persons were charred to death and many more collapsed while making their way out of the coach, their lungs filled with smoke. in normal circumstances, a coach carries 75 passengers but at that time, over 100 passengers were huddled together in the coach. panchmahala's district collector jayanti ravi, who initially put the death toll at six and raised it to 30 by afternoon, finally gave the death figure of 55 in the evening. "a count was difficult as most of the bodies were in a heap," she said. there were conflicting reports about how the entire incident occurred. one view is that the vhp activists returning from ayodhya were raising provocative slogans at the railway station and misbehaved with some washerwomen of singal falia, who were boarding the train to go to anand to wash clothes in the mahi river. the other view was that the attack was entirely unprovoked and was the result of a rumour of an attack on a religious place at dahod.. "my brother is missing. he was in the s-6 coach with me. i somehow managed to escape," said hirabhai ummeddas, now admitted to the godhra civil hospital. later in the day violence broke out in some areas of the state. the rapid action force and central reserve police force were stationed in sensitive spots but despite the precautions, three persons were killed in stabbing and police firing in godhra which was placed under curfew. "

Eine Rede von Pravin Togadia (VHP) (1956 - ) nach dem Attentat siehe: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f0HfmQY8aOw. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-29. Aus der Rede:

"Terror was unleashed at Godhra station because this country follows Gandhi. We locked Gandhi away on February 28. Reform yourselves (Muslims) or we forget Gandhi forever. Till we follow Gandhi’s policy of non violence, till we continue to follow the practice of kneeling before Muslims, terrorism cannot be elevated. My brothers we have to abandon Gandhi. You know the Ramayana, it is relevant to the Godhra incident. At 7.45 am on Signal Falia the burnt S6 coach was Hanumanji’s tail set on fire.

The audience claps, raises slogans of Jai Shri Ram. He then asks the crowd which is gathered at night in thousands

Who burnt the tail of Hanuman? Ravan burnt it. Hanumanji had gone for a walk, we hear Hanumanji had come to Godhra [Gujarati: ગોધરા] (crowd laughs and cheers). Hanumanji came to Halol [Gujarati: હાલોલ], Kalol [Gujarati: કાલોલ], Sardarpura [Gujarati: સરદરપુર]  and he stayed put in Karnavati [Gujarati: કર્ણવતી] (Ahmedabad) and didn’t want to go back."

[Quelle: Ayyub, Rana [Hindi: राणा अय्यूब] <1984 - >: Gujarat files : anatomy of a cover up. -- o.O. : Rana Ayyub, 2016. -- 204 S. -- ISBN 9781533341525. -- S. 90f. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von
 Kalol [Gujarati: કાલોલ], Karnavati [Gujarati: કર્ણવતી] (Ahmedabad), Halol [Gujarati: હાલોલ], Godhra [Gujarati: ગોધરા], Sardarpur [Gujarati: સરદરપુર]
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]



Communal riots zwischen Hindus und Muslimen in Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)


Abb.: Tote bei den Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત) Riots 2002 (offizielle Angaben). Dazu kommen über 2500 Verletzte
[Datenquelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2002_Gujarat_riots. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-01]

Abb.: Lage von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)
[Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 2.5]


On the day of the VHP bandh, BJP ministers took over the police control rooms?- Urban development minister I.K. Jadeja [Gujarati: આઈ.કે. જાડેજા], considered Modi’s right-hand man, sat at the state police room, updating the chief minister on the latest developments. In the Ahmedabad [Gujarati: અમદાવાદ] police control room, health minister Ashok Bhatt [Gujarati: અશોક ભટ્ટ, 1939 - 2010] oversaw operations. Ironically, Bhatt is accused of the murder of a constable during the 1985 communal riots.—

Both ministers were present when desperate calls for help flooded the control rooms, but they did nothing to respond. The only person Bhatt instructed the police to save was his son Bhushan, a BJP councillor, who was mobbed at Gaekwad Haveli [Gujarati: ગાયકવાડ હવેલી].— As a rule, no one can interfere with the working of the police control room; not even senior police officers enter without permission. But rules mattered little in a state that discarded the rule of law.

The chief minister boasted that his government brought the situation under control within seventy-two hours. In fact, violence continued until July. The union government admitted that 216 died, 790 were injured and property worth Rs 417.07 crore—was lost in communal violence between April and June.—

As proof of action, Modi [Gujarati: નરેંદ્ર દામોદરદાસ મોદી, 1950 - ] said that police firing was more than in previous riots; what he didn’t mention is that most of the people killed by the police were victims, not aggressors. Of the 184 people who died in police firing since the violence began, 104 were Muslims. On 28 February the police shot dead forty men near the Bapunagar [Gujarati: બાપુનગર] police station in Ahmedabad. All were Muslims, most of them shot in the head and chest while trying to defend themselves against a mob attack.— Normally, the police are supposed to shoot below the waist to immobilize the mob, not kill them.

Even though trouble was brewing, the police didn’t take precautions that are standard procedure, such as preventive arrests, deployment of extra forces, intelligence gathering, and firing at violent sections of the mob. Violence had already broken out in Vadodara [Gujarati: Gujarati: વડોદર]ા and parts of Ahmedabad on the night of the Godhra massacre. Though the VHP called a bandh the next day, the Ahmedabad police made only two preventive arrests in response."

[Quelle: Bunsha, Dionne: Scarred : experiments with violence in Gujarat. -- New Delhi : Penguin, 2006. -- 307 S. -- ISBN 9780144000760. -- Kindle ed. -- Fair use]


"Ahmedabad [Gujarati: અમદાવાદ]

No one was spared.

Not even high court judges. Status or wealth didn’t matter, only the tag of religion did.

The VHP made sure that its bandh [Hindi: बन्द -- eine Art Generalstreik] went off with a bang in Ahmedabad, its strongest base. The ‘outburst of Hindu sentiment’ was premeditated, well designed.

From Paldi [Gujarati: પાલડી], a posh locality, to the slums in Gomtipur, Ahmedabad’s industrial area, saffron-clad mobs surging on to the streets had only one target—Muslims.

Judges, businessmen, hoteliers, doctors, hawkers, policemen, tailors, workers—all had to run for their lives. A nervous Justice M.H. Kadri, a sitting judge of the Gujarat High Court, called the chief justice to ask him to ensure his family’s security, but all his boss could advise him to do was to hide at a fellow judge’s house. Kadri had to leave his official home in Law Gardens, in the heart of the city.

Even the chief justice could not ensure his protection. Retired judge Akbar Divecha’s house in Paldi was set on fire. Divecha hasn’t returned there, and still lives in government quarters.—

As mobs closed in, people had nowhere to run. ‘We were surrounded from all sides. They were like an army on a rampage for two days continuously,’ said Farukh Azam, a resident of Sundaram Nagar,— a huge Muslim settlement in Gomtipur. ‘Jeeps would come in, adding new batches of people to the mob. The looters had stocked water and biscuits in their pockets. After completely destroying us, they handed us over to the army.’

Minority businesses were targeted with precision. The mobs had lists of Muslim shops and hotels. Even Muslim-owned hotels with Hindu names were burned, but Hindu businesses or homes adjacent to Muslim establishments were left untouched. In Naroda’s fruit market, which has 200 shops, the seventeen Muslim stores were the only ones looted and destroyed.— At the upmarket C.G. Road, only Muslim shops were raided. Ahmedabad’s elite sent text messages on mobile phones informing each other where the booty was. They picked up the loot, even tried on clothes for size and drove off in their cars.—

Besides shops, masjids [Moschee] were a priority target. Within Ahmedabad alone, fifty-five— masjids were destroyed. The shrine of the Urdu poet Wali Gujarati [1667–1707,  Urdu: ولی محمد ولی ], located just a few minutes walk from the police commissioner’s office, was demolished in a matter of hours, and a makeshift Hindu temple took its place. The temple was removed a few days later, and the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation quickly built a road over it. The Babanshah mosque at Swami Narayan chawl in Naroda was destroyed. A framed photo of a Hindu idol was placed where the Imam stands to lead the namaaz. They performed a puja and wrote Jai Shri Ram’ in red on the walls. The 100-year-old dargah opposite the Jagannath Mandir— in Ahmedabad’s walled city was also broken.

The only areas of Ahmedabad that remained relatively untouched were the ‘purged’ areas. Middle-class Hindu areas—Navrangpura, Naranpura, Satellite—where Muslims would never have been sold a home in the first place. This is the new Ahmedabad that has emerged over the last twenty years on the other side of the Sabarmati river,— far away from the narrow lanes of the violence-scarred old city.

Ahmedabad’s old walled city, which is supposed to be its most ‘communally sensitive’ area, was relatively trouble free. ‘The old city has large Muslim and Hindu pockets. They are so used to violence that now they are careful and know how to respond by taking precautions. Local leaders keep in touch with the police,’ explained a police officer. ‘Moreover, since trouble was anticipated, there was heavy police security in the walled city. The VHP couldn’t target areas with a large Muslim population. In areas where Muslims were secluded, like Naroda, the worst violence occurred.’

Poorer, industrial parts of Ahmedabad, like Gomtipur and Shah Alam, stayed under curfew for several months. The city was under siege, and people were stuck in their homes or in relief camps for several months. There were an estimated 1,00,000 refugees— in Ahmedabad’s camps alone. Later the curfew was lifted, but the tension didn’t ease. Muslims and Hindus on either side of the ‘border’ armed themselves—an edgy stand-off waiting to explode.

In Ahmedabad, a few Hindu areas were also burned. Small Hindu colonies in the old city, which has a large Muslim population, faced retaliatory attacks. Few were killed, but houses were totally destroyed.

It took several months for the tension in Ahmedabad to die down. In some parts of the city, curfew remained in force for upto two months. Today, an underlying unease still exists. Every festival brings the threat of violence, with thousands of Muslims temporarily vacating their homes."

[Quelle: Bunsha, Dionne: Scarred : experiments with violence in Gujarat. -- New Delhi : Penguin, 2006. -- 307 S. -- ISBN 9780144000760. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Einige der genannten Lokalitäten in Ahmedabad [Gujarati: અમદાવાદ]
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

Abb.: Lage von Ahmedabad [Gujarati: અમદાવાદ]
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]

"Pandharvada [Gujarati: પાંડરવાડા]

The writing was on the wall. But they didn’t see it.

Two weeks before the Godhra tragedy, the VHP held a meeting in their village. Over the loudspeaker, local leader Dr A.B. Pandya threatened to remove Muslims from the village and ‘break their necks’. Police and district officials posted at the village sat there laughing, sipping tea.—

Suddenly, a day after the Godhra massacre, telephone wires were snapped. The next day, electricity was also cut off.— Then local leaders went in for the kill.

‘A local lawyer and also a VHP activist called around 200 people and offered them protection in his house. Then, he bolted the door from outside. They brought Bhil tribals with them. They had given them money and liquor,’ said Mariambibi Sayyed. ‘They threw stones, acid and set the house on fire. Small kids were roasted alive.’—

Another village leader also offered Muslims protection on his farm. There, the waiting mob threw acid on them, hit them with swords on their head and burned them. ‘My two sons were in the field. They were hacked to pieces in front of my eyes', the elderly Nathubhai Sheikh told me,— still shaking with fear. He was also locked inside the lawyer’s house, but managed to escape.

Thirty-three people were killed. Many ran to the hills. They were rescued after three days. ‘We ran out of our homes without even chappals. Our feet were full of thorns. For three days, we ate bitter neem leaves. It was like some action film. The men in the mob even told us, ‘Have you seen the film Gadar? [Hindi: ग़दर: एक प्रेम कथा, 2001] Watch! Now it’s happening live in front of you.’ We still have nightmares about that day,’ Saira Sayyed, one of the survivors, told me.—

Mumtaz Fakir Sheikh’s husband, Fakir, was running with their two-year-old son in his arms when the mob accosted him and cut his head off with a sword. ‘I gave the police the names of those who murdered him, but there was no investigation,’ she says.— Mumtaz hasn’t been able to go back home, and lives in a nearby town.

Akeela’s daughter saw them slice off her father’s neck and drown people in the water tank. Children are scared at the very mention of their village. Their immediate response is — ‘The Bhils will kill us.’"

[Quelle: Bunsha, Dionne: Scarred : experiments with violence in Gujarat. -- New Delhi : Penguin, 2006. -- 307 S. -- ISBN 9780144000760. -- Kindle ed. -- Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gadar:_Ek_Prem_Katha. -- Zugriff am 2018-06-03

Abb.: Lage von
Pandarvada (Gujarati: પાંડરવાડા)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Von communal riots erschütterte Städte und Dörfer in den einzelnen Distrikten Gujarats:

Abb.: Von communal riots erschütterte Städte und Dörfer in den einzelnen Distrikten Gujarats, Stand 2002-03-30
[Datenquelle:Engineer, Ashgar Ali <1939 - 2013> [ اصغر علی انجینئر] : Communal riots after independence : a comprehensive account. -- Mumbai : Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, 2004. -- 253 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 81-7541-150-3. -- S. 220. -- Fair use]
[Bildquelle: [Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]

Tote bei den communal riots in den einzelnen Distrikten Gujarats

Abb.: Tote bei den communal riots in den einzelnen Distrikten Gujarats, Stand 2002-03-30
[Datenquelle:Engineer, Ashgar Ali <1939 - 2013> [ اصغر علی انجینئر] : Communal riots after independence : a comprehensive account. -- Mumbai : Centre for Study of Society and Secularism, 2004. -- 253 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 81-7541-150-3. -- S. 220. -- Fair use]
[Bildquelle: [Bildquelle: Maximilian Dörrbecker (Chumwa)/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]

Total der bei den communal Riots zerstörten Immobilen (Stand 2002-03-30):


Die Regierung von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત) setzt die Nanavati-Mehta Commission ein zur Untersuchung des Eisenbahnattentats von Godhra (Gujarati: ગોધરા). Später wird der Auftrag auf die communal riots in Gujarat ausgeweitet.

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nanavati-Mehta_Commission. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-17

Der Report zum Eisenbahnattentat: http://www.home.gujarat.gov.in/homedepartment/downloads/godharaincident.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-17   


In Gujarat zirkuliert folgender Spendenaufruf von Chinubhai Patel, Schatzmeister der Vishwa Hindu Parishad Gujarat:

"Save our country by boycotting Muslims economically and socially.

Those who talk of Hindu-Muslim unity are only maligning their own religion. There can be no equality between Hindus and Muslims.

What is your security even in the most decent and secure locality in spite of having security guards? Traitors and terrorists are coming by the truckloads. They will kill your security guards and enter your bungalows. They will murder you in your drawing rooms and bedrooms.

We must organize ourselves, join Hindu organizations and make financial contributions ... After Godhra, cases against several VHP members and Hindus have been registered and many of them are in prison now ...It is our duty to protect their families and keep them from starving... You will only be following your dharma by doing so ... Contribute to the VHP and avail of 50 per cent tax saving."

[Zitiert in: Bunsha, Dionne: Scarred : experiments with violence in Gujarat. -- New Delhi : Penguin, 2006. -- 307 S. -- ISBN 9780144000760. -- Kindle ed. -- Fair use]


Goa (Konkani: गोंय): Narendra Modi bietet der BJP wegen der communal riots in Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત) seinen Rücktritt als Chief Minister an. BJP lehnt das ab.

Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee (Hindi: अटल बिहारी वाजपेयी, 1924 - ) in einer öffentlichen Ansprache:

"What happened in Gujarat? If a conspiracy had not been hatched to burn alive the innocent passengers of the Sabarmati Express, then the subsequent tragedy in Gujarat could have been averted. But this did not happen. People were torched alive. Who were those culprits? The Government is investigating into this. Intelligence agencies are collecting all the information. But we should not forget how the tragedy of Gujarat started. The subsequent developments were no doubt condemnable, but who lit the fire? How did the fire spread? Ours is a multi-religious country, a multi-lingual country, we have many different modes of worship. We believe in peaceful and harmonious co-existence. We believe in equal respect for all faiths. Let no one challenge India's secularism. I have read somewhere in newspapers that the Congress Party has decided not to try to topple my Government. Shall I thank them for this? Or shall I say that the 'Grapes are sour’? How will the Government fall? Once they did topple it, but they couldn’t form one themselves. Then a fresh mandate from the people was called for, and the people once again gave us an opportunity to serve them."

[Übersetzung aus dem Hindi in: Engineer, Asghar Ali <1939-2013> [اصغر علی انجینئر] : The Gujarat carnage. -- New Delhi : Orient Longman, 2004. -- 467 S. -- ISBN 8125024964. -- S. 415]


Gorakhpur (Hindi: गोरखपुर): Gründung der Hindu Yuva Vahini [HJV] -- Hindi: हिन्दू युवा वाहिनी

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_Yuva_Vahini. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Aiyar, Shankkar: How Vajpayee ended up as the Hindutva choir boy. -- In: India Today. -- 2002-04-29. -- Online: https://www.indiatoday.in/magazine/cover-story/story/20020429-how-vajpayee-ended-up-as-the-hindutva-choir-boy-795607-2002-04-29. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-17

"When the members of the BJP National Executive trooped into the Marriot Hotel in Goa on April 12, the mood was funereal.

By the time they departed two days later, there was an extra bounce in their steps and a touch of triumphalism in the air. The catalyst of this remarkable transformation was the ubiquitous Narendra Modi.

The Modi effect proved electrifying for a BJP smarting under a succession of devastating election defeats. No sooner had party President Jana Krishnamurthy completed his "taken as read" presidential address than Modi got up and said in his sombre, chaste Hindi:

"Adhyakshji, I want to speak on Gujarat . . . From the party's point of view, this is a grave issue. There is a need for a free and frank discussion. To enable this I wish to place my resignation before this body. It is time we decided what direction the party and the country should take from this point onwards."

He didn't need to say more. With one stroke, the Gujarat chief minister had seized the initiative. He galvanised his supporters who now stood up to be counted. Food Minister Shanta Kumar, who had spoken out against Modi and the VHP's extremes, found himself being rebuked and facing a disciplinary committee. He was forced to apologise.

Even if the prime minister may have thought Modi's resignation prudent for the sake of both his personal image and the unity of the coalition, there was absolutely no way he could go against the ferocity of the pro-Modi sentiment. He tried shelving the issue for a day but even this was resisted.

Union Parliamentary Affairs Minister Pramod Mahajan intervened to say any delay would mean uncertainty and uncertainty could cause riots in Gujarat. He was backed by party General Secretary Sanjay Joshi, hitherto known for his rivalry with Modi in Gujarat.

By the time Vajpayee left for the public meeting, he had been infected by the mood. Departing from his prime ministerial grandeur he delivered a speech that could have been a replay from his heady Jan Sangh days.

"We don't need lessons in secularism from anyone," he thundered. "India was secular even before the Muslims and Christians came."

"There are two faces of Islam," he continued, "one, pious and peaceful, and the other, fundamentalist and militant. Wherever there are Muslims, they are unwilling to live in peace."


"I find it strange that when Atalji decried Hindu fundamentalism he was applauded but when he spoke about fundamentalism in the Muslim world he was criticised,"

said Law Minister Arun Jaitley.

Jaitley's belligerence reflected the crucial subtext of the Goa National Executive: the generational backlash. The rediscovery of Hindutva and the reassertion of the BJP's own identity was the younger generation's missive to the leadership. Advani was always with them and, this time, Vajpayee followed meekly. All because Modi had shown the way."

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]


Amritsar (Panjabi: ਅੰਮ੍ਰਿਤਸਰ): (Hindi: अशोक सिंघल, 1926 - 2015), Präsident der Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) in einer Rede im Shivala Bhaiyan temple (Gujarati: ਸ਼ਿਵਾਲਾ ਭਾਈਆਂ ਦਾ ਮੰਦਰ):

"People say that I praise Gujarat. Yes I do. Gujarat has been a successful experiment. Godhra [Gujarati: ગોધરા] happened on February 27 and the next day, 50 lakh Hindus were on the streets. We were successful in our experiment of raising Hindu consciousness, which will be repeated all over the country now."

[Quelle: http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl2006/stories/20030328002704100.htm. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-19. -- Fair use ]

Abb.: Lage von Amritsar (Panjabi: ਅੰਮ੍ਰਿਤਸਰ)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Besraji: Narendra Modi (Gujarati: નરેંદ્ર દામોદરદાસ મોદી, 1950 - ), Chief Minister von Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત), über Muslime, auf der Gujarat Gaurav Yatra (Gujarati: ગુજરાત ગૌરવ યાત્રા)

"I told them that I got water from the Narmada [Gujarati: નર્મદા] in the month of Shravan [Gujarati: શ્રાવણ], if they had it their way, they would have got it in Ramzan [Urdu: رمضان]. What should we do? Run relief camps for them? Do we want to open baby producing centres? We are five and we will have 25 offsprings. Gujarat has not been able to control its growing population and poor people have not been able to get money.

There's a long queue of children who fix tyre punctures. In order to progress, every child in Gujarat needs education, good manners and employment. That is the economy we need. For this, we have to teach a lesson to those who are increasing the population at an alarming rate."

[Quelle: http://coalitionagainstgenocide.org/gujarat2002/news.hate.politics.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-19. -- Fair use]


Gandhinagar (Gujarati: ગાંધીનગર): Bewaffneter Angriff auf den Akshardham (Gujarati: અક્ષરધામ) Tempel

32 Tote

Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akshardham_Temple_attack. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-19

Abb.: Lage von  Gandhinagar (Gujarati: ગાંધીનગર)
[Bildquelle: © OpenStreetMap-Mitwirkende. -- CC BY-SA 2.0]


Gründung der Hindu Janajagruti Samiti [HJS] Hindi: हिन्दू जनजागृति समिति - एच जे एस

Webpräsenz: Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_Janajagruti_Samiti. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-22

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]


Gründung des Muslim Rashtriya Manch [MRM] -- Hindi: मुस्लिम राष्ट्रीय मंच -- National Front of Muslims

Webpräsenz Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muslim_Rashtriya_Manch. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-21


New Delhi (Hindi: नई दिल्ली): BJP National Executive Meeting, political resolution:

"The election [in Gujarat (Gujarati: ગુજરાત)] was considered a trial for the cultural nationalism of the BJP and our commitment to eliminate terrorism, a menace which threatens our national sovereignty. Our opponents considered terrorism as a virtual non-issue. The people of Gujarat endorsed our commitment to cultural nationalism and voted us back for a third time in a row."

"Let our critics remember that the BJP stands for the protection of each and every Indian and his right to religious freedom. We are committed against terror; we condemn what happened in Godhra [Gujarati: ગોધરા] and thereafter. We shall not tolerate incidents which took place at Akshardham [Gujarati: અક્ષરધામ]. We are confident that the Gujarat election will prove to be a turning point in India's history, and the ideology of cultural nationalism propagated by the BJP will find wide-scale acceptability all over the country."

[Quelle: http://www.frontline.in/static/html/fl2001/stories/20030117005112600.htm. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-19. -- Fair use]


Start des Satelliten-TV-Senders Sadhna -- Hindi: साधना

Webpräsenz: http://www.sadhna.com/. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-07

Abb.: ©Logo
[Fair use]

"With a blend of unbeaten businesses of advertising and equipment hiring, the group set out to telecast India's foremost socio-spiritual TV channel, Sadhna TV in 2003. This was for the first time in India that a satellite channel makes all efforts to bring social and spiritual leaders on a single platform, catering the contemporary and the traditional viewers. We have fulfilled our aim of introducing the modern generation to the cultures and values revered on our great motherland since ages. Over the years, a bouquet of channels has been added in various genres of News, Entertainment and Movies."

[Quelle: http://www.sadhna.com/about.html. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-07]


Es erscheint:

Nanda, Meera <1954 - >: Prophets facing backward : postmodern critiques of science and Hindu nationalism in India. -- Delhi : Permanent Black, 2004. -- 308 S.

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]

Wikipedia: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Meera_Nanda / https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Meera_Nanda. -- Zugriff am 2018-04-30

"The evidence will show that it is not the poor and the culturally marginal classes/castes who are clamouring for indigenous sciences or authentic models of development. Rather, it is the upwardly mobile urban middle classes, the newly enriched middle-caste agrarian classes who are the chief beneficiaries of anti-modernist ideas. This enables them to enjoy the benefits of new technology, new consumer goods, and new economic opportunities without losing control over their traditional subordinates, namely, women, the lower castes, and the poor."

[Quelle: Nanda, Meera [मीरा नंदा] <1954 - >: Prophets facing backward : postmodernism, science, and Hindu nationalism. -- Delhi : Permanent Black, 2004. -- ISBN 81-7824090-4. -- S. 31. -- Fair use]

"The neo-Hindu view of the ‘modernity’ of Brahminical orthodoxy has had a profound influence on the self-identity of Indian intellectuals, educators, and even at times the judiciary, to say nothing of the ‘god men’ (and god women, too) who minister to the spiritual needs of the growing middle classes and the ‘non-resident Indians’ (people of Indian origins living outside India). It is this neo-Hinduism that has now come to constitute the official ideology of the mainstream of the Hindu nationalist movement.

While traditional Hinduism is itself a construct, neo-Hinduism is a special kind of social construction: it satisfies the nationalistic pride in India’s Hindu heritage, but it has no real hold on civil society. While countless neo-Hindu swamis can write books on the ‘scientificity of the Vedas’ or the ‘tolerance’ and ‘modernity’ of Brahminical teachings, the reality is that the ordinary practising Hindu believes in many superstitions, is far from tolerant, and is often modem only in his/her consumption habits. This gap between the rhetoric of ‘modernity of traditions’ and actual reality has allowed a massive self-deception and doublespeak to become India’s official cultural policy. Indians have come to proclaim as their heritage exalted ideals of modernity, which in fact their own traditions do not adequately support. The result has been an extremely shallow and fragile modernity which exhausts itself in the acquisition of technological baubles, without informing the life-world of ordinary people.

This gap between ideals and reality is nowhere more evident than in the professions of secularism as an official policy, and the abysmal lack of secularization of civil society. This brings me back to my thesis that the lack of secularization of civil society and the continued persistence of high levels of popular, supernatural religiosity in Indian society has contributed to the rise of Hindu nationalism. I am not suggesting, obviously, that the high level of popular religiosity is itself and necessarily reactionary. I am only suggesting that under the current circumstances of transition to modernity, unchecked and unreformed popular religiosity is serving as fertile soil for a nationalistic mobilization aimed against members of the Islamic and Christian faiths."

[Quelle: Nanda, Meera [मीरा नंदा] <1954 - >: Prophets facing backward : postmodernism, science, and Hindu nationalism. -- Delhi : Permanent Black, 2004. -- ISBN 81-7824090-4. -- S. 47. -- Fair use]

"Like the farmers’ movement, the Bharatiya Janata Party, the main party of the Hindu right, is also Janus-faced: it has a moderate populist face, and it has an extremist rabble-rousing face. It switches between the two depending upon its own survival needs and the mood of the electorate (Jaffrelot 1996). In its moderate populist phase, the Bharatiya Janata Party is well known to downplay its Hindu nationalism and take on ‘rural development,’ complete with all the demands of farmers’ movements for higher prices, more subsidies. The Bharatiya Janata Party, with its sister Hindutva groups, shares the agrarian myth of ‘village republics’ as nurseries of traditional virtues which need to be defended from the invasion of modern vices. The problem for these groups is how to balance their ruralism, which inclines them towards protectionism, with the interests of the urban small and middle classes, who are clamouring for more Western goods. These conflicts are creating considerable tension in the Hindutva family (see the following paragraphs). But Hindutva ideology is a potent brew which can unite the populous and fractious countryside around religious identity and speak their language of rural virtues. What is worse, its anti-foreign, protectionist rhetoric can even co-opt the left opponents of globalization and modem technology. By making the alien-ness of the modem West as the enemy, the left has played into the hands of the religious right.

There is ample evidence that the Bharatiya Janata Party rode to power in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, in 1991 with full support from that state’s farmers’ movement (Bharatiya Kisan Union). According to Zoya Hasan (1998, 107) who has studied the farmers’ movements in this region in great depth, ‘a combination of ideological activity by the BJP-VHP-RSS combine followed by violence and rioting played a decisive role in BJP victory in 1991. In western UP, the BJP won 11 out of 17 seats, all in riot-hit towns... the BKU’s endorsement helped the party establish its credentials among farmers who might not otherwise have been sufficiently inspired by the BJP.’ (But later elections show that farmers do not vote entirely on the basis of religious identity. The Indian electorate has a strong instinct for judging the candidates on performance. The BJP has suffered setbacks due to anti-incumbency and caste divisions. A while back it ruled Uttar Pradesh with the help of a dalit party which sought this strange alliance in order to oppose backward castes.) Even in those regions where farmers’ movements were considered most progressive on issues of inclusiveness of women, as in Maharashtra where the Shetkari Sanghathana won warm praise from ecofeminists, communal frenzy overtook the countryside. While the leadership of the Shetkari Sanghathana remained opposed to the Hindu right, the rank and file got busy electioneering for Hindu parties (Banaji 1994,237).

India is too complex a society, with too many internal divisions, to assure any political party a permanent majority. That is indeed its saving grace. Moreover, the country still has an active and vocal opposition, a relatively free press and an independent judiciary. Hindutva’s sway over the electorate cannot be taken for granted, as the 2004 elections show. But Hindutva ideology has the right mix of traditions and modernity to mobilize masses across a wide spectrum of regions, classes, and castes for its own chauvinistic and anti-minority agenda. Fundamentally, the Hindu right deploys the grammar of India against Bharat, traditions-under-threat from alien ideas, which finds a deep and wide resonance among all sectors of a fastchanging society. Coupled with its ideology, the Hindu right has learnt that provoking communal passions pays electoral dividends.

This grammar, however, is not without its own problems. For the fact is that the agrarian populism of the capitalist farmers is an ideological ploy to extract more concessions from the state—which include modem agricultural technology, modem conveniences, and services. The cry of Bharat being exploited by India invokes the virtues of Bharat to demand the technologies of India. Similarly, the urban supporters of Hindu parties are simultaneously insatiable consumers of goods and services that globalization is bringing into India.

How to talk the talk of traditions while opening up to reviled modern Western evils is creating tensions and divisions in the Hindutva family. Ironically, the left-inclined anti-modernist movements that we have examined in this book are lining up with the more fanatical, more dangerous, true believers of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, against the more pragmatic (though no less dangerous) Bharatiya Janata Party.

When the Bharatiya Janata Party was running the government, it had diluted its commitment to ‘Swadeshi,’ which stands for the indigenous and for self-reliance. It was active in selling off loss-making public sector industries and opening the economy to foreign investment and imports of goods and services. In the meantime, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the moral leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party, has become aggressively anti-globalization. Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh-affiliated groups are regularly against the Bharatiya Janata Party’s neo-liberal economic policies. Interestingly, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s arguments against globalization are indistinguishable from those of the Marxist and Gandhian left. As one Bharatiya Janata Party sympathizer put it, ‘the RSS has already begun questioning the erosion of national sovereignty under the WTO regime. RSS chief Sudarshan has imbibed the mass of literature circulated by the anti-WTO protesters in Seattle and is busy disseminating the message in the shakhas [RSS training schools]. The RSS has also linked nationalism with uncompromising opposition to foreign investment in consumer goods’ (Dasgupta 2001).

If the new social movements of the Marxist and non-Marxist left find themselves pushed into the arms of Hindu communalists, it is because they themselves have for so long played the anti-imperialist card so indiscriminately. Non-Marxist movements, or rather ‘post-Marxists,’ as they call themselves, have imputed imperialism to ideas themselves, and not just to economic relations (however exaggerated even this might be). Authenticity and indigenousness, and not dispassionate efforts to reach the truth, have been used as criteria of acceptance. Any critique of the indigenous has been scoffed at. ‘Tradition under attack’ has been the slogan of Gandhian and postmodernist critics of scientific temper and modernity. The Marxist left has not attacked modem science and modernity as such, but it has not been able to resist the postmodernist onslaught. Indeed, the Marxist analysis of globalization as ‘imperialism’ has put Marxists in a compromising position vis-à-vis those rejecting modern science as ‘mental imperialism;’ they could not simultaneously oppose economic imperialism and oppose those movements that were agitating against cultural imperialism."

[Quelle: Nanda, Meera [मीरा नंदा] <1954 - >: Prophets facing backward : postmodernism, science, and Hindu nationalism. -- Delhi : Permanent Black, 2004. -- ISBN 81-7824090-4. -- S.  257ff. -- Fair use]


Irfan Habib (Gujarati:  ઈરફાન હબીબ, 1931 - ) zu den Ausgrabungen des Archaeological Survey of India an der Babri Msjid in Ayodhya:

"After the Court ordered excavations at the site on the basis of the Tojo-Vikas GPR Survey, Professor Habib was signatory to a statement which charged that the Survey was "not free of bias". The statement also questioned "the competence of the ASI." It said that almost the very day the Court gave its orders, a change at the top level of the ASI was announced and the Additional Secretary, Department of Culture, declared the new Director-General. When the Deputy Prime Minister and the Minister of Human Resources Development themselves stood accused of participation in the Babri Masjid demolition, "no agency under their complete control can be held to be above suspicion" (Noorani I 2003: 140-141).

The ASI and its officials were subjected to all manner of vilification by Professor Habib. Even before the ASI had submitted its Report, Professor Habib, in an article in The Hindustan Times on 6th July 2003, asked, "would the ASI perform in such circumstances as a professional body, or simply set its sights at finding what those in power wish it to find: the remains of a temple?" (Noorani I 2003: 142-145).

Answering the query himself, he stated,

There is good reason to believe that the latter has, indeed, been the case. Once the digging began, the ASI team's object seemingly has been to look mainly for stones, bricks or artefacts that could conceivably come from a temple and to forget everything else.

He indicted the ASI for ignoring Islamic materials because "these constitute(d) strong evidence against the existence of a temple at the time at the site." He said of the pillar bases found by the ASI, "they are easy to assemble," and implied that brick-bats that lay scattered had been re-arranged to provide evidence of pillar bases.

Later, Professor Habib slammed the ASI Report as

an unprofessional document, full of gross omissions, onesided presentations of evidence, clear falsifications and motivated inferences. Its only aim seems to be to so ignore and twist the evidence as to make it suit its 'conclusions' tailored to support the fictions of the Sangh Parivar about the previous existence of a temple (Noorani I 2003: 163).

He proclaimed,

The bias, partisanship and saffronized outlook of the ASI's Report takes one's breath away. In almost everything the lack of elementary archaeological controls is manifest.

He continued in the same vein,

Quite obviously, saffronization and professional integrity cannot go together." The "calibre" of the Report showed that there was hardly "any credibility left in the Archaeological Survey of India.

The occupant of the office of Director-General had been changed almost simultaneously with the High Court's order to begin excavations.

The signal given thereby was obvious; and the present Report should come as no surprise. Politicians gloating over it are precisely those who have got it written (Noorani I 2003: 168- 169).

Professor Habib faulted the Allahabad High Court for accepting the Report drawn up by "two little-known officials" (B.R. Mani and Hari Manjhi). He indicted the ASI for being "an agency of the then BJP Government," and said the Court "has not considered the question whether under the BJP Government any ASI officials, looking for promotion, could really be independent; nor did it look into their status or standing as archaeologists" (Sahmat 2010a: 50). He denounced the Report as "the fantasies" of Manjhi and Mani, which had been "given Biblical status" by the High Court. He recommended Shireen Ratnagar and D. Mandal's Ayodhya Archaeology after Excavation (2007), where, according to him, many of the ASI's "large and little fabrications have been nailed down" (Sahmat 2010a: 51)."

[Quelle: Jain, Meenakshi [मीनाक्षी जैन ]: Rama and Ayodhya. -- New Delhi : Aryan, 2013. -- 342 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-81-7305-451-8. -- S. 267f. -- Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0

Abb.: Einbandtitel

Über mohalla (Hindi: मोहल्ला / Urdu: محله -- Stadtviertel) in der Altstadt von Aligarh (Hindi अलीगढ़ / Urdu: علی گڑھ):

"It is necessary to pause here for a moment to note particular features of these localities in the old city.
  • Manik Chauk and Mamubhanja are mohallas dominated by the Varshney [Hindi: वार्ष्णेय] caste, centers of militant Hindu and anti-Muslim hostilities.
  • Achal Talab (Achal Sarowar on Map 2) contains the most important Hindu temple in Aligarh (Figure 2.1) as well as three degree colleges on whose faculty are several leading RSS organizers and whose students are mobilized in all large-scale riots for processions and attacks against Muslims and their property. Indeed, although Achal Talab is not mentioned as a site of riotous activity, in 1961 and in most later riots, excluding 1995, it is primarily because Hindu rioters move out from this locality to march, protest, and attack elsewhere in the old city.
  • Babri Mandi (Map 2), in contrast, is a locality dominated by the Muslim baradari [Bruderschaft] of Qureshi [Urdu: قريشي], the most numerous of the Muslim baradaris of Aligarh.
  • Phul Chauraha (Map 2) is at the epicenter of many riots because it is a major crossing and market, situated between Hindu and Muslim mohallas.
  • Finally, Sabzi Mandi (Map 2) is another market situated at "the intersection of the major bazaar streets."

In short, the latter two are focal points where streets, crossings, and bazaars converge, toward which provocative processions generally proceed at times of Hindu-Muslim confrontation, and where the heavy concentration of shops of all kinds provides targets."

[Quelle: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 161f. -- Fair use]

"He said that only Muslims live in this mohalla of Sarai Sultani. There are no Hindus living in the mohalla. However, there are Hindus living on all sides of Sarai Sultani and Hindu organizations as well, as the tongue is between all the teeth. Pointing in different directions, he said that is the side of the Bajrang Dal, that is the side of Vishwa Hindu Parishad, that is the side of the Hindu Mahasabha office, that is the side of the RSS, that is the main circuit of the riots.

Several Muslim baradaris  [Bruderschaft] live in Sarai Sultani, including Qureshis [Urdu: قريشي], Dhobis [Urdu: دھوبی], Ansaris [Urdu: انصاری], and Kumhars, among whom the Qureshis constitute about 40 percent of the total population."

[Quelle: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 187. -- Fair use]

"Summary. How can we summarize the situation in Sarai Sultani?
  • First, it is a context in which Muslims live in a locality in which they feel and are in fact surrounded by Hindu-majority localities.
  • Second, it is not just an amorphous Hindu population that surrounds them, but a range of Hindu militant groups and organizations located at points all around their mohalla.
  • Third, these groups are said to engage and I believe do engage in provocative actions directed against the Muslim population. Their very presence is a provocation since they are anti-Muslim organizations, promote a cult of violence, and have an organization, the Bajrang Dal, specifically devoted to the practice of violence against Muslims.
  • Fourth, it is not only the militant Hindu groups who are perceived as hostile to the Muslims, but other elements in the population. My interviews contain references to specific acts in "normal’ times such as the alleged writing of nasty anti-Muslim curses on kites. Further, the interviews in Sarai Sultani and elsewhere point to the existence of other elements in the population who seek to take advantage of Muslim discomfiture to acquire their property at cheap prices and to compel them to move elsewhere.
  • Fifth, the authorities, notably the police, are generally perceived to be anti-Muslim in normal times, extracting more than the usual share of graft from Muslim businessmen compared to that taken from Hindu businessmen. In a word, the entire atmosphere in the area in usual times is permeated with provocation, threat, insult, and the fear of injury or sudden death in an outburst of violence.
  • Finally, most important, it is simply not the case that riots occur only occasionally in such places as Sarai Sultani. It was not just in the years 1978-80 and in 1990-91, in the riots reported in the newspapers, that violence occurred in this and adjacent mohallas. On the contrary, riotous violence has occurred on many other occasions before t978, between 1978 and 1990, and after 1990, not all of which have been reported in the press.

What about the how part of the question? How does violence break out and how does it come to be directed against Muslims who are doing nothing but sleeping in their beds during curfew? How do such ghastly atrocities akin to Nazi violence occur in democratic India?

  • First, the police are predominantly Hindu, many of them imbued with the same anti-Muslim feelings as the general population.
  • Second, there is a special police force, the PAC [Uttar Pradesh Provincial Armed Constabulary], that is notoriously anti-Muslim.
  • Third, repeated accounts in Sarai Sultani and elsewhere make it clear that the police and the PAC work hand in hand with members of the militant Hindu organizations in beating and killing Muslims."

[Quelle: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 194ff. -- Fair use]

Gewinnstreben als Grund für kommunale Ausschreitungen:

"Quite similar statements were made to me by a Hindu station officer at Sasni Gate, a major area of communal conflict. This officer also provided a list of other alleged advantages gained by businessmen during riots. He was responding not to a question concerning the causes of communal riots, but to the question of who benefits from persistent communal riots in Aligarh. Though the question was, therefore, loaded, insofar as it assumed that some people must benefit, I left the respondent free to choose the beneficiaries. He chose, first of all, businessmen.

Sometimes during the riots certain people have good business. Laborers on daily wage have no job during curfew. They go to the industry bosses and ask for financial help, which is offered, but the bosses exploit the situation afterward. They may give a low wage, and the laborer has an obligation because he was helped during bad days, so it becomes almost like bonded labor. Also, the laborers prefer to work at factories that can still run during riot or curfew, so again they are forced to work for lower wages. So business owners benefit.

Sometimes, during the riots, there are certain people who have good business; they may be Hindu and Muslims. What they do is that they have laborers on daily wages. And during curfew, these people go out of—er—they don’t have any job or any work to do. So—and they go to their ... [employees] ... and promise financial help to them.

And exploit the situation afterwards, because they may give them ... not the proper wage, and afterwards—it also puts them under obligation because... they always tell them that, "We helped you during the bad days." So later on they also employ them on lower wages. So somehow they become bonded laborers. And the other thing is that there are certain people who manage to run their installations, and during that time because of the daily wages, he depended upon his wages, he prefers to work there. And again, because of the fact that he does—he doesn’t work there, so then he might not get that job, because there are other people who are willing to work. So then again he is supposed to work on lower wages. So some—that way, the business owners—they benefit a lot in this kind of situation."

[Quelle: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 208. -- Fair use]

Hindu-Stereotype über Muslime und Hindus:

"I will summarize here one example of the militant Hindu explanation, which maybe described as a kind of essentialism applied to Muslims and Islam.

Muslims are aggressive when they are dominant. Aggressiveness is built into Semitic religions, in contrast to Vedic, which believe in coexistence. Communal riots came to India only with the Muslims. Jews are small in number and Christians have become civilized, hut the Muslims remain backward and barbarous. Moreover, their aggressiveness is built into their beliefs, into the Koran itself. Contrast this with the passivity of Hindus who, despite provocations such as the construction of mosques at or near Hindu places of worship in Mathura, Ayodhya, and Varanasi—still the Hindus do not cause communal riots even though the RSS is equally dominant in these three places. Muslims are so aggressive that they will even try to kill innocent Hindus who go into their mohallas for innocent purposes, such as a person who went to read an electricity meter or government house inspectors. Hindus need to learn from Muslims, especially concerning how they treat their minorities in Islamic countries, where minorities must live according to the wishes of the Islamic state.


This respondent then went on to make stark essentialist comparisons between Hindus and Muslims, summarized below.

Hindus, in contrast to Muslims, are meek and peace-loving, respect all religions, creeds, castes. Hindus retaliate only in extremity. However, Hindus never agitate, commit murder, loot, or arson. Riots are invariably started by Muslims. Nowadays, [ riots) are started to preserve the minority character of AMU [Aligarh Muslim University]. Soon, they [Muslims] will demand the division of India. Before Independence, [ riots] were started in order to get Pakistan. Already, there is a demand for reservation of places in government service for Muslims despite the fact that Muslims have all facilities."

[Quelle: Brass, Paul R. (Richard) <1936 - >: The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India. -- Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2003. -- 476 S. : Ill. -- ISBN 978-0-295-98506-0. -- S. 312f. -- Fair use]

Eine RSS-Sicht:

"Our party [BJP] supported the SSP [Senior Superintendent of Police] on one condition: if a Hindu kills a Muslim, you kill the Hindu immediately, if a Muslim kills a Hindu, you kill the Muslim immediately. Otherwise, if twenty-four hours pass, there will be a communal riot. We do not want to go to court; there should be immediate encounter. And Mr. B. P. Singh [zuständifer Senior Supe