Einführung in Hindutva

Gastvortrag an den Universitäten Würzburg und Tübingen am 2010-12-15

von

Margarete Payer

Zitierweise:

Payer, Margarete <1942 - >: Einführung in Hindutva. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/indienchronik/Hindutvavortrag.htm 

Erstveröffentlichung: 2020-12-16

Überarbeitungen:

Copyright: Creative Commons Lizenz - Verfasserangabe - Weitergabe unter gleichen Bedingungen (CC-BY-SA 3.0)

Beim Vortrag über https://zoom.us/ habe ich PowerPoint Folien benutzt. Im Folgenden Text sind diese in den Text eingearbeitet.

Meine Ausführungen stammen aus meiner laufenden Arbeit. Erwarten sie also bitte keine endgültigen Antworten. Ich gebe Ihnen einige Puzzle-Stückchen, die Sie im Laufe Ihres Studiums immer mehr zu einem Gesamtbild ergänzen sollten. Die zitierten Texte klingen teilweise sehr extremistisch. Ich will damit keine Schwarzweißmalerei machen. Es gibt viele Zwischentöne, auf die ich hier nicht eingehen kann. Nach den Erfahrungen in Europa sollte man sich aber vor Verharmlosung hüten.

In seinem sehr lesenswerten Buch

Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd [Telugu కంచ ఐలయ్య] <1952 - >: Why I am not a Hindū : A Sudra critique of Hindutva philosophy, culture and political economy. -- Kolkata : Samya, 1996. -- 132 S.

Abb.: Einbandtitel
[Fair use]

Schreibt der Autor, Angehöriger einer Schäferkaste Südindiens:

"Introduction I was born in a small South Indian Telangana village in the early 1950s and grew up in the 1960s. Our villages had undergone all the turbulence of the freedom movement as they were part of a historical struggle known as the Telangana Armed Struggle. [...] Suddenly, since about 1990 the word ‘Hindutva’ has begun to echo in our ears, day in and day out, as if everyone in India who is not a Muslim, a Christian or a Sikh is a Hindu. Suddenly I am being told that I am a Hindu. I am also told that my parents, relatives and the caste in which we were born and brought up are Hindu. This totally baffles me. In fact, the whole cultural milieu of the urban middle class—the newspapers that I read, the T.V. that I see—keeps assaulting me, morning and evening, forcing me to declare that I am a Hindu. Otherwise I am socially castigated and my environment is vitiated. Having been born in a Kurumaa (shepherd caste) family, I do not know how I can relate to the Hindu culture that is being projected through all kinds of advertising agencies. The government and the state themselves have become big advertising agencies. Moreover the Sangh Parivar harasses us every day by calling us Hindus. In fact, the very sight of its saffron-tilak culture is a harassment to us. The question before me now is not whether I must treat Muslims or Christians or Sikhs as enemies, as the Hindutva school wants me to do. The question is: What do we, the lower Sudras and Ati-Sudras (whom I also call Dalitbahujans), have to do with Hinduism or with Hindutva itself? I, indeed not only I, but all of us, the Dalitbahujans of India, have never heard the word ‘Hindu’—not as a word, nor as the name of a culture, nor as the name of a religion in our early childhood days. We heard about Turukoollu (Muslims), we heard about Kirastaanapoollu (Christians), we heard about Baapanoollu (Brahmins) and Koomatoollu (Baniyas) spoken of as people who were different from us. Among these four categories, the most different were the Baapanoollu and the Koomatoollu. There are at least some aspects of life common to us and the Turukoollu and Kirastaanapoollu. We all eat meat, we all touch each other. With the Turukoollu, we shared several other cultural relations. We both celebrated the Peerila festival. Many Turukoollu came with us to the fields. The only people with whom we had no relations, whatsoever, were the Baapanoollu and the Koomatoollu. But today we are suddenly being told that we have a common religious and cultural relationship with the Baapanoollu and the Koomatoollu. This is not merely surprising; it is shocking." [a.a.O., S. XIIIf. -- Fair use]

"Ich wurde in einem kleinen Dorf im südindischen Telangena in den frühen 1950er Jahren geboren und wuchs dort in den 1960er Jahren auf. Unsere Dörfer haben all die Unruhen der Freiheitsbewegung erlebt. Denn sie waren Teil des historischen Kampfes, der als bewaffneter Kampf Telanganas bekannt ist.  [...] Plötzlich, ungefähr seit 1990, hallte das Wort "Hindutva" in unseren Ohren, tagein - tagaus, so als ob jeder in Indien, der nicht ein Muslim, Christ oder Sikh ist, ein Hindū wäre. Plötzlich sagte man mir, ich sei ein Hindū. Man sagte mir auch, dass meine Eltern, Verwandten und die Kaste, in der wir geboren sind, Hindū wären. Das verblüfft mich völlig. Das ganze kulturelle Milieu der Mittelklasse - die Zeitungen, die ich lese, das Fernsehen, das ich schaue - greift mich ständig an - morgens und abends - und zwängt mich, zu erklären, dass ich ein Hindū bin. Andernfalls werde ich sozial gebrandmarkt und meine Umwelt ist beschmutzt. Da ich in einer Kurumā-Familie (Schäfer-Kaste) geboren wurde, weiß ich nicht, wie ich einen Bezug haben sollte zu der Hindū-Kultur, die jede Sorte von Werbeagenturen projiziert. Regierung und Staat selbst sind große Werbeagenturen geworden. Darüberhinaus belästigt uns der Sangh Parivar [Organisationen-Familie] täglich, indem er uns Hindūs nennt. In der Tat, der bloße Anblick der Saffran-Stirnzeichen-Kultur ist für uns eine Belästigung. Vor mir steht nun die Frage, ob ich Muslime, Christen oder Sikhs als Feinde betrachten muss, wie es die Hindutva-Schule von mir verlangt. Die Frage ist: Was haben wir, die niedereren Shūdras und Ati-Shūdras (die ich auch Dalitbahujāns nenne), mit Hinduismus oder gar mit Hindutva zu tun? Ich - freilich nicht nur ich, sondern alle von uns, den Dalitbahujāns Indiens - wir haben in unseren frühen Kindheitstagen nie das Wort "Hindū" gehört - nicht als Wort, nicht als Namen einer Kultur, noch als Namen einer Religion. Wir hörten von Turukūlu (Muslimen), wir hörten von Kirastānapūlu (Christen), wir hörten von Bāpanūlu (Brahmanen) und Kūmatūlu (Baniyas - Vaiśyas), wenn man über Leute sprach, die von uns verschieden sind. Unter diesen vier Kategorien waren die am von uns unterschiedlichsten die Bāpanūlu (Brahmanen) und Kūmatūlu (Baniyas - Vaiśyas). Es gibt wenigstens einige Aspekte im Leben, die wir mit den  Turukūlu (Muslimen) und Kirastānapūlu (Christen) gemeinsam haben: wir alle essen Fleisch und berühren uns gegenseitig. Mit den Turukūlu (Muslimen) hatten wir einige weitere kulturelle Beziehungen gemeinsam. Wir beide feierten das Pīrila-Fest. Viele Turukūlu (Muslimen) kamen mit uns auf die Felder. Die einzigen Leute, mit denen wir keinerlei Beziehung hatten, waren die Bāpanūlu (Brahmanen) und Kūmatūlu (Baniyas). Das ist nicht nur erstaunlich. Es ist schockierend."

Diese Worte eines Dalit, eines Outcast, eines Unberührbaren, sollten sie bitte im Folgenden immer im Hinterkopf haben. Nur so verstehen sie Hindutva in seinem vollen Umfang.

Vor diesem Hintergrund ist für unsere Zwecke

• Hindū jeder, der sich selbst als solcher bezeichnet
• Hindutva (Hindutum) ist der Versuch, möglichst vielen Bewohnern des Subkontinents die Bezeichnung Hindū zuzuschreiben, gegebenenfalls aufzuzwingen.

Abb.: First Indian National Congress, 1885
[Public domain]

Das Wesen dieses Begriffs hat Max Weber (1864 - 1920) in seinem nach seinem Tod 1921/22 fragmentarisch herausgegebenen Werk "Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft" bleibend gültig beschrieben:

"»Nation« ist ein Begriff, der, wenn überhaupt eindeutig, dann jedenfalls nicht nach empirischen gemeinsamen Qualitäten der ihr Zugerechneten definiert werden kann. Er besagt, im Sinne derer, die ihn jeweilig brauchen, zunächst unzweifelhaft: dass gewissen Menschengruppen ein spezifisches Solidaritätsempfinden anderen gegenüber zuzumuten sei, gehört also der Wertsphäre an. Weder darüber aber, wie jene Gruppen abzugrenzen seien, noch darüber, welches Gemeinschaftshandeln aus jener Solidarität zu resultieren habe, herrscht Übereinstimmung. " [Quelle: Max Weber <1864 - 1920>: Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. -- 1921/1922. -- Kapitel VIII, § 5: Nation. -- Online: Weber, Max, Grundriß der Soziologie, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Zweiter Teil. Die Wirtschaft und die gesellschaftlichen Ordnungen und Mächte, Kapitel VIII. Politische Gemeinschaften, § 5. Die »Nation« - Zeno.org]

Leider hielt man sich in Indien eher an die Definition des Oxford New English Dictionary aus dem Jahr 1908, dem damals maßgeblichen Wörterbuch des britischen Englisch. Darin finden wir als Definition:

"Nation [...] 1. An extensive aggregate of persons, so closely associated with each other by common descent, language, or history, as to form a distinct race or people, usually organized as a separate political state and occupying a definite territory. In early examples the racial idea is usually stronger than the political; in recent use the notion of political unity and independence is more prominent." [Quelle: A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles: Founded Mainly on the Materials Collected by the Philological Society / by James A. H. Murray. -- Vol. 6, Part 2. -- Oxford : Clarendon, 1908. -- S. 30. -- Online: A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles: Founded Mainly on the Materials Collected by the Philological Society : James A. H. Murray : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive]

"Nation ist eine ausgedehnte Gesamtheit von Personen, die eng  miteinander verbunden sind durch gemeinsame Abstammung Sprache oder Geschichte   So, dass sie eine gesonderte Rasse oder Volk bilden, normalerweise organisiert als politischer Staat und ein abgegrenztes Territorium besetzen. In frühen Sprachbeispielen wird normalerweise die rassische Idee mehr betont als die politische; im neueren Gebrauch ist der Begriff politischer Einheit und Unabhängigkeit maßgeblicher"

In diesem Sinne ist es sehr schwer, eine indische Nation zu erkennen:

• Weder die Abstammung: Inder stammen von verschiedensten Ahnen ab, wie jedem klar wird, der eine Zeitlang dem Treiben auf einem indischen Großstadtbahnhof zuschaut
• Noch die Sprache: Nach der Volkszählung von 2011 werden in Indien 122 verbreitetere Sprachen gesprochen und 1600 weitere Sprachen. Die Sprachen gehören teilweise völlig unterschiedlichen Sprachfamilien an.
• Noch der Geschichte: Ganz Indien war vor der Unabhängigkeit nie eine politische oder kulturelle Ganzheit.

Die französische Wahlinderin Sāvitrī Devī (geborene Maximiani Portas, 1905 - 1982) hat dies klar gesehen in ihrem Buch "A Warning to the Hindūs", das 1939 in Kalkutta erschienen ist. Dieses Buch hatte einen großen Einfluss auf einen der Hauptvertreter der Hindutva Ideologie, Vināyak Dāmodar Sāvarkar (Marathi: विनायक दामोदर सावरकर, 1883 - 1966)

Das Problem für ALLE indischen Nationalisten war und ist die Frage nach der Einheit innerhalb dieser enzyklopädischen Vielfalt.

Die wichtigsten Antworten:

• Streng Nationalistische Lösungen:
  • Eine Nation: Hindutva, Bhāratva, Indianness, Gāndhīs "ökumenischer" Nationalismus
  • Zwei Nationen: Muslime - Hindūs -> Spaltung in Pakistan/Bangladesh - Indien
  • Viele Nationen: separatistische Bewegungen, z.B. der Tamilen, der Sikh (Khālistān), der Nāga usw.
• Gemäßigt nationalistische Lösungen:
  • Indien als säkularer Vielvölker-Staat (Jawāharlāl Nehrū, Hindī जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889 - 1964)

Schauen wir uns nun einige wichtige Schritte, Stufen und Entwicklungen der Hindutva-Ideologie, der Ideologie des Hindutums an.

Gleichzeitig entsteht in der Hindī/Hindūstānī spechenden Region Nordindiens ein Hindī-Hindū-Nationalismus. Ausgedrückt z.B. vom Hindī-Schriftsteller Pratāp Narāyan Mishra (Hindī: प्रतापनारायण मिश्र, 1856 –1894) (leider konnte ich das Hindī Original nicht finden):

"If you truly desire your own welfare then keep chanting this mantra with one tongue, hindī, hindū, hindustān whether it attracts or repels the world, brings respect or affront don’t leave off chanting with one voice, hindī, hindū, hindustān those who don’t know their own identity are like the living dead so sing loud this grand mantra, hindī, hindū, hindustān wise are those who don’t discard their own language, food and clothing in all its proof of good fortune, hindī, hindū, hindustān." [Übersetzung: Dalmia, Vasudha <1947 - >: The nationalization of Hindu traditions : Bhāratendu Hariścandra and nineteenth-century Banaras. -- 3rd impr. (©1997). -- Ranikhet : Permanent Black, 2017. -- 490 S. -- ISBN 817824304-0. -- S. 27. -- Fair use]

"Wenn Ihr wirklich Euer eigenes Wohlergehen ersehnt, dann singt ständig einstimmig dieses Mantra: Hindī, Hindū, Hindustan. Gleichgültig, ob es die Welt anzieht oder abstößt, ob es Respekt oder Beleidigung bringt, Hört nie auf einstimmig zu singen: Hindī, Hindū, Hindūstān Wer seine eigene Identität nicht kennt, ist wie ein lebender Toter. Deshalb singt laut dieses großartige Mantra: Hindī, Hindū, Hindūstān. Weise sind die, die ihre eigene Sprache, ihre Nährweise und Kleidung nicht verwerfen, Welche ein Beweis großen Vermögens sind. Hindī, Hindū, Hindūstān."

Bis dahin war indischer Nationalismus noch weitgehend von europäischen Ideen bestimmt. Doch 1895 ist sozusagen die Geburtstunde eines nativistischen Hindunationalismus:

Am 19 Februar 1895 organisiert Bāl Gangādhar Tilak (Marathi: बाळ गंगाधर टिळक, 1856 - 1920)  erstmals Geburtstagsfeierlichkeiten von Shivājī Mahārāj (Marathi छत्रपती शिवाजीराजे भोसले, 1630 - 1680), dem kämpferischen Anführer der Marāthen und siegreichen Gegner des muslimischen Großmoghuls Aurangzeb (1618 - 1707) (Persisch: ابو المظفر محيى الدين محمد اورنگزيب بهادر عالمگير).

Abb.: Shivaji-Denkmal am Gateway of India, Mumbai, 1980
[Bildquelle: Amit20081980/Wikimedia. -- CC BY-SA 3.0]

Abb.: Bal Gangadhar Tilak
[Public domain]

Seither gilt Shivājī in Hindu-Nationalistenkreisen als Vorkämpfer der Unabhängigkeit Indiens gegen Fremdherrschaft

Zur gleichen Zeit entstehen vielerorts Kuh-Schutz-Vereinigungen und Proteste gegen die Schlachtung von Kühen. Die "heilige Kuh" wird zum Symbol des Hindutums.

Abb.: Ravi Varma (Malayalam: രവിവമ്മ, 1848 - 1906): "Die Kuh mit den 84 Gottheiten", 1897
[Public domain]

1898 gründet die Britin Annie Besant (1847 – 1933) in Benares das Central Hindū College, Vorläufer des Benares Hindu University.

1902 gibt dieses Hindu College einen Katechismus heraus:

Sanâtana dharma : an elementary text book of Hindu religion and ethics. -- Benares : Central Hindu College, 1902. -- 229 S. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.20734. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-16

Abb.: Titelblatt

Der Katechismus soll Schulkindern die angeblich gemeinsamen Grundlagen des Hinduismus, die allen "Sekten" gemeinsam sind, nahebringen.

Therefore :— The religious and ethical instruction must be such as all Hindus can accept. It must include the special teachings which mark out Hinduism from other religions. It must not include the distinctive views of any special school or sect. [Aus dem Foreword]

"Deshalb muss der Religions- und Ethikunterricht so sein, dass er von allen Hindūs akzeptiert werden kann muss er die Eigentümlichkeiten enthalten, die Hinduismus von anderen Religionen abhebt darf er nichts enthalten, was spezifisch ist für irgendeine besondere Schule oder Sekte"

"The Indian Nation An Address delivered to the Central Hindu College Boarders' Debating Club, 1905. [...] We have listened to two thoughtful papers on the bonds which should unite Hindûs. The writer of one speaks of Hindus as part of a nation ; the other considers more the bonds which unite Hindûs as a community within the nation. Let us consider both. A Common Religion must ever be the strongest bond of union among the Hindûs as a community, and, in order to make Hindûism a strong bond and not a disintegrating force, we must lay stress on what is ancient and universal and ignore what is modern and local. The Sanâtana Dharma Series will aid Hindûism as a unifying force, for it contains all that Hindûs universally accept and leaves out sectarian beliefs. Every boy educated on these lines will be a link of union in the Hindû community, helping to hold it together, and as these teachings spread through the schools and colleges strong bonds of union will be forged. A Common Language is a bond of union, and Sanskrit and English serve as common languages between Hindûs of north and south, of east and west. The Hindûs of the north and south chant the Mantras in Sanskrit, and discuss business and public questions in English. Therefore Sanskrit should be taught in every English Department, and English in every Pâthshâlâ. Among the various vernaculars that are spoken in the different parts of India, there is one that stands out strongly from the rest, as that which is most widely known. It is Hindi. A man who knows Hindi can travel over India, and find everywhere Hindi-speaking people. In the north it is the vernacular of a large part of the population, and a large additional part, who do not speak Hindi, speak languages so closely allied to it that Hindi is acquired without difficulty. Urdu is but Persianised Hindi ; Panjâbi and Gurumukhi are dialects of Hindi ; Gujerâti and Marâthi are again dialects of Hindi ; Bengâli is a softer and more melodious and poetical Hindi. It is true that when we travel south we come to language derived from a Dravidian source and not from Sanskrit, and here a real difficulty arises. But the south of India cannot afford to be cut off from the north, and the knowledge of Sanskrit in the south will make easy of acquirement its derivative Hindi, whereas Tamil and Telugu can never become universal in India. The learning of Hindi is a sacrifice that southern India might well make to the unification of the Indian nation. Then Sanskrit will bind Hindûs together in religion, English in imperial and official concerns, and Hindi in social and family life. A Common Literature is another bond of union, and this all Hindûs have in the Shruti, the Smriti, the Purânas, the Itihâsa, the Philosophies and their commentaries, and the Drama. This vast and splendid literature is the common heritage of all Hindûs, of all sects, of all schools, and it forms one of the strongest bonds of union in the Hindû community. A common Religion, a common Language, a common Literature, such are the bonds of union among Hindûs as Hindûs. And now what of Hindûs as part of a people, what of the Indian nation ? The Indian nation of the future must combine into one coherent and organised body men of various faiths and men of various races, who in the past have been bitter enemies, and have striven against each other for many generations. Hindûs and Mussulmâns, Parsis and Christians, to say nothing of such well-marked inter-Hindû creeds as Jains and Sikhs, have to be welded into a nation, and this not by mergence of all the varying beliefs into one, which is impossible, but by the theosophical recognition of the spiritual unity of all religions, and the broad-minded tolerance and mutual respect which grow out of this recognition. The warring races have to be welded into a nation by turning the memories of strife into memories of common pride. A common Religion is not possible for India, but a recognition of a common basis for all religions, and the growth of a liberal, tolerant spirit in religious matters, are possible. It is this liberal tolerant spirit which makes nationality possible in Western countries ; Christianity is divided into many more sects than is Hindûism, in addition to the deep lines of cleavage which divide Catholics from Protestants. But these do not interfere with patriotism. In England, France and Germany large numbers of men are unbelievers, but they are none the less good patriots. The bitter religious antagonisms of Italy have not prevented the building of united Italy. Nor need religious differences in India check the building of an Indian nation, if men of all creeds will sink their religious hatreds, and recognise that the God they all worship is the God of humanity, and not a tribal or national deity. But while a common Religion is impossible, common Languages and a common Literature are possible. For the Muhammadan, Arabic will take the place of Sanskrit, but English is as necessary to him as to the Hindû, and Hindi is his Urdu, stripped of Persian derivatives and written in a different script. In literature he can as heartily enjoy Hindû masterpieces as the Hindû can delight in those born of Islâm. Both belong to the Indian nation, and form its common literature. Geography has a determining influence on nationality, for true nations cannot co-exist on the same soil. A nation must have its national territory, and we cannot have a Hindu nation, a Mussulmân nation, in India; we must have one Indian nation from the Himâlayas to Cape Comorin, from Bengâl to Kathiawâr. Now such a nation has never yet existed, and “ India ” always has been, and still is, a mere geographical expression. Old India was divided into many States, large and small, and though occasionally, in ancient days, an emperor would be recognised and all the kings became his feudatories, such an emperor ruled by force of his own great personality, and no one Empire endured, and passed from ruler to ruler for generations. Hence India is yet to be made a living reality, an organised entity, and you, the students of to-day with tens of thousands of your like throughout the land, you are to be the builders of India, and from your hands she will emerge—a nation. Let us look around, and take lessons in nation-building, and then you will see that turning Indian communities and races into a nation is by no means an impossible thing. There are three European nations that may help us—the British, the German, the Italian, and the German most of all. Look at Great Britain. Her people are Kelts, Saxons, Danes, Normans, and their ancestors warred and slaughtered each other for long centuries. Scotland and England were hereditary foes, and a deep river of blood divided them more than the river Tweed. They were united under one Crown just three hundred years ago, after sixteen hundred years of warfare, yet to-day Englishmen are as proud of Bruce and of Wallace as are Scotsmen, and Scotsmen are as proud of Chaucer and Shakespeare as are Englishmen, and both are equally lovers of Britain. Ireland is not yet fused into the nation, for the grass is green over Emmet’s grave for only a century, and race and religion still divide. There the nation still is building, is not yet built. Italy has swiftly grown into a nation, largely because of the magic of the great name of Rome and her old-world rule ; she has become a nation during the lifetime of many of us, and one of the memories of my childhood is the heroic figure of Garibaldi amid the surging cheering crowds of London folk. Germany has been made into a nation before our very eyes, and is full of stirring national life and intense patriotic feeling, and Germany is specially instructive for us, because there we see two religions, one in name but bitterly antagonistic in fact, facing each other, the Roman Catholic and the Lutheran, separated by memories of axe and fire, of cruelties more terrible than, and as recent as, the memories of hatred between Hindûs and Mussulmâns here. Yet now both Lutheran and Roman Catholic are brother-citizens of the Empire, and are Germans above all. The German nation is a fact, and it was born before our eyes. How did Italy, how did Germany, become nations ? By sentiment. That may strike you as strange, and yet not strange if you remember that Thought is the one creative power. There was no Italy. There was no Germany. But poets sang of the Fatherland, authors wrote of the Fatherland, and at last they sang the nation into birth, they sang the Dream into the Fact. How shall the Indian nation be born ? By sentiment also. A feeling is beginning to pervade her races that India is the motherland, and the Indian nation is already a Dream, an Ideal. She exists already in the World of Ideas ; she will pass, she is passing, into the World of Discussion ; and thence she will be born into the World of Facts. This is the Law. This is the Path. First, the Idea, then the Popularisation, then the Fact. How shall we smooth the path for her coming feet ? We must make the history of India a common history, looking on all her great men as a common glory, on all her heroes as a common heritage. Hindûs must learn to be proud of Akbar, Mussulmâns of Shivaji. The history must lose its bitterness, as of foe against foe, and become the story of the common mother-land in the making, all parties contributing to the enrichment, and sharing in the results. The sense of having been conquered in a battle must pass, and the battle be regarded merely as an event that went to the shaping of the nation. Courage, vigour, strength, virility, these are the sweet fruit of war, grievous and terrible in the sowing ; and these remain alike to conquerors and conquered, when once the sense of personal triumph has faded out of the one, and that of personal loss out of the other. Ours the task so to teach history as to show the use of the struggles to India, as to eradicate proud and injured feelings. Thus shall separateness and hatred pass, and patriotism and love grow up. As boys struggle hard in a match, one side against the other, and afterwards forget the struggle and the bruises received, and use the strength and skill thus obtained in the team which represents the whole college, so must Indians forget the antagonisms of the war-games of the past, and let the wounds be only honourable scars, while they use their strength and skill for the nation. It may be said : But if this be so, why not educate together the boys of different faiths, why have a Hindû College at Benares, a Muslim College at Aligarh ? Because such separate education is the best for building a religious and moral character, and such characters, once moulded, will live together in peace and mutual respect in manhood. During the plastic years of boyhood it is best to mould and shape the character after its own type, to make the Mussulmân boy a good Mussulmân, the Hindû boy a good Hindi!. When they are firm in their respective religions they can mix together as men, and gain, not lose, by the contact. Only they must be taught a broad and liberal tolerance, as well as an enlightened love for their own religion, so that each may remain Hindû or Mussulmân, but both be Indians. Just as stones are shaped and fitted, and then built into their respective places in an edifice, so must these boys be shaped and fitted by their several religions to be built into the Indian nation. Let us then hold up as an Ideal the Indian mother-land, the Indian nation ; let us popularise the Idea, till the heart of each province throb in unison ; then let her descend into the world of Facts ; let the Indian nation be born. [Quelle: Annie_Besant <1847 - 1933>: Essays and adresses.  -- Vol. IV: India. -- London : Theosophical Publication Society, 1913. -- S. 236 - 249. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/indiaanniebesant_202004_192_P/page/n249/mode/2up ]

• Sarda, Har Bilas [हरविलास शारदा] <1867 - 1955>: Hindu superiority : an attempt to determine the position of the Hindu race in the scale of nations. -- Ajmer : Rajputana Printing Works, 1906. -- 454 S. : Ill. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/hindusuperiority00sarduoft. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-15
• [Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar -- Marathi: विनायक दामोदर सावरकर <1883 - 1966>]: The Indian war of independence of 1857 / by an Indian nationalist. -- London, 1909. -- 451 S. -- Online: https://archive.org/details/ldpd_6260651_000. -- Zugriff am 2018-05-03
• Rede von Aurobindo Ghose (Bengali: অরবিন্দ ঘোষ, 1872 - 1950) in Uttarpara (Bengali: উত্তরপাড়া) mit der Botschaft: "The Sanatan Dharma (der ewige Dharma), that is nationalism"

Am 9. Januar 1915 kommt Gāndhī (Gujarati: ગાંધી, 1869 - 1948) aus Südafrika nach Indien zurück. Dieser Nationalist, der voll dem Rollenbild eines indischen Sādhu (Heiligen) entspricht, gibt dem indischen Nationalismus einen unglaublichen Auftrieb. In Gegnerschaft zu Gāndhīs ökumenischem Nationalismus gewinnt der Hindū-Nationalismus (und auch der Muslim-Nationalismus) ebenfalls an Stärke.

Im April 1915 wird die Sarvadeshak Hindū Sabhā gegründet, die sich ab 1921 Akhil Bhāratīya Hindū Mahāsabhā (Hindī अखिल भारतीय हिन्दू महासभा) ("Gesamtindische Hindū-Großversammlung") nennt. Sie wird eine der wichtigsten Organisationen der Vertretung vermeintlicher Rechte der Hindumehrheit im Subkontinent. Hindū heißt für die Mahāsabhā vor allem negativ: kein Angehöriger der "Fremdreligionen" Islam und Christentum, sondern Angehöriger autochthoner - auf dem Subkontinent entstandener Religionen. Diese Abwehr der Fremdreligionen - besonders des Islam - ist typisch für den Nativismus des Hindunationalismus.

Abb.: ©Flagge
[Fair use]

Wie sehr der indische Nationalismus um diese Zeit noch fremdbestimmt ist, zeigt die Tatsache, dass im Dezember 1917 die Britin Annie Besant (1847 - 1933) zur Präsidentin der 32. Sitzung des Indian National Congress gewählt wird.

1920 verlässt Muhammad Ali Jinnah, (1876 - 1948) (Urdu محمد علی جناح), der spätere Gründer von Pakistan, den Indian National Congress. Er wird der 1906 gegründeten All-India Muslim League (Urdu آل انڈیا مسلم لیگ) enormen Auftrieb geben, und den Muslim-Nationalismus stärken. Der National Congress wird zwar weiterhin behaupten, auch die Muslime Indiens zu vertreten, dies gilt aber nur in sehr beschränktem Maße.

1923 erscheint in Nāgpur (Marathi: नागपूर) anonym eines der Grundlagenwerke von Hindutva>

[Savarkar, Vinayak Damodar -- Marathi: विनायक दामोदर सावरकर <1883 - 1966>]: Essentials of Hindutva . -- 1928 erscheint ein Reprint unter dem Titel: Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu?. -- 5.ed online: https://archive.org/stream/hindutva-vinayak-damodar-savarkar-pdf/hindutva-vd-savarkar#page/n1/mode/2up

Verfasser ist Vināyak Dāmodar Sāvarkar (Marathi: विनायक दामोदर सावरकर, 1883 - 1966). Auf Sāvarkar werden sich die folgenden Generationen von Hindutva-Ideologen berufen. Wie es bei der Anrufung von Autoritäten üblich ist, macht man dabei sehr selektiven Gebrauch: Man zitiert, was in den eigenen Kram und die eigene Meinung passt, das andere verschweigt oder verdrängt man. Um nicht demselben Fehler zu verfallen, gebe ich Ihnen in der schriftlichen Form dieser Vorlesung einen repräsentativen Auszug aus diesem Werk. Bitte lesen sie ihn!

Inhalt: What is in a name? Hindutva is different from Hinduism What is a Hindu? Name older still Hindus, a nation Other names How Names Are Given International Life Fall of Buddhism Buddhism - a universal religion Then came reaction ! Institutions in favour of Nationality Commingling of Races Back to the Vedas Sindhusthan What is Arya Hindu & Hindusthan. Reverence to Buddha Hindus : all one and a nation Hindusthani Language Foreign Invaders Hindutva at work Stupid notions must go Essential implications of Hindutva Bond of common blood Common culture What is civilization ? Common laws and rites Who is a Hindu ? Hindus in Sindh Unique Natural Blessings to Hindusthan   "Hindutva is different from Hinduism To this category of names which have been to mankind a subtle source of life and inspiration belongs the word Hindutva, the essential nature and significance of which we have to investigate into. The ideas and ideals, the systems and societies, the thoughts and´sentiments which have centered round this name are so varied and rich, so powerful and so subtle, so elusive and yet so vived that the term Hindutva defies all attempts at analysis. Forty centuries, if not more, had been at work to mould it as it is. Prophets and poets, lawyers and law-givers, heroes and historians, have thought, lived, fought and died just to have it spelled thus. For indeed, is it not the resultant of countless actions - now conflicting, now commingling, now cooperating - of our whole race? Hindutva is not a word but a history. Not only the spiritual or religious history of our people as at times it is mistaken to be by being confounded with the other cognate term Hinduism, but a history in full. Hinduism is only a derivative, a fraction, a part of Hindutva. Unless it is made clear what is meant by the latter the first remains unintelligible and vague. Failure to distinguish between these two terms has given rise to much misunderstanding and mutual suspicion between some of those sister communities that have inherited this inestimable and common treasure of our Hindu civilization. What is the fundamental difference in the meaning of these two words would be clear as our argument proceeds. Here it is enough to point out that Hindutva is not identical with what is vaguely indicated by the term Hinduism. By an 'ism' it is generally meant a theory or a code more or less based on spiritual or religious dogma or creed. Had not linguistic usage stood in our way then 'Hinduness' would have certainly been a better word than Hinduism as a near parallel to Hindutva. Hindutva embraces all the departments of thought and activity of the whole Being of our Hindu race. Therefore, to understand the significance of this term Hindutva, we must first understand the essential meaning of the word Hindu itself and realize how it came to exercise such imperial sway over the hearts of millions of mankind and won a loving allegiance from the bravest and best of them. But before we can do that, it is imperative to point out that we are by no means attemption a definition or even a description of the more limited, less satisfactory and essentially sectarian term Hinduism. How far we can succeed or are justified in doing that would appear as we proceed. What is a Hindu? Although it would be hazardous at the present state of oriental research to state definitely the period when the foremost band of the intrepid Aryans made it their home and lighted their first sacrificial fire on the banks of the Sindhu, the Indus, yet certain it is that long before the ancient Egyptians, and Babylonians had built their magnificent civilization, the holy waters of the Indus were daily witnessing the lucid and curling columns of the scented sacrificial smokes and the valleys resounding with the chants of Vedic hymns - the spiritual fervour that animated their souls. The adventurous valour that propelled their intrepid enterprises, the sublime heights to which their thoughts rose-all these had marked them out as a people destined to lay the foundation of a great and enduring civilization. By the time they had definitely cut themselves aloof from their cognate and neighbouring people especially the Persians, the Aryans, had spread out to the farthest of the seven rivers, Sapta Sindhus, and not only had they developed a sense of nationality but had already succeeded in giving it 'a local habitation and a name! Out of their gratitude to the genial and perennial network of waterways that run through the land like a system of nerve-threads and wove them into a Being, they very naturally took to themselves the name of Sapta Sindhus an epithet that was applied to the whole of Vedic India in the oldest records of the world, the Rigveda itself. Aryans or the cultivators as they essentially were, we can well understand the divine love and homage they bore to these seven rivers presided over by the River, 'the Sindhu'. which to them were but a visible symbol of the common nationality and culture. The Indians in their forward march had to meet many a river as genial and as fertilizing as these but never could they forget the attachment they felt and the homage they paid to the Sapta Sindhus which had welded them into a nation and furnished the name which enabled their forefathers to voice forth their sense of national and cultural unity. Down to this day a Sindhu - a Hindu - wherever he may happen to be, will gratefully remember and symbolically invoke the presence of these rivers that they may refresh and purify his soul. Not only had these people been known to themselves as 'Sindhus' but we have definite records to show that they were known to their surrounding nations - at any rate to one of them - by that very name, 'Sapta Sindhu'. The letter 's' in Sanskrit is at times changed into h in some of the Prakrit languages, both Indian and non-Indian. For example, the word Sapta has become Hapta not only in Indian Prakrits but also in the European languages too: we have Hapta i.e., week, in India and 'Heptarchy' in Europe, Kesari in Sanskrit becomes Harhvati in Persian and Asuri becomes Ahur. And then we actually find that the Vedic name of our nation Sapta Sindhu had been mentioned as Hapta Hindu in the Avesta by the ancient Persian people. Thus in the very dawn of history we find ourselves belonging to the nation of the Sindhus or Hindus and this fact was well known to our learned men even in the Puranic period. In expounding the doctrine that many of the Mlechha tongues had been but the mere offshoots of the Sanskrit language the Bhavishya Puran clearly cites this fact and says [...] Thus knowing for certain that the Persians used to designate the Vedic Aryans as Hindus and knowing also the fact that we generally call a foreign and unknown people by the term by which they are known to those through whom we come to know them, we can safely conclude that most of the remoter nations that flourished then must have applied the same epithet 'Hindu' to our land and people as the ancient Persians did. Not only that but even in the very region of the Sapta Sindhus the thinly scattered native tribes too, must have been knowing the Aryans as Hindus in the local dialects in accordance with the same linguistic law. Further on, as the Vedic Sanskrit began to give birth to the Indian Prakrits which became the spoken tongues of the majority of the descendants of these very Sindhus as well as the assimilated and the crossborn castes, these too might have called themselves as Hindus without any influence for the foreign people. For the Sanskrit S changes into H as often in Indian Prakrits as in the non-Indian ones. Therefore, so far as definite records are concerned, it is indisputably clear that the first and almost the cradle name chosen by the patriarchs of our race to designate our nation and our people, is Sapta Sindhu or Hapta Hindu and that almost all nations of the then known world seemed to have known us by this very epithet, Sindhus or Hindus. [...] Hindus, a nation The activities of so intrepid a people as the Sindhus or Hindus could no longer be kept cooped or cabined within the narrow compass of the Panchanad or the Punjab. The vast and fertile plains farther off stood out inviting the efforts of some strong and vigorous race. Tribe after tribe of the Hindus issued forth form the land of their nursery and led by the consciousness of a great mission and their Sacrificial Fire that was the symbol thereof, they soon reclaimed the vast, waste and but very thinly populated lands. Forests were felled, agriculture flourished, cities rose, kingdoms thrived,- the touch of the human hand changed the whole face of the wild and unkemp nature. But while these great deeds were being achieved the Aryans had developed to suit their individualistic tendencies and the demands of their new environments a policy that was but loosely centralised. As time passed on, the distances of their new colonies increased, and different settlements began to lead life politically very much centred in themselves. The new attachments thus formed, though they could not efface the old ones, grew more and more pronounced and powerful until the ancient generalizations and names gave way to the new. Some called themselves Kurus, others Kashis or Videhas or Magadhas while the old generic name of the Sindhus or Hindus was first overshadowed and then almost forgotten. Not that the conception of a national and cultural unity vanished, but it assumed other names and other forms, the politically most important of them being the institution of a Chakarvartin. At last the great mission which the Sindhus had undertaken of founding a nation and a country, found and reached its geographical limit when the valorous Prince of Ayodhya made a triumphant entry in Ceylon and actually brought the whole land from the Himalayas to the Seas under one sovereign sway. The day when the Horse of Victory returned to Ayodhya unchallenged and unchallengeable, the great white Umbrella of Sovereignty was unfurled over that Imperial throne of Ramchandra, the brave, Ramchandra the good, and a loving allegiance to him was sworn, not only by the Princes of Aryan blood but Hanuman, Sugriva, Bibhishana from the south-that day was the realbirth-day of our Hindu people. It was truly our national day: for Aryans and Anaryans knitting themselves into a people were born as a nation. It summed up and politically crowned the efforts of all the generations that preceded it and it handed down a new and common mission, a common banner, a common cause which all the generations after it had consciously or unconsciously fought and died to defend." "Common culture But only two; because a moment's consideration would show that these two qualifications of one nation and one race — of a common fatherland and therefore of a common blood — cannot exhaust all the requisites of Hindutva. The majority of the Indian Mohammedans may, if free from the prejudices born of ignorance, come to love our land as their fatherland, as the patriotic and noble-minded amongst them have always been doing. The story of their conversions, forcible in millions of cases, is too recent to make them forget, even if they like to do so, that they inherit Hindu blood in their veins. But can we, who here are concerned with investigating into facts as they are and not as they should be, recognize these Mohammedans as Hindus? Many a Mohammedan community in Kashmir and other parts of India as well as the Christians in South India observe our caste rules to such an extent as to marry generally within the pale of their castes alone; yet, it is clear that though their original Hindu blood is thus almost unaffected by an alien adulteration, yet they cannot be called Hindus in the sense in which that term is actually understood, because, we Hindus are bound together not only by the tie of the love we bear to a common fatherland and by the common blood that courses through our veins and keeps our hearts throbbing and our affections warm, but also by the tie of the common homage we pay to our great civilization — our Hindu culture, which could not be better rendered than by the word Sanskriti suggestive as it is of that language, Sanskrit, which has been the chosen means of expression and preservation of that culture, of all that was best and worth-preserving in the history of our race. We are one because we are a nation a race and own a common Sanskriti (civilization)" [Quelle: Wikipedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindutva:_Who_Is_a_Hindu?. -- Zugriff am 2018-03-16]

Das in unserem Zusammenhang wichtigste Ereignis des Jahres 1925 ist die Gründung des

Rāshtrīya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) - Hindī: राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ - आर० एस० एस० („Nationale Freiwilligenorganisation“) -- Gegründet 1925-09-27. Er hat heute 5 - 6 Mio. Mitglieder

Abb.: RSS, Bhopal (Hindi भोपाल), 2016
[Bildquelle: Suyash Dwivedi/Wikimedia. – CC-BY-SA 4.0]

Eine der besten Beschreibungen, die ich kenne, ist die, die Indirā Gāndhī (Hindī: इंदिरा प्रियदर्शिनी गांधी, 1917 - 1984), die spätere Ministerpräsidentin, 1947 in einem Brief an ihren Vater,  Jawāharlāl Nehrū  (Hindī जवाहरलाल नेहरू, 1889 - 1964),  gegeben hat.

“Lucknow goes along its own rather dreary way, getting gradually more and more narrow-minded. What a peculiar deadness there is in our provincial towns. And what makes the atmosphere sickening is the corruption and the slackness, the smugness of some and the malice of others. Life here has nothing to offer the not-so-intelligent (and they form the bulk of any class) middle-class young men. It is not surprising that the superficial trappings of fascism attract them in their tens of thousands. The R.S.S. are gaining strength rapidly. They have been holding very impressive rallies in Allahabad, Cawnpore, Lucknow - except for very minor details following the German model almost exactly. I was given a vivid description of the Allahabad show by one of the Malaviya boys. The rally was held in Alfred Park. There were thousands of uniformed volunteers. As each spectator arrived he was given a card for his cycle (as they do for cars in Govt House) or other vehicle. Seating was on the ground but clear white sheets had been spread and each person was allowed just so much room to sit in. People were seated in rows - very orderly. They had to take off their shoes & chappals & here again were given cards so that the shoes should not get mixed up or lost. At the appointed time the announcement was made that proceedings were now starting and that nobody would be allowed to move from his seat or to talk or interrupt in any way. Five minutes were then given so that all who did not wish to stay until the end of the meeting should leave. After that the Guruji & others spoke in pin-drop silence.”   [Quelle: Two alone, two together : Letters between Indira Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru 1940 - 1964. -- London : Hodder & Stoughton, 1992. -- S. 547ff. -- Fair use]

Lucknow folgt weiter seinem  ziemlich trostlosen Weg, es wird immer engstirniger. Welche Totenstille herrscht in unseren Provinzstädten! Die Atmosphäre ist verpestet durch Korruption und Nachlässigkeit, der Selbstzufriedenheit einiger und der Bosheit anderer. Das Leben hier kann nichts bieten den weniger intelligenten - und diese bilden die Mehrheit jeder Klasse - jungen Männern der Mittelklasse. Es überrascht nicht, dass von den oberflächlichen Fallen des Faschismus zu Zehntausenden angezogen werden. Der RSS gewinnt schnell an Stärke. Sie haben beeindruckende Kundgebungen in Allāhābād, Kānpur, Lucknow abgehalten - sie folgen dabei außer einigen unwichtigen Details fast genau dem deutschen Modell [des Nationalsozialismus]. Ich habe eine lebhafte Beschreibung  von der Show in Allāhābād von einem der Mālavīya-Buben bekommen. Die Kundgebung wurde im Alfred Park abgehalten. Es gab Tausende uniformierter Freiwilliger. Jeder Teilnehmer bekam bei der Ankunft eine Nummer für sein Fahrrad oder sonstiges Fahrzeug. Man saß auf dem Boden, aber reinweiße Tücher waren ausgebreitet und jeder durfte nur auf seinem begrenzten Platz sitzen. Man saß in  Reihen, sehr ordentlich. Alle mussten ihre Schuhe und Sandalen ausziehen und sie erhielten dafür Nummern, so dass ihre Schuhe nicht verwechselt werden oder verloren gehen konnten. Zum angekündigten Zeitpunkt wurde bekanntgegeben, dass von da an sich niemand von seinem Sitz wegbewegen darf, oder sprechen oder sonstwie unterbrechen darf. Dann gab es fünf Minuten Zeit, dass alle, die nicht bis zum Ende des Treffens verharren wollen, den Platz verlassen. Danach sprachen Gurujī [M. S. Golvalkar] und andere in eine Stille, in der man eine Nadel fallen hören könnte."

Damit ist alles Wichtige gesagt. Vorbilder des RSS sind - wie vom frühen RSS ausdrücklich zugegeben - die faschistische Bewegung (seit 1922) von Benito Mussolini (18883- 1945) und später die nationalsozialistischen Organisationen Adolf Hitlers (1889 - 1945). Im November 1929 übernimmt der RSS das Prinzip

ek chālak anuvartit (Hindī: एक चालक अनुवर्तित) ("Einem einzigen Führer folgen")

Das Titelblatt  der Ausgabe im August 2017 der  RSS-Wochenzeitschrift पाञ्चजन्य (Pānchajanya) (in Hindī) spricht für sich:

Abb.: Titelblatt der Ausgabe 2017-10-08
[Fair use]

Abb.: RSS und seine Family (Hindi: संघ परिवार) [Bildquelle: http://www.spandanfeatures.com/increasing-steps-of-rss-in-the-service-of-the-nation/. -- Zugriff am 2018-02-13. -- Fair use] Sangh Parivar - Hindi: संघ परिवार = Dachverband Kaderorganisation: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) - Hindi: राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ - आर० एस० एस० -- Gegründet 1925-09-27. -- 5 - 6 Mio. Mitglieder Politische Organisationen The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP, "Indische Volkspartei") - Hindi: भारतीय जनता पार्टी -- Indian People's Party - politischer Arm des Sangh Parivar (Hindi: संघ परिवार). -- Die Partei ist 1980-12 nach einer Wahlniederlage  hervorgegangen aus der Partei Bharatiya Jana Sangh (Hindi: भारतीय जनसंघ), gegründet 1951 übergegangen 1977  in die Janata Party (Hindi: जनता पार्टी). -- Über 100 Mio. Mitglieder Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha [BJYM] Hindi: भारतीय जनता युवा मोर्चा -- Jugendorganisation der BJP. -- Gegründet 1978 Berufsorganisationen Bharatiya Kisan Sangh - Hindi: भारतीय किसान संघ -- Indian Farmers' Association -- Indiens größte Bauernorganisation. -- Gegründet 1979. -- 20 Mio. Mitglieder Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh - Hindi: भारतीय मजदूर संघ -- Indian Labourers' Association  -- Gewerkschaftsorganisation des Sangh. -- Gegründet 1955. -- 11 Mio. Mitglieder (2010) Bharatiya Railways Sangh (BRMS) -- Hindi: भारतीय रेल्वे मजदूर संघ -- Indian Railways Workers' Association -- Gegründet: 1962 Fishermen's Co-operative Societies. -- Gegründet: 1913. -- 2 Mio. Mitglieder Samskar Bharati -- Hindi: संस्कार भारती -- Organisation of Indian Artists. -- Gegründet: 1981 Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad -- Hindi: अखिल भारतीय अधिवक्ता परिषद -- All India Lawyers' Council. -- Gegründet: 1992 Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) - Hindi: अखिल भारतीय विद्यार्थी परिषद - एबीवीपी -- All India Students' Council. -- Gegründet: 1949. -- 3 Mio. Mitglieder Akhil Bharatiya Shaikshik Mahasangh -- Hindi: अखिल भारतीय शैक्षिक महासंघ -- All India Teachers' Federation. National Medicos Organisation [NMO] -- Organisation von qualifizierten Ärzten und Studierenden der Medizin. -- Gegründet: 1977 Akhil Bharatiya Poorva Sainik Seva Parishad (ABPSSP) -- Hindi: अखिल भारतीय पूर्व सैनिक सेवा परिषद -- All India Ex-Military Servicemen Council. -- Gegründet: 1995 Wirtschaftsorganisationen Swadeshi Jagaran Manch [oder: Swadeshi Jagran Manch, SJM] - Hindi: स्वदेशी जागरण मंच -- Nativist Awakening Front. -- Wirtschaftsflügel des RSS, die Organisation für ökonomische Unabhängigkeit. -- Gegründet: 1991 Bhartiya Vitta Salahkar Samiti (BVSS) --  Financial consultants' association. -- Gegründet 1999. -- 900 Mitglieder (2012) Laghu Udyog Bharati -- Hindi: लघु उद्योग भारती -- All India organization of Micro and Small Industries in India. -- Gegründet: 1994 Sahakar Bharati -- Hindi: सहकार भारती -- Cooperative Movement. -- Gegründet: 1978 Soziale Organisationen Deendayal Reseach Institute - Deendayal Shodh Sansthan -- Hindi: दीनदयाल शोध संस्थान. -- Gegründet: 1968 Bharat Vikas Parishad -- Hindi: भारत विकास परिषद. -- Gegründet: 1963 Swami Vivekananda Medical Mission. -- Gegründet: 2002 Sewa Bharati -- Hindi: सेवा भारती -- Community service: Sewa Sanskar Samrasta Samridhi -- Hindi: सेवा  संस्कार समृद्धि समरसता (Dienst, Befähigung, Harmonie, Wohlstand). -- Gegründet: 1979 Sakshama -- Kannada: ಸಕ್ಷಮ Hindu Seva Pratishthana -- Kannada: ಹಿಂದು ಸೇವಾ ಪ್ರತಿಷ್ಠಾನ. -- Gegründet: 1980 Nele -- residential care to destitute children Frauenorganisationen Rashtra Sevika Samiti - Hindi: राष्ट्र सेविका समिति -- National Volunteer Association for Women. -- Gegründet: 1936 Shiksha Bharati -- Hindi: शिक्षा भारती -- "To provide education and training for skill up gradation and lifelong learning to girls and women belonging to underprivileged sections of the society." Durga Vahini - Hindi: दुर्गा वाहिनी [Armee der Durga]. -- Organisation der Vishva Hindu Parishad für weibliche Jugendliche zwischen 15 und 35 Jahren. -- Gegründet 1984 Religiöse Organisationen Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) [Weltrat der Hindus] - Sanskrit/Hindi: विश्व हिंदू परिषद -- World Hindu Council. -- Gegründet: 1964 Bajrang Dal - Hindi: बजरंग दल -- militante Organisation der Vishwa Hindu Parishad für junge Männer. -- Gegründet: 1984 Hindu jagarana vedike -- Kannada: ಹಿಂದು ಜಾಗರಣ ವೇದಿಕೆ Dharma Jagran Samanvaya Vibhag - Sanskrit/Hindi: धर्म जागरण समन्वय विभाग / Dharma Jagran Samanvay Samiti - Sanskrit/Hindi: धर्म जागरण समन्वय समिति -- Patriotische Erweckungsbewegung für die Jugend. -- Gegründet: 1996. -- 2000 Hauptamtliche Muslim Rashtriya Manch [MRM] -- Hindi: मुस्लिम राष्ट्रीय मंच -- National Front of Muslims -- Organisation des RSS für indische Muslime. -- Gegründet: 2002. -- 10.000 Volunteers (2014) Rashtriya Sikh Sangh -- Hindi: राष्ट्रीय सिख संघ / Rashtriya Sikh Sangat -- Hindi: राष्ट्रीय सिख संगत  -- Panjabi: ਰਾਸ਼੍ਟ੍ਰੀ ਸਿਖ ਸਂਗਤ -- für die Verbesserung der Beziehungen zwischen Sikhs (Panjabi: ਸਿੱਖੀ) und dem Rest der Hindugesellschaft. -- Gegründet: 1986 Hindu Munnani -- Tamil: இந்து முன்னணி -- Organisation in Tamil Nadu (தமிழ் நாடு) zur Verteidigung des Hinduismus. -- Gegründet: 1981 Hindu Rashtra Sena -- Hindi: हिंदू राष्‍ट्रसेना Hindu Aikya Vedi -- Malayalam: ഹിന്ദു ഐക്യവേദി -- Hindu United Front. -- Gegründet: 1992 Erziehungsorganisationen Ekal Vidyalaya -- Hindi: एकल विद्यालय -- "to bring basic education to every child across rural India". -- Gegründet: 1989 Vidya Bharati Akhil Bharatiya Shiksha Sansthan [Vidya Bharati] -- Hindi: विद्या भारती अखिल भारतीय शिक्षा संस्थान - विद्या भारती. -- für die Erziehung zuständige Organisation (NGO) des RSS. -- Gegründet: 1952/1957 Saraswati Shishu Mandir -- Hindi: सरस्वती शिशु मंदिर. -- Gegründet: 1952 Vijnana Bharati [VIBHA] -- Hindi: विज्ञान भारती - विभा. -- zuständig für Wissenschaft und Technologie innerhalb von RSS. -- Gegründet: 1991 Ethnische Organisationen Akhil Bharatiya Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram -- Hindi: अखिल भारतीय वनवासी कल्याण आश्रम. -- Späterer Name: Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram -- Hindi: वनवासी कल्याण आश्रम. -- Organisation für Stammesbevölkerung (Adivasi [Sanskrit/Hindi: आदिवासी] / Vanvasi [Sanskrit/Hindi: वनवासी]). -- Gegründet 1952 Youth for seva (YFS). -- Gegründet: 2007Friends of Tribals Society -- Vanbandhu Parishad Hindi: वनबंधु परिषद. -- Gegründet: 1989 Bharat-Tibet Maitri Sangh -- Hindi: भारत तिब्बत मैत्री संघ -- India Tibet Friendship Society (ITFS) Propaganda und Kommunikation Organiser. -- Wochenzeitschrift. -- Gegründet: 1947 Vishwa Samvada Kendra (VSK) -- Hindi/Sanskrit: विश्व संवाद केन्द्र -- Official Media Centre of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, (RSS) Hindustan Samachar -- Hindi: हिन्दुस्तान समाचार -- Nachrichtenagentur -- Gegründet: 1948 Think Tanks Bharatiya Vichar Kendra (BVK) -- Sanskrit: भारतीय विचार केंद्रम् -- Kulturinstitut Hindu Vivek Kendra -- Hindi: हिन्दू विवेक केन्द्र -- "a resource center for the promotion of Hindutva"Vivekananda Kendra -- Hindi: विवेकानन्द केन्द्र -- Tamil: விவேகானந்த கேந்திரம் -- Entwicklungshilfe bei Stammesbevölkerung India Policy Foundation -- Hindi: भारत नीति प्रतिष्ठान Bharatiya Shikshan Mandal -- Hindi: भारतीय शिक्षण मंडल -- Organisation zur Unterstützung nationaler Erziehung. -- Gegründet: 1969 India Foundation Akhil Bharatiya Itihas Sankalan Yojana [ABISY] [Akila Bharateeya Itihasa Sankalana Yojana] -- Hindi: अखिल भारतीय इतिहास-संकलन योजना -- All-India history reform project -- Organisation des RSS, deren Aufgabe es ist, die indische Geschichte aus einer nationalen Perspektive zu schreiben.  -- Gegründet: 1978 Syama Prasad Mookerjee Research Foundation (SPMRF) Auslandsorganisationen Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh -- Hindi: हिन्दू स्वयंसेवक संघ -- Hindu Volunteer Association. -- Gegründet: 1947 in Kenya Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh UK [HSS UK] -- Gegründet: 1966 Hindu Sevika Samiti -- Organisation des HSS UK für Mädchen und Frauen Balagokulam -- Organisation des HSS UK für Kinder Hindu Sahitya Kendra [Hindu Literature Centre] Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh USA [HSS USA]. -- Gegründet: 1989 Hindu Students Council. -- Gegründet: 1990 Kinderorganisationen Balagokulam (ബാലഗോകുലം / बालगोकुलम) -- "To develop cultural consciousness in children" -- Gegründet: 1981 Andere Organisationen Samskrita Bharati - Sanskrit: संस्कृतभारती -- "Promote the study of Samskrit and make it accessible to all sections of society" -- Gegründet: 1981 Central Hindu Military Education Society. -- Gegründet: 1937 Kreeda Bharati (क्रीडा भारती) --  Sports Organization Samskar Bharti -- Hindi: संस्कार भारती -- Cultural unit

Damit haben wir die Verbindung zur Gegenwart im unabhängigen Indien nach 1947.

Eine gute Überleitung zum unabhängigen Indien ist das Gedicht हिन्दुत्व विहीन स्वराज्य से क्या होगा [Hindutva vihīn svarājya kyā hogā - Was soll aus Unabhängigkeit ohne Hindutva werden?], das im Februar 1947 in der Zeitschrift Kalyān der Gītā Press erscheint.

"If we had no Hindutva in us, why would we fight for Swaraj? We would have become foreigners or Christians then, why would we fight? Why did we sacrifice so boldly, why did we rot in jail? Why did we take bullets on our chests, why did we go to the gallows? What will we get today by sacrificing our religion to please someone? What will we get from Swaraj without Hindutva? Hindi-Hindu is the religion of Hind, Beautiful is the Hindi language! Hindi is our food and cloth, Hindi flows in our breath!! Today Hindi is facing the trap of Hindustani! Hindus are killed in every manner, while Hind is a witness to the show!! If we wish, today the accomplishment of Pakistan can be drowned! If we wish, today oppression can be removed from the universe!! If we wish, today Ram Rajya can be established all over the world! If only we are able to let dharma dominate over our sins!!" [Übersetzung: Mukul, Akshaya [अक्षय मुकुल]: Gita Press and the making of Hindu India. -- Noida : HarperCollins, 2015. -- 540 S. -- ISBN 978-93-5177-230-9 . -- S. 250f. -- Fair use]

"Wenn wir kein Hindutum in uns haben, warum sollten wir für Autonomie kämpfen? Wir würden dann Ausländer oder Christen, warum sollten wir kämpfen? Warum haben wir uns so kühn geopfert, warum sind wir im Gefängnis verrottet? Warum haben wir Kugeln mit unserer Brust gefangen, warum sind wir zum Galgen gegangen? Was haben wir von Autonomie ohne Hindutva? Hindī-Hindū ist die Religion von Hind. Wunderschön ist die Hindī-Sprache! Hindī ist unsere Nahrung und Kleidung, Hindī fließt in unserem Atem! Heute droht Hindī die Falle des Hindūstānī! Hindūs werden auf jegliche Art ermordet, während Hind Zeugnis des Schauspiels ist! Wenn wir es wollen, kann die Vollendung Pakistans ertränkt werden! Wenn wir es wollen, kann Unterdrückung vom Universum genommen werden! Wenn wir es wollen, kann heute die Herrschaft Rāmas über die ganze Welt errichtet werden! Wenn wir nur fähig sind, Dharma über unsere Sünden herrschen zu lassen!!"

Das ist Hindū-Nationalismus in Reinkultur. Die Betonung des Hindī tritt später wegen des Widerstands aus Südindien mehr in den Hintergrund.

Laut einer Umfrage glauben 1993, dass Hindunationalismus eine positive Wirkung auf das Leben in Indien hat

• 34% der Befragten in Bombay (Marathi मुंबई)
• 23% der Befragten in Delhi (Hindī: दिल्ली)

Wollen wir all das Gesagte in einem weiten theoretischen Zusammenhang sehen, gibt es m. E. keine bessere Beschreibung als die des schon am Anfang genannten Max Weber:

"Statt dessen ist hier noch etwas näher darauf einzugehen, daß die Idee der »Nation« bei ihren Trägern in sehr intimen Beziehungen zu »Prestige«-Interessen steht. In ihren frühesten und energischsten Äußerungen hat sie, in irgendeiner, sei es auch verhüllten Form, die Legende von einer providentiellen »Mission« enthalten, welche auf sich zu nehmen denen zugemutet wurde, an welche sich das Pathos ihrer Vertreter wendete, und die Vorstellung, daß diese Mission gerade durch die Pflege der individuellen Eigenart der als »Nation« besonderten Gruppe und nur durch sie ermöglicht werde. Mithin kann diese Mission – sofern sie sich selbst durch den Wert ihres Inhaltes zu rechtfertigen sucht – nur als eine spezifische »Kultur«-Mission konsequent vorgestellt werden. Die Überlegenheit oder doch die Unersetzlichkeit der nur kraft der Pflege der Eigenart zu bewahrenden und zu entwickelnden »Kulturgüter« ist es dann, an welcher die Bedeutsamkeit der »Nation« verankert zu werden pflegt, und es ist daher selbstverständlich, dass, wie die in der politischen Gemeinschaft Mächtigen die Staatsidee provozieren, so diejenigen, welche innerhalb einer »Kulturgemeinschaft« (das soll hier heißen: einer Gruppe von Menschen, welchen kraft ihrer Eigenart bestimmte, als »Kulturgüter« geltende Leistungen in spezifischer Art zugänglich sind) die Führung usurpieren: die »Intellektuellen« also, wie wir sie vorläufig genannt haben, in spezifischem Maße dazu prädestiniert sind, die »nationale« Idee zu propagieren. "   [Max Weber <1864 - 1920>: Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. -- 1921/1922. -- Kapitel VIII, § 5: Nation. -- Online: Weber, Max, Grundriß der Soziologie, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Zweiter Teil. Die Wirtschaft und die gesellschaftlichen Ordnungen und Mächte, Kapitel VIII. Politische Gemeinschaften, § 5. Die »Nation« - Zeno.org]