Quellenkunde zur indischen Geschichte bis 1858

15. Frühe europäische Quellen und Quellen aus der Zeit der East India Companies

10. Zum Beispiel: Thomas Roe, 1615 - 1619

hrsg. von Alois Payer


Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Quellenkunde zur indischen Geschichte bis 1858. -- 15. Frühe europäische Quellen und Quellen aus der Zeit der East India Companies. --10. Zum Beispiel: Thomas Roe, 1615 - 1619. -- Fassung vom 2008-06-07. -- http://www.payer.de/quellenkunde/quellen1510.htm                     

Erstmals publiziert als:

Haklvytvs posthumus, or, Pvrchas his Pilgrimes : contayning a history of the world, in sea voyages, & lande-trauells / by Englishmen and others, wherein Gods wonders in nature & prouidence, the actes, arts, varieties & vanities of men, w[i]th a world of the worlds rarities are by a world of eyewitnesse-authors related to the world, some left written by Mr. Hakluyt at his death, more since added, his also perused, & perfected, all examined, abreuiated, illustrated w[i]th notes, enlarged w[i]th discourses, adorned w[i]th pictures, and expressed in mapps, in fower parts, each containing fiue bookes / [compiled] by Samvel Pvrchas, B.D.  -- [London] : Imprinted at London for Henry Fetherston at y[e]e signe of the rose in Pauls Churchyard, 1625.. -- 4 Bde. ; 35 cm. -- Nachdruck in 20 Bänden. -- Glasgow : MacLehose, 1905 - 1907. -- Bd. 4 (des Nachdrucks). -- 1905. -- S. 323 - 339, 352 - 358, 384 - 397. -- Online: http://www.archive.org/details/hakluytusposthum04purcuoft. -- Zugriff am 2008-06-05

Roe, Thomas <1581?-1644>: The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, as narrated in his Journal and correspondence / edited by William Foster [1863 - 1951]. -- New and rev. ed. -- London, Oxford University Press, 1926. -- lxxix, 532 S. : Ill. ; 19 cm.  -- S. 176f., 185 - 187, 432 - 457

Erstmals hier publiziert: 2008-06-07


Anlass: Lehrveranstaltung FS 2008

©opyright: Public domain.

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Sanskrit  von Tüpfli's Global Village Library

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Abb.: Indostani Imperii Totius Asiae ditissimi descriptio : Ex indagatuione illust. Dom. Tho. Roe Equitis Aurati in Regia Mogollicana Legatum agentis Illustrata : Anno Sal. 1619 / William Baffin delineavit et excudebat
Die erste englische Landkarte des Moghulreichs, gezeichnet von William Baffin aufgrund der Angaben von Thomas Roe

1. Journal

1.1. § II. His journey to the Court, and entertainment there, and Customes thereof.


Haklvytvs posthumus, or, Pvrchas his Pilgrimes : contayning a history of the world, in sea voyages, & lande-trauells / by Englishmen and others, wherein Gods wonders in nature & prouidence, the actes, arts, varieties & vanities of men, w[i]th a world of the worlds rarities are by a world of eyewitnesse-authors related to the world, some left written by Mr. Hakluyt at his death, more since added, his also perused, & perfected, all examined, abreuiated, illustrated w[i]th notes, enlarged w[i]th discourses, adorned w[i]th pictures, and expressed in mapps, in fower parts, each containing fiue bookes / [compiled] by Samvel Pvrchas, B.D.  -- [London] : Imprinted at London for Henry Fetherston at y[e]e signe of the rose in Pauls Churchyard, 1625.. -- 4 Bde. ; 35 cm. -- Nachdruck in 20 Bänden. -- Glasgow : MacLehose, 1905 - 1907. -- Bd. 4 (des Nachdrucks). -- 1905. -- S. 323 - 339. -- Online: http://www.archive.org/details/hakluytusposthum04purcuoft. -- Zugriff am 2008-06-05

Für kritisch-historische Zwecke muss man die Neuausgabe benutzen:

Roe, Thomas <1581?-1644>: The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, as narrated in his Journal and correspondence / edited by William Foster [1863 - 1951]. -- New and rev. ed. -- London, Oxford University Press, 1926. -- lxxix, 532 S. : Ill. ; 19 cm.

 A. D. 1615

The six and twentieth of September [1615], I landed, accompanied with the Generall and principall Merchants : Captaine Harris was sent to make me a Court of guard, with one hundred shot, and the ships in their best equipage, giving mee their Ordnance as I passed. (The passages betwixt the Embassador and those of Surat [સુરત] I omit ; their barbarous customes and actions holding so ill correspondence with his honorable condition, and civill conditions, that even heere also it would be harsh to the Reader: we will therefore find him removing from them in his way toward the Court.)

The fifteenth of November, I arrived at Brampore [Burhānpur/बुरहानपुर], being by my conjecture two hundred twenty three miles from Surat, and the course wholly East, a miserable and barren Countrey, the Townes and Villages all built of mudde, so that there is not a house for a man to rest in. This day at Batherport, a Village two mile short [S. 324] of Brampore is their Store-house of Ordnance. I saw divers of brasse, but generally too short, and too wide bored. Betweene that and Brampore I was met by the Cutwall [Kotwāl = Stadthauptmann], well accompanied, and sixteene Colours caried before them : he brought mee to the Saralia [karwān-sarāi], where I was appointed to lodge, where at the gate hee tooke his leave, being a handsome front of stone : but when I entered, I had foure chambers allotted me, like Ovens, no bigger, round at the top, made of bricke in a wallside ; this troubled mee, but my Tents were my refuge, and I sent the Cutwall word I would depart the Towne, scorning so meane usage : hee desired me to be content untill morning. Heere lives Sultan Pervies [Parwīz], the Kings second sonne, holding the State and custome of his Father; and the Channa Channa [Khān-khānān] being the greatest subject of the Mogoll, Generall of his Armies, whereof fortie thousand horse are with him : The Prince hath the name and state, but the Chan governes all.

The eighteenth, for many considerations, as well to see the fashions of the Court, as to content the Prince, who desired it, and I was loath to distaste him, because there was some purpose of erecting a Factory in the Towne ; and I found by experience Sword-blades were well sold in the Armie ; I went to visite the Prince, and carryed him a Present. I was brought in by the Cutwall : at the outward Court were about one hundred horsemen armed, being Gentlemen that attend the Princes setting out to salute him, making a lane of each side: in the inner Court hee sate high in a Gallery that went round, with a Canopy over him, and a Carpet before him, in great, but barbarous State. Comming toward him thorow a lane of people, an Officer came and brought me word I must touch the ground with my head, and my hat off: I answered, I came in honour to see the Prince, and was free from the custome of Servants. So I passed on, till I came to a place railed in, right under him, with an [I. iv. 541 ] ascent of three steps, where I made him reverence, and he bowed his body, and so went within it, where stood [S. 325] round by the sides all the great men of the Towne, with their hands before them like Slaves; the place was covered over-head with a rich Canopie, and underneath, all Carpets. To describe it rightly, it was like a great Stage, and the Prince sate above as the Mock-Kings doe there. When I was entered, I knew not where to be placed, but went right, and stood before him, where there is an ascent of three steppes, upon which stands his Secretary, to deliver what is said or given briefely. I told him, being an Embassador from the King of England to his father, and passing by, I could not but in honour visite him : he replyed I was very welcome, and asked me many questions of the King, to which I replyed as I thought fit : but standing in that manner below, I demanded licence to come up and stand by him. He answered, If the King of Persia or the Great Turke were there, it might not be admitted. I replyed that I must bee excused, for I doubted not hee would come downe and meete them at his gate ; but I desired no more priviledge, then the Embassadors of such Princes had, to whom I held my selfe equall : he protested I had that, and should in all things. Then I demanded a Chaire, but I was answered no man ever sate in that place : but I was desired, as a courtesie, to ease my selfe against a pillar, covered above with silver, that held up his Canopie. Then I moved him for his favour for an English Factory to be resident in the Towne, which hee willingly granted, and gave present order to the Buxy, to draw a Firma [farmān] both for their comming up, and for their residence. I also desired his authoritie for cariages for the Kings Presents, which he gave in charge to the Cutwall. Then I gave him my Presents, which hee tooke in good part, and after some other questions, he said to give me content, although I might not come up where he sate, he would go into another place, where I should come unto him ; but one of my Presents was a Case of Bottells, which tooke him up by the way, and after I [S. 326] had stayed a while, I heard he was drunke, and one of his Officers came to mee in his name, with an excuse, desiring mee to goe home, and to take some other time to returne to visite him : this night I tooke my feaver.

The sixt of December, we lodged in a wood, not farre from the Kings famous Castle of Mandoa which stands on a steepe hill, walled round in circuit fourteene Course : the Castle is faire, and of wonderfull greatnesse.

The two and twentieth, Master Edwards met me, accompanied with Thomas Coryat, who had passed into India on foote five Course to Cytor an ancient Citie Cytor. ruined on a hill, but so that it appeares a Tombe of wonderfull magnificence : there stands above one hundred Churches, all of carved stone, many faire Towers and Lanthornes cut thorow many pillars, and innumerable houses, but no one Inhabitant : there is but one ascent to the hill, it being precipitious, sloaping up, cut out of the Rocke, having foure gates in the ascent, before one arrive at the City gate, which is magnificent: the hill is incompassed at the top about eight Course, and at the South-west end a goodly old castle : I lodged by a poore Village at the foot of the hill. This Citie stands in the countrey of one Ranna, a Prince newly subdued by this King, or rather bought to confesse Tribute. The Citie was wonne by Ecbarsha [Akbar Shāh], father to this Mogoll. Ranna is rightly descended from Porus, that valiant Indian, overcome by Alexander : so that I take this Citie to have been one of the ancient Seats of Porus, though Dely much further North be reported to have been the chiefest, famous now only in ruines. Neare that stands a pillar, erected by Alexander the Conqueror, with a great inscription. The present Mogoll and his Ancestors, descendants of Tamberlane, have brought all the ancient Cities to ruine, having dispeopled them, and forbidden reparation, I know not out of what reason, unlesse they would have nothing remembred of greatnesse beyond their beginnings, as if their Family and the world were equalls. [S. 327]

The three and twentieth, I arrived at Adsmeere [Ajmer/अजमेर], two hundred and nine Courses from Brampore, foure hundred and eighteene English miles, the Courses being longer then toward the Sea. I kept my bed.

The tenth of January, I went to Court at foure in the evening to the Durbar, which is the place where the Mogoll sits out daily, to entertaine strangers, to receive Petitions and Presents, to give commands, to see and to be seene. To digresse a little from my reception, and declare the customes of the Court, will enlighten my future discourse. The King hath no man but Eunuches that comes within the lodgings or retyring roomes of his house : his women watch within, and guard him with manly weapons ; they doe justice one upon another for offences. Hee comes every morning to a window called the Jarrneo [jharokha], looking into a Plaine before his gate, and shewes himselfe to the common people. At noone he returnes thither, and sits some houres to see the fight of Elephants and wilde beasts. Under him within a raile attend the men of rancke : from whence he retyres to sleep among his women. At after-noone he returnes to the Durbar before mentioned. At eight after supper he comes downe to the Guzelcan [Ghusl-khāna], a faire Court, wherein in the middest is a Throne erected of free-stone, wherein he sits, but sometimes below in a chaire, to which are none admitted but of great quality, and few of these without leave, where hee discourses of all matters with much affabilitie. There is no businesse done with him concerning the State, Government, disposition of War or peace, but at one of these two last places where it is publikely propounded and resolved, and so registred, which if it were worth the curiositie, might be scene for two shillings : but the common base people knew as much as the Councell, and the newes every day, is the Kings new [I iv. 542.] resolutions, tossed and censured by every rascall. This course is unchangeable, except sicknesse or drinke prevent it, which must be knowne : for as all his Subjects are [S. 328] slaves, so is hee in a kind of reciprocall bondage, for hee is tyed to observe these houres and customs so precisely that if he were unseene one day, and no sufficient reason rendred, the people would mutinie; two dayes no reason can excuse, but that he must consent to open his doores, and be scene by some, to satisfie others. On Tuesday at the Jarrneo he sits in Judgement, never refusing the poorest mans complaint : where he heares with patience both parts, and sometimes sees, with too much delight in blood, the execution done by his Elephants. Illi mervere, sed quid tu ut adesses ?

At the Durbar I was led right before him: at the entrance of an outward raile, where met mee two principall Noble Slaves to conduct me nearer. I had required before my going, leave to use the customes of my Countrey, which was freely granted, so that I would performe them punctually. When I entered within the first raile, I made a reverence ; entring in the inward raile, another ; and when I came under the King, a third. The place is a great Court, whither resort all sorts of people. The King sits in a little Gallery over-head ; Ambassadors, the great men and strangers of quality within the inner-most raile under him, raised from the ground, covered with Canopies of Velvet and Silke ; under-foote laid with good Carpets : the meaner men representing Gentry, within the first raile : the people without, in a base Court, but so that all may see the King. This sitting out hath so much affinity with a Theatre, the manner of the King in his Gallery; the great men lined on a Stage, as Actors; the Vulgar below gazing on, that an easie description will enforme of the place and fashion. The King prevented my dull Interpreter, bidding me welcome, as to the Brother of my Master. I delivered his Majesties Letter translated ; and after, my Commission, whereon he looked curiously ; after, my Presents, which were well received. He asked some questions; and with a seeming care of my health, offered me his Physitions, and advising me [S. 329] to keepe my house till I had recovered strength, and if in the interim I needed any thing, I should freely send to him, and obtaine my desires. He dismissed me with more favour and outward grace, if by the Christians I were not flattered, then ever was showen to any Ambassador either of the Turke or Persian, or other whatsoever.

The fourteenth, I sent to the Prince Sultan Coronne [Khurram], Sultan his third sonne by birth, but first in favour, that I determined to visite him, not doubting he would use me with due respect : for I was enformed he was enemie to all Christians, and therefore feared some affront. Hee answered I should be welcome, and receive the same content I had from his father. He is Lord of Surat our chiefe residence, and his favour important for us.

The two and twentieth, I visited the Prince, who at nine in the morning sits out in the same manner (as his Father) to dispatch his businesse, and to be seene of his followers. He is proud naturally, and I feared my entertainment. But on some occasion he not resolving to come out, when he heard of my arrivall, sent a principall Officer to meete me, who conducted mee into a good roome (never before done to any) and entertaine mee with discourse of our owne businesse halfe an houre, untill the Prince was ready, who came abroad on purpose, and used mee better then his promise. I delivered him a Present, such as I had, but not in the name of his Majestic, it being too meane; but excused it, that the King could not take knowledge of his being Lord of Surat so lately conferred on him, but hereafter I doubted not his Majesty would send to him according to his worth. This was the respect of the Merchants, who humbly commended themselves to his favour and protection. He received all in very good part : and after opening of some grievances and injuries suffered at Surat by us from his Governours, of which for respect to him I had forborne to complaine to the King, hee promised mee speedie and effectuall [S. 330] Justice, and to confirme our securitie by any propositions I should offer, professing to be ignorant of any thing past, but what he had received by Asaph Chan [Āsaf Khān], delivered by mee ; especially of any command to dismisse us, which the Governour had falsely coyned, and for which hee should dearely answere. So he dismissed me, full of hope to rectifie the decayed estate of our reputation, with promise of a Firman [farmān] for Surat effectually.

The foure and twentieth, I went to the Durbar to visite the King, who seeing me a farre off, beckned with his hand, giving signe I should not stay the ceremony of asking leave, but come up to him, where he appointed me a place above all other men, which I after thought fit to maintaine : I gave him a small Present ; it being custome, when any body hath businesse, to give somewhat, and those that cannot come neare to speake, send in, or hold up their gift; which he excepts, be it but a Rupie, and demands their businesse. The same course he held with mee, having looked curiously, and asked many questions of my Present, he demanded what I required of him : I answered Justice ; that on the assurance of his Majesties Firman sent into England, the King my Master had not only given leave to many of his Subjects to come a dangerous Voyage with their goods, but had sent me to congratulate the amity so happily begun betweene two so mighty Nations, and to confirme the same : but that I found the English, seated at Amadavas [Ahmadābād], injured by the Governour in their persons and goods, fined, exacted upon, and kept as prisoners, that at every Towne new Customes were taken of our goods, passing to the Port, contrary to all [I. iv. 543.] Justice and the former Articles of Trade. To which he answered he was sory, it should be amended, and presently gave order for two Firmans, very effectually, according to my desire to be signed, one to the Governour of Amadavas, to restore money exacted from Master Kerridge, and to use the English with all favour : the other to release all customes required on any pretence [S. 331] on the way ; or if any had been taken, to repay it of his owne accord: wishing mee, that if these gave not speedy remedy, I should renue my complaint against the disobeyer, and he should be sent for to answere there: and so he dismissed me.

The first of March, I rode to see a house of pleasure of the Kings, given him by Asaph Chan, two miles from Adsmeere, but betweene two mightie Rockes, so defended from the Sunne, that it scarce any way sees it; the foundation cut out of them, and some roomes, the rest of free-stone, a handsome little Garden with fine fountaines, two great Tankes, one thirty steps above another ; the way to it is inaccessable, but for one or two in front, and that very steepe and stony, a place of much melancholy delight and securitie, onely beeing accompanied with wild Peacocks, Turtles, fowle, and Munkeyes, that inhabite the Rockes hanging every way over it.

The second, the Norose [Nau-roz] began in the evening. It is a custome of solemnizing the new yeare, yet the Ceremonie begins the first new Moone after it, which this yeare fell together: it is kept in imitation of the Persians feast, and signifies in that language Nine dayes, for that anciently it endured no longer, but now it is doubled. The manner is, there is erected a throne foure foote from the ground, in the Durbar Court, from the backe whereof to the place where the King comes out a square of fiftie sixe paces long, and fortie three broad was rayled in, and covered over with faire Semianes [shāmiyāna] or Canopies of Cloth of Gold, Silke, or Velvet joyned together, and sustained with Canes so covered : at the upper end West, were set out the Pictures of the King of England, the Queene, the Lady Elizabeth, the Countesses of Somerset and Salisbury, and of a Citizens wife of London ; below them an other of Sir Thomas Smith, Governour of the East-India Companie : under foot it is laid with good Persian Carpets of great largenesse, into which place come all the men of qualitie to attend the King, except some few that are within a little rayle [S. 332] right before the Throne, to receive his Commands, within this square there were set out for shew many little houses, one of Silver, and some other curiosities of price. The Prince, Sultan Coronne had at the left side a Pavilion, the supporters whereof were covered with Silver, as were some of those also neere the Kings Throne : the former thereof was square, the matter wood, inlayed with mother of Pearle, borne up with foure pillers, and covered with cloth of Gold about the edge over-head like a valence, was a net fringe of good Pearle, upon which hung downe Pomgranats, Apples, Peares, and such fruits of Gold, but hollow; within that the King sate on Cushions, very rich in Pearles, in Jewels round about the Court ; before the Throne the Principall men had erected Tents, which encompassed the Court, and lined them with Velvet, Damaske, and Taffatae ordinarily, some few with cloth of Gold, wherein they retired, and set to shew all their wealth : for anciently the Kings were used to goe to every Tent, and there take what pleased them ; but now it is changed, the King sitting to receive what New-yeeres gifts are brought to him. Hee comes abroad at the usuall houre of the Durbar, and retires with the same : here are offered to him by all sorts great gifts, though not equall to report, yet incredible enough : and at the end of this Feast the King in recompence of the Presents received, advanceth some, and addeth to their entertainment some horse at his pleasure.

The twelfth, I went to visit the King, and was brought right before him, expecting a present which I delivered to his extraordinary content ; so he appointed I should be directed within the raile to stand by him, but I beeing not suffered to step up upon the rising, on which the Throne stood, could see little, the rayle beeing high, and doubled with Carpets, but I had leisure to view the inward roome, and the beauty thereof, which I confesse was rich, but of so divers pieces, and so unsutable, that it was rather patched then glorious, as if it seemed [S. 333] to strive to shewe all, like a Lady that with her Plate, set on a Cupboord her imbroydered Slippers. This Evening was the sonne of Ranna his new Tributory brought before him with much ceremonie, kneeling three times, and knocking his head on the ground : he was sent by his Father with a Present, and was brought within the little raile, the King embracing him by the head ; his gift was an Indian voyder full of Silver, upon that a carved Silver dish full of Gold ; so he was lead toward the Prince. Some Elephants were shewed, and some Whoores did sing and dance : Sic transit gloria Mundi.

The thirteenth at night, I went to the Gussell Chan, where is best opportunitie to doe businesse, and tooke with me the Italian, determining to walke no longer in darknesse, but to proove the King, being in all other wayes delayed and refused ; I was sent for in with my old Broaker, but my Interpreter was kept out : Asaph Chan mistrusting I would utter more then he was willing to heare. When I came to the King, he appointed me a place to stand just before him, and sent to aske mee many questions about the King of England, and of the Present I gave the day before : to some of which I answered ; but at last I said, my Interpreter was kept out, I could speake no Portugall, and so wanted meanes to satisfie his Majestic, whereat (much against Asaph Chans desire) he was admitted. I bad him tell the King, I desired to speake to him ; he answered, willingly : whereat Asaph Chans sonne in law, pulled him by force away, and that faction hedged the King so, that I could scarce see him, [I. iv. 544] nor the other approach him. So I commanded the Italian to speake aloud, that I craved audience of the King, whereat the King called me, and they made me way. Asaph Chan stood on one side of my Interpreter, and I on the other : I to enforme him in mine owne cause, he to awe him with winking and jogging. I bad him say, that I now had been here two Moneths, whereof more then one was passed in sickenesse, the other in Complements, [S. 334] and nothing effected toward the ende for which my Master had employed mee, which was to conclude a firme and constant love and peace betweene their Majesties, and to establish a faire and secure Trade and residence for my Countrey-men. He answered, that was already granted. I replyed it was true, but it depended yet on so light a thred, on so weake conditions, that being of such importance, it required an agreement cleare in all points, and a more formall and authentique confirmation, then it had by ordinary Firmans, which were temporary commands, and respected accordingly. He asked me what Presents we would bring him. I answered, the League was yet new, and very weake : that many Curiosities were to bee found in our Countrey of rare price and estimation, which the King would send, and the Merchants seeke out in all parts of the world, if they were once made secure of a quiet trade and protection on honourable Conditions, having been heretofore many wayes wronged.

He asked what kind of curiosities those were I mentioned, whether I meant Jewels and rich stones. I answered, No : that we did not thinke them fit Presents to send backe, which were brought first from these parts, whereof he was chiefe Lord ; that we esteemed them common here, and of much more price with us : but that we sought to finde such things for his Majestic, as were rare here, and unseene, as excellent artifices in painting, carving, cutting, enamelling, figures in Brasse, Copper, or Stone, rich embroyderies, stuffes of Gold and Silver. He said it was very well : but that hee desired an English horse: I answered, it was impossible by Sea, and by Land the Turke would not suffer passage. He replyed, that hee thought it not impossible by Sea. I told him, the dangers of stormes, and varietie of weather would proove it. Hee answered, if sixe were put into a ship, one might live ; and though it came leane, he would fat it. I replied, I was confident it could not be in so long a Voyage, but that for his Majesties satisfaction, I would write to advise of [S. 335] his request. So he asked, what was it then I demanded ? I said, that hee would bee pleased to signe certaine reasonable conditions, which I had conceived for the confirmation of the League, and for the securitie of our Nation, and their quiet trade, for that they had beene often wronged, and could not continue on such tearmes, which I forbeare to complaine of, hoping by faire meanes to procure amendment. At this word, Asaph Chan offered to pull my Interpreter ; but I held him, suffering him onely to winke and make unprofitable signes.

The King hereat grew suddenly into choller, pressing to know who had wronged us, with such shew of fury, that I was loath to follow it, and speaking in broken Spanish to my Interpreter, to answer, That with what was past I would not trouble his Majestic, but would seeke Justice of his Sonne, the Prince, of whose favour I doubted not. The King not attending my Interpreter, but hearing his Sonnes name, conceived I had accused him, saying, Mio Filio, Mio Filio, and called for him; who came in great feare, humbling himselfe: Asaph Chan trembled, and all of them were amazed. The King chid the Prince roundly, and he excused himselfe, but I perceiving the Kings error, made him (by meanes of a Persian Prince, offering himselfe to interpret, because my Italian spake better Turkish then Persian) and the Prince both understand the mistaking, and so appeased him, saying, I did no way accuse the Prince, but would in causes past in his Governement, appeale to him for Justice, which the King commanded hee should doe effectually. The Prince for his justification, told the King he had offered me a Firman, and that I had refused it: demanding the reason: I answered, I humbly thanked him, but he knew it contained a condition which I would not accept of; and that further I did desire to propound our owne demands, wherein I would containe all the desires of my Master at once, that I might not daily trouble them with complaints, and wherein I would reciprocally bind my Soveraigne to [S. 336] mutuall offices of friendship ; and his Subjects to any such conditions, as his Majesty would reasonably propound, whereof I would make an offer, which beeing drawne Tripartite, his Majesty (I hoped) would signe the one, the Prince the other, and in my Masters behalfe I would firme the third. The King pressed to know the Conditions I refused in the Princes Firman, which I recited, and so we fell into earnest dispute, and some heate. Mocrib Chan [Mukarrab Khān] enterposing, said, he was the Portugals advocate ; speaking slightly of us, that the King should never signe any Article against them. I answered, I propound none against them, but in our owne just defence; and I did not take him for such a friend to them : the Jesuite and all the Portugals side fell in, in so much that I explained my selfe fully concerning them ; and as I offered a conditionall peace, so I set their friendship at a mean rate, and their hatred or force at lesse. The King answered, my demands were just, resolution noble, and bad me propound. Asaph Chan that stood mute all this discourse, and desired to end it, least it breake out againe (for we were very warme) enterposed, that if wee talked all night it would come to this issue, that I should draw my demands in writing, and present them, and if they were found reasonable, the King would firme them ; to which the King replyed, yes ; and I desired his Sonne would doe the like, who answered he would : [I. iv. 545.] so the King rose. But I calling to him, he turned about, and I bad my Interpreter say, That I came the day before to see his Majestic, and his greatnesse, and the Ceremonies of this Feast, that I was placed behind him, I confessed with honour, but I could not see abroad ; and that therefore I desired his Majestic to licence me to stand up by his Throne ; whereat he commanded Asaph Chan to let mee choose my owne place.

The foureteenth in the morning, I sent a Messenger to Asaph Chan, least hee or the Prince might mistake me by the Kings mistakings, that I had complained against them, which as I did not, so it was not yet in my [S. 337] purpose : onely I was willing to let them see, I did not so depend on Asaph Chan, by whose mouth I used to doe my businesse ; but that if he continued his manner of never delivering what I said, but what he pleased ; I would find another way. My message was to cleare any such doubt, if it remained ; or if not, to entreat him that he would soften the Prince in my demands concerning Surat. He answered. Neither the Prince nor hee had any reason to suspect, my purpose was to complaine of them : that the error was evident enough, for his part he had ever had the love of the English, and would endeavour to continue it.

The sixe and twentieth of Aprill, I received intelligence, that the Prince caused one of his Servants at the Durbar, to aske the King why he used so good countenance to the English, that for their cause the Portugals were barred the Port of Surat, who brought more profit to the King, as many Ballaces, Pearles, and Jewels, whereas the English came onely to seeke profit, with Cloth, Swords, and Knives of little estimation. The King answered onely, it was true, but who could mend it. Hereby the Princes good affection was manifest, and I had faire warning to bee watchfull, and to study to preserve our selves in the Kings grace, in which onely wee were safe : but I resolved to take notice of this, and to make proofe if I could settle a better opinion in the Prince of our Nation.

The two and twentieth of May, I went to the Durbar to visit the King, and to desire his authoritie to have one Jones a youth, that was runne away from mee to an Italian, and protected himselfe under the name of the King to the infamy of our Nation. The King gave order for his deliverie, but the Prince who ever waited opportunitie to disgrace our Nation for the cause of his Favorite Zulpheckarcon [Zūlfakar Khān] with whom I was newly broken off from conference, and had sent the Prince word I would no longer forbeare opening my cause to the King, mooved the King in private to send for the youth first, which [S. 338] at the Gusel Chan hee did : and the Prince giving him countenance, he railed to my face with most virulent malice, desiring the King to save his life, so the King resolved not to deliver him to me, but to send him Prisoner to Surat, but the Prince to brave me, begged him for his servant, the fellow having quite renounced his Countrey, the King gave him to the Prince, notwithstanding any reasons I could alledge : so the Prince presently gave him one hundred and fiftie Rupias, and the pay of two Horse, and forbade mee to meddle with him.

The three and twentieth, at night my man came and fell at my feet, asking pardon for his lying and madnesse, and offered to submit himselfe in any kind. I told him I would not now keepe him Prisoner he was the Princes servant, but that before I could give him any answere he should make me publike satisfaction as farre as he was able.

The foure and twentieth, Jones made meanes to come to the Gusel Chan, and there asked pardon of the King for his lyes, denying every word hee had spoken, and to have been done to protect himselfe from me, whom he had offended, desiring the King to send for me that he might there aske my pardon : the King was well pleased. But the Prince fell into a great rage.

The five and twentieth, I went to the Guzelcan, where after many protestations of the King, that he never beleeved him, that he was a Villaine, yet that hee could doe no lesse but protect him, having cast himselfe into his mercy : the youth was sent for, who on his knees asked mee forgivenesse, and on his oath swore to the King, that he had in every particular belyed me, which he professed to doe voluntarie, for that he durst never returne to his countrey. The King chid him a little, and told me, he nor any good man ever beleeved him : but the Prince grew so angry that moving him with many questions to stand to his first word, which he refusing was bid be gone : and the Prince publikely calling [S. 339] for him againe, bad him most basely returne him the one hundred and fiftie Rupias, delivered him for that he gave it to maintayne him against me, which seeing he went from, he would have his money : which the fellow promised but he should have it presently, and so sent an under Treasurer with him to the house, where hee was lodged, for into mine, I would not suffer him to come.

The seven and twentieth, thus I was enforced to seeme content, because I had no way to seeke remedie, for Presents I had none, and the King never takes any request to heart, except it come accompanied, and will in plaine tearmes demand it, which advantage the Prince takes, urging the Portugals bringing of Jewels, Ballests and Pearles with much disgrace to our English commoditie.

The nine and twentieth, the Portugals went before the King with a Present, and a Ballas Rubie, to sell as was reported, weighing thirteene Tole, two Tole and a halfe being an ounce : they demanded five Leckes [lakh] of Rupies, but the King offered but one. Asaph Chan is also their Sollicitor, to whom they gave a Present of [I. iv. 546.] Stones, they had divers Rubies Ballaces, Emeralds and Jewels set to sell, which so much contented the King and his great men, that we were for a time eclipsed.

The Prince and the Jesuite fell out about presenting them, which the Prince desired ; but it was promised to Asaph Chan before concerning the Portugals credit, here I ever made my judgement by report, but now experience shewes me the difference made betweene us and them, for they were sought after by every bodie, whereas they seeme to buy our commodities for almes, besides their Neigbourhood and advantage to hinder that Trade into the Red Sea, is ever more readier then ours to doe harme, because they are setled, so that onely for a little feare wee were entertained, but for our trade or any thing we being not at all respected.

1.2. § IIII. The Kings birthday, and manner of the observation, with other accidents in September.


Haklvytvs posthumus, or, Pvrchas his Pilgrimes : contayning a history of the world, in sea voyages, & lande-trauells / by Englishmen and others, wherein Gods wonders in nature & prouidence, the actes, arts, varieties & vanities of men, w[i]th a world of the worlds rarities are by a world of eyewitnesse-authors related to the world, some left written by Mr. Hakluyt at his death, more since added, his also perused, & perfected, all examined, abreuiated, illustrated w[i]th notes, enlarged w[i]th discourses, adorned w[i]th pictures, and expressed in mapps, in fower parts, each containing fiue bookes / [compiled] by Samvel Pvrchas, B.D.  -- [London] : Imprinted at London for Henry Fetherston at y[e]e signe of the rose in Pauls Churchyard, 1625.. -- 4 Bde. ; 35 cm. -- Nachdruck in 20 Bänden. -- Glasgow : MacLehose, 1905 - 1907. -- Bd. 4 (des Nachdrucks). -- 1905. -- S. 352 - 358. -- Online: http://www.archive.org/details/hakluytusposthum04purcuoft. -- Zugriff am 2008-06-05

Für kritisch-historische Zwecke muss man die Neuausgabe benutzen:

Roe, Thomas <1581?-1644>: The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, as narrated in his Journal and correspondence / edited by William Foster [1863 - 1951]. -- New and rev. ed. -- London, Oxford University Press, 1926. -- lxxix, 532 S. : Ill. ; 19 cm.

[S. 352] The second of September, was the birth day of the King, and solemnized as a great Feast, wherein the King is weighed against some Jewels, Gold, Silver, stuffes of Gold, Silver, Silke, Butter, Rice, Fruit, and many other things of every sort a little, which is given to the Bramini [Brahmins]. To this solemnitie the King commanded Asaph Chan to send for me, who so doing, appointed me to come to the place where the King sits out at Durbar, and there I should be sent for in ; but the Messenger mistaking, I went not until Durbar time, and so missed the sight, but being there before the King came out, as soone as he espyed me, hee sent to know the reason why I came not in, he having given order ? I answered according to the error ; but he was extreame angry, and chid Asaph Chan publiquely. He was so rich in Jewels, that I must confesse I never saw together so unvallewable [S. 353] wealth. The time was spent in bringing of his greatest Elephants before him, some of which being lord-Elephants, had their chaines, bels, and furniture of Gold and Silver, attended with many gilt banners and flags, and eight or tenne Elephants waiting on him, clothed in Gold, Silke, and Silver. Thus passed about twelve Companies most richly furnished, the first having all the Plates on his head and breast set with Rubies and Emeraulds, being a beast of a wonderfull stature and beautie. They all bowed downe before the King, making a reverence very handsomely, and was a shew as worthy as ever I saw any of beasts onely. The Keepers of every chiefe Elephant gave a Present. So with some gracious complements to me, he rose and went in.

At night about tenne of the clocke, he sent for me, I was a bed. The Message was, hee heard I had a picture which I had not shewed him, desiring me to come to him and bring it, & if I would not give it him, yet that he might see it, and take copies for his Wives. I rose and carryed it with me : when I came in, I found him sitting crosseleged on a little Throne, all clad in Diamonds, Pearles, [I. iv. 551.] and Rubies, before him a table of Gold, in it about fiftie pieces of Gold plate, set all with stones, some very great and extreamely rich, some of lesse value, but all of them almost covered with small stones, his Nobilitie about him in their best equipage, whom he commanded to drinke froliquely, severall wines standing by in great flagons. When I came neere him, he asked for the Picture : I shewed him two ; he seemed astonished at one of them, and demanded whose it was. I answered, a friends of mine that was dead. He asked me if I would give it him. I replyed, that I esteemed it more then any thing I possessed, because it was the image of one that I loved dearely, and could never recover ; but that if his Majestic would pardon me my fancie, and accept of the other, which was a French Picture, but excellent worke, I would most willingly give it him. He sent me thankes, but that it was that onely Picture he desired, and loved as [S. 354] well as I, and that if I would give it him, he would better esteeme of it, then the richest Jewell in his house. I answered, I was not so in love with any thing, that I would refuse to content his Majestie; I was extreame glad to doe him service, and if I could give him a better demonstration of my affection, which was my heart to doe him service, I was ready to present it to him. At which he bowed to me, and replyed, it was sufficient that I had given it, that hee confessed hee never saw so much Art, so much Beauty; and conjured me to tell him truely, whether ever such a woman lived. I answered, there did one live that this did resemble in all things but perfection, and was now dead. He returned me, that he tooke my willingnesse very kindly; but seeing I had so freely given him that that I esteemed so much, he would not rob me of it, onely he would shew it his Ladies, and cause his Workemen to make him five Copies, and if I knew my owne I should have it. I answered, I had freely and willingly given it, and was extreamely glad of his Majesties acceptance. He replyed, that he would not take it, that he loved me the better for loving the remembrance of my friend, and knew what an injury it was to take it from me, by no meanes hee would not keep it, but onely take Copies, and with his owne hand he would returne it, and his Wives should weare them : for indeed in that art of limming his Painters worke miracles, the other beein in oyle he liked not.

Then he sent me word, it was his birth day, and that all men did make merry, and to aske if I would drinke with them. I answered, whatsoever his Majestic commanded ; I wished him many prosperous dayes, and that this Ceremonie might be renewed an hundred yeeres : he asked mee what wine, whether of the Grape, or made ; whether strong or small. I replied, what he commanded, hoping he would not command too much, nor too strong : so hee called for a Cuppe of Gold of mingled Wine, halfe of the Grape, halfe artificiall, and dranke, causing it to bee filled, and sent by one of his Nobles to me with this [S. 355] Message, That I should drinke it, twice, thrice, foure or five times off for his sake, and accept of the Cup and appurtenances as a Present. I dranke a little, but it was more strong then ever I tasted, so that it made me sneeze, whereat he laughed, and called for Raisons, Almonds, and sliced Limons, which were brought mee on a Plate of Gold, and he bad me eat and drinke what I would, and no more. So then I made reverence for my Present after mine owne manner, though Asaph Chan would have caused me to kneele, and knocke my head against the ground, but his Majestic best accepted what I did. The cup was of Gold, set all over with small Turkies and Rubyes, the Cover of the same set with great Turkies, Rubies, and Emeralds in workes; and a dish sutable to set the Cup upon : the value I know not, because the stones are many of them small, and the greater (which are also many), are not all cleane, but they are in number about two thousand, and in gold about twenty Ounces. Thus hee made frolicke, and sent me word, he more esteemed me then ever any Franke : and demanded if I were merry at eating the wild Boare sent me a few daies before ; how I drest it, what I dranke, and such complements ; That I should want nothing in his land : which his publique, and many graces I found presently in the fashion of all his Nobilitie.

Then he threw about to those that stood below, two Chardgers of new Rubies, and among us two Chardgers of hollow Almonds of Gold and Silver mingled ; but I could not scramble as did his great men : for I saw his sonne take up none; then he gave Shashes of Gold, and Girdles to all the Musitians and Wayters, and to many others. So drinking, and commanding others, his Majestie ; and all his Lords became the finest men I ever saw, of a thousand humors; but his sonne Asaph Chan, and two old men, and the late King of Candahar, and my selfe forbare. When hee could not hold up his head, he lay downe to sleepe, and we all departed. At going out, I mooved Asaph Chan for dispatch of my priviledges ; [S. 356] assuring him his Majesty could give me no Present so acceptable; if he pleased not to dispatch me, which I doubted not, if it lay in his power, but that some other hinderance was in my way, I would on the morrow moove the King, he desired mee not to doe so : for the King loved mee, and had given order for it, that the preparation of this Feast had hindered him, but that now hee would send it mee, and doe me all service.

The fourth of September, I found it easie to judge what vexation it is to traffique with those faithlesse people. Seven moneths I had promise from weeke to weeke, from day to day, and no exception, but finding I had so drawne them, that I should not much need the Prince, and if we disliked, we might refuse his governement. He utterly renounced his word in choller and rage. I durst not yet leave him, nor take notice of his falshood. He [I. iv. 552.] that first tooke him for our Solicitor, engaged us into this miserie, knowing him to bee the Protector of our enemies, and a Slave to bribes, which they multiply upon him. But now I had a Wolfe by the eares : I seemed onely to apprehend his dislike of the length and phrase, and sent him a Letter to interpret me, and a Briefe of the substance of all required on their parts, contained in generall words, touching onely such particulars as he liked, and left out quite all the Conditions demanded formerly by him of mee, desiring him to put it in forme, and procure the Scale, or to give me leave to receive mine owne deniall from the King, and so to depart the Countrey. These I finished in Persian the same day, and sent them to him, they are recorded in their order.

The eighth, Asaph Chan sent to me that answer, That absolutely, he would procure nothing sealed, that any way concerned the Princes governement; that I should onely expect from him what we desired, whose Firmans were sufficient. And so revealed that purpose which he had long in practice, to make us wholly depend on the Prince. Now I had just cause to looke out, and was [S. 357] blamelesse if I sought new friends when he had forsaken me. I resolved to trie the Prince, and to seeme to depend wholly on him, having sent formerly to his Secretary foure clauses, to which I demaunded his Firman for our present use at Surat, for the Fleete expected, which his Highnesse had agreed to.

The tenth, I went to the Prince, who cast downe to the Secretary his Firman by mee desired and promised ; so that I hoped I had been at rest. The eleventh, I received it, but when I read it, it was in two of the foure clauses demanded and promised, much different, and one whole branch left out ; so I returned it with a round answer, I would not accept it, nor suffer any goods to come ashoare. Never any man had to doe with so much Pride, Covetousnesse, and falshood. At night, I rode to Merze Socorolla, the Princes Secretary, to expostulate the businesse, and to declare my resolution of departure, but I found the Firman not such as I was enformed, but containing all the clauses required by me, though in phrase, to my judgement, somewhat restrained, which he expounded in the best sence, declaring that it was the Princes intent to satisfie my desire fully, and that it was sufficient. I urged the obscurity of some points ; desiring him as he had cleared his Highnesse meaning to me, so he would by his Letter to the Governour of Surat, which hee graunted, principally commanding that the Customer should pay for fiftie clothes, which hee had many moneths bought, and now would returne them unto the Factors, to their extreame losse. In the ende, he opened the old point of the Princes desire, that I should rely on him, and not crosse him in businesses of his Government with the King, and I should find him a better friend then I expected : and finally gave me such satisfaction in all points, that I was both pleased, and in some hope of good successe, the rather because he is no briber, reputed honest, and did undertake on his credit, to whom the Prince had referred all businesses, that we should not sustaine the losse of one piece, nor [S. 358] any the least injury : so I accepted the Firman, which upon translating I found verie effectual.

The sixteenth, I visited the Prince, purposing yet to runne on in a way of seeming dependance on him, untill I heard from our ships, and what entertainment they were like to receive this yeare. I found him sad, fearing the comming of Sultan Parvis to Court, being within eight course, and importuned to kisse his Fathers hands ; who had graunted him, but by the power of Normall was after diswaded, and a command sent, that the Prince should take his journey right to Benga, yea although the King had fallen downe, and taken his Mother by the feet to obtaine her leave to see his Sonne. The Kings remoove continued, but whether, no man could certainely resolve.

1.3. § VII. Sir Thomas Roes following the Court in this Progresse, description of the Kings Leskar, and some places which they passed : the Kings Superstition, drinke, and dealing about the Present.


Haklvytvs posthumus, or, Pvrchas his Pilgrimes : contayning a history of the world, in sea voyages, & lande-trauells / by Englishmen and others, wherein Gods wonders in nature & prouidence, the actes, arts, varieties & vanities of men, w[i]th a world of the worlds rarities are by a world of eyewitnesse-authors related to the world, some left written by Mr. Hakluyt at his death, more since added, his also perused, & perfected, all examined, abreuiated, illustrated w[i]th notes, enlarged w[i]th discourses, adorned w[i]th pictures, and expressed in mapps, in fower parts, each containing fiue bookes / [compiled] by Samvel Pvrchas, B.D.  -- [London] : Imprinted at London for Henry Fetherston at y[e]e signe of the rose in Pauls Churchyard, 1625.. -- 4 Bde. ; 35 cm. -- Nachdruck in 20 Bänden. -- Glasgow : MacLehose, 1905 - 1907. -- Bd. 4 (des Nachdrucks). -- 1905. -- S. 384 - 397. -- Online: http://www.archive.org/details/hakluytusposthum04purcuoft. -- Zugriff am 2008-06-05

Für kritisch-historische Zwecke muss man die Neuausgabe benutzen:

Roe, Thomas <1581?-1644>: The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, as narrated in his Journal and correspondence / edited by William Foster [1863 - 1951]. -- New and rev. ed. -- London, Oxford University Press, 1926. -- lxxix, 532 S. : Ill. ; 19 cm.


[S. 384] The first of December, I remooved foure course [kos] to Ramsor [Rāmsar] where the King had left the bodies of an hundred naked men, slaine in the fields for robbery, and the Caravan at midnight departed Adsmere [Ajmere].

The fourth five course, I overtooke in the way a [I. iv. 562.] Camell laden with three hundred mens heads, sent from Candahar, by the Governour in Present to the King, that were out in rebellion.

The sixth, foure course, where I overtooke the King at a walled Towne called Todah, in the best Countrey I saw since my landing being a faire Champion, at every course a Village, the soyle fruitfull in Corne, Cotton, and Cattell.

The seventh, the King passed onely from one side of the Towne to the other, which was one of the best built I ever saw in India, for that there were some houses two stories high, and most such as a Pedler might not scorne to keepe shop in, all covered with tyle. It had beene the seat of a Raza Rashboote [Rāja Rājput], before the Conquest of Ecbarsha [Akbar Shāh], and stood at the foot of a great Rocke very strong, had many excellent workes of hewed stone about it, excellently cut, many Tankes arched, vaulted, and descents made large, and of great depths. By it stood a delicate Grove of two mile large, a quarter broad, planted by industry, with Manges, Tamerins, and other fruits, divided with walkes, and full of little Temples and Altars of Pagods, and Gentilitial Idolatry, many Fountaines, Wels, Tankes, and Summer-houses of carved stone curiously arched, so that I must confesse, a banished [S. 385] Englishman might have been content to dwell there, but this observation is generall, that ruine and destruction eates up all: for since the proprietie or all is come to the King, no man takes care for particulars ; so that in every place appeares the vastations and spoiles of warre, without reparation.

The ninth, returning, I viewed the Lescar, which is The Kings one of the wonders of my little experience, that I had seene it finished, and set up in foure houres, except some of great men that have a double provision, the circuit being little lesse then twenty English miles, the length some waies three course, comprehending the skirts, and the middle, wherein the streets are orderly, and Tents joyned ; there are all sorts of shops, distinguished so by rule, that every man knowes readily where to seeke his wants, every man of qualitie, and every trade being limited how farre from the Kings Tents he shall pitch, what ground he shall use, and on what side without alteration, which as it lies together, may equall almost any Towne in Europe for greatnesse ; onely a Musket shot every way no man approacheth the Atasykanha [Yātish-khāna] royall, which is now kept so strict, that none are admitted but by name, and the time of the Durbar in the Evening is omitted and spent in hunting or hawking on Tanks by Boat, in which the King takes wonderfull delight, and his Barges are remooved on Carts with him, and he sits not but on the side of one, which are many times a mile or two over. At the Jarruco in the morning he is scene, but businesse or speech prohibited : all is concluded at night at the Guzelchan, when often the time is prevented by the drowsinesse which possesseth the King from the fumes of Bacchus. There is now a great whisper in Court, about a new affinitie of Sultan Corsoroone and Asaph Chan [Āsaf Khān], and great hope of his libertie. I will finde occasion to discourse it, for that the passages are very worthy, and the wisdome and goodnesse of the King appeares, above the malice of others, and Noomahel fulfill the observation, that in all actions of consequence in [S. 286] Court, a woman is not onely alwaies an ingredient, but commonly a principall drug of most vertue, and she shewes that they are not incapable of conducting businesse, nor her selfe void of wit and subtilitie. It will discover a Noble Prince, an excellent Wife, a faithfull Counsellour, a craftie Step-mother, an ambitious Sonne, a cunning Favourite, all reconciled by a patient King, whose heart was not understood by any of all these. But this will require a place alone, and not to be mingled among businesse.

The sixteenth, I visited the King, who having been at his sports, and his quarry of fowle and fish lying before him, he desired me to take my choice, and so distributed the remainder to his Nobilitie. I found him sitting on his Throne, and a Begger at his feet, a poore silly old man all asht, ragd, and patcht, with a young roague attending on him. With these kind of professed poore holy men, the Countrey abounds, and are held in great reverence, but for workes of chasticement of their bodies, and voluntary sufferings, they exceed the brags of all heretiques or Idolaters. This miserable wretch cloathed in rags, crowned with feathers, covered with ashes, his Majestie talked with about an houre, with such familiaritie and shew of kindnesse, that it must needs argue an humilitie not found easily among Kings. The Begger sate, which his sonne dares not doe : he gave the King a Present, a Cake, asht, burnt on the coales, made by himselfe of course graine, which the King accepted most willingly, and brake one bit and eate it, which a daintie mouth could scarce have done. After he tooke the clout, and wrapt it up, and put in the poore mans bosome, and sent for one hundred Rupias, and with his owne hands powred them into the poore mans lap, and what fell besides, gathered up for him ; when his collation of banquetting and drinke came, whatsoever he tooke to eate, he brake and gave the Begger halfe, and after many strange humiliations and charities, rising, the old Wretch not being nimble, he tooke him up in his armes, which no [S. 387] cleanly body durst have touched, imbracing him, and three times laying his hand on his heart, calling him father, he left him, and all us and me in admiration of such a vertue in a heathen Prince.

The sixe and twentieth, we passed through Woods, and over Mountaines, torne with bushes, tired with the incommodiousnesse of an impassible way, where many Camels perished, many departed for Agra, and all complained.I lost my Tents and Carts, but by midnight we met, the King rested two dayes, for that the Leskar [I. iv. 563.] could not in lesse time recover their order, many of the Kings women, and thousands of Coaches, Carts, and Camels, lying in the woody mountaines, without meat and water, himselfe got by on a small Elephant, which beast will climbe up rockes and passe such straits, as no horse nor beast that I know can follow him.

The twenty fourth of January, newes arrived at Court, that the Decans would not be frighted out of their Dominion, which Asaph Chan and Normahal had pretended, to procure this Voyage, but that they had sent their impediments into the heart, and attended in the borders, with fiftie thousand horse, resolved to fight, and that Sultan Caronne was yet advanced no further then Mandoa, afraid both of the enemie and Chan Channa. These Counsellers changed their advice, and declaring to the King that they conceived the Decan, before his passage over the last hills, would have yeelded by the terrour of his approach, but finding the contrary, perswaded him to convert it to a hunting journey, and to turne his face toward Agra, for that the other was not an enemie worthy his person. He replyed this consideration came too late, his honour was ingaged seeing he had so farre past, hee would prosecute their first counsells and his purpose, and adventure the hazard of both. But hee daily dispeeded fresh troopes towards his sonne, partly from his owne, the rest commanded from governments, according to reports, thirty thousand horse, but not by muster.

The third of February, departing out of the Roade [S. 388] of the Leskar for ease and shade, and resting under a tree for the same commodities, came upon me Sultan Corsoroone, the Kings eldest restrained sonne, riding upon an Elephant, with no great guard nor attendance : his people desired me to give him roome, which I did, but attended to see him, who called for mee, and with some gentle and familiar questions, full of courtesie and affabilitie hee departed : his person is good, and countenance chearefull, his beard growne to his girdle; this only I noted, that his questions shewed ignorance of all passages in Court, in so much hee never heard of any Ambassadour nor English.

The sixt at night, we came to a little Tower newly repaired, where the King pitched in a pleasant place upon the River of Sepra, short of Ugen, the chiefe City of Mulwa, one Course. This place called Calleada, was anciently a Seat of the Gentile Kings of Mandoa, one whereof was there drowned in his drinke, having once before fallen into the River, and was taken up by the haire of the head, by a slave that dived : and being come to himselfe it was related to him to procure a reward : he called for the instrument of his safety, and demanding how he durst put his hands on his Soveraignes head, caused them to be strucke off. Not long after, sitting alone with his wife in drunkennesse, hee had the same mischance to slip into the water, but so that shee might easily have saved him, which shee did not : and being demanded why, shee replyed, shee knew not whether he would also cut off her hands for her recompence.

The eleventh, the King rode to Ugen to speake with a Dervis or Saint, living on a hill, who is reported to be three hundred yeares old : I thought this miracle not worth my examination. At noone by a foot-post I received a letter, that the Prince, notwithstanding all Firmans and Commands of his Father, had intercepted the Presents and goods sent up, to fulfill his base and greedie desire, and that notwithstanding any gift nor entreaty, or perswasions of Master Terry, to whose [S. 389] charge they were committed, would not part with them, but by force compelled them to returne with him toward Brampore : yet did he forbeare to breake any thing open, but pressed the English to consent, which they refusing by my order, he thought to winne them by vexations; such is the custome to see all Merchants goods even before the King, that he may first choose, but I resolved to breake that in our behalfe.

The Prince to satisfie his desire, before I could have knowledge, he sent a Post to the King to certifie him, that such goods he had stayed without mention of Presents, and prayed leave to open them, and to buy what he fancied. So soone as I heard of this faithlesse uncivill usage, I resolved I was justifiable before all the world, if I used the extremitie of complaints, that I had practised all meanes to win and purchase favour, and had suffered beyond the patience of a freeman, my former courses will witnesse, and leave me without blame in ill successes, though I found it in a rougher way, seeing I could find no better in the smoothest. Briefely I resolved to appeale to Justice by complaint, but as calmely and warily as I could, to expresse my whole griefe, extreame injuries, and long patience. To go to Asaph Chan (though to neglect him would displease him) yet to trie him I feared would prevent my purpose : to send to him that I desired to visite the King at the Glutel-chand, I doubted what I intended might be suspected, if hee had heard of the injury: so I practised first to prevent, and avoid prevention.

The Prophet, whom the King visited, offered me occasion, and my new Linguist was readie. I rode and met his Majestic on his Elephant, and alighted making signe to speake : he turned his monster to mee, and prevented mee. My sonne hath taken your goods and my Presents : bee not sad, he shall not touch nor open a scale, nor locke ; at night I will send him a command to free them, with other very gracious speeches, that he knew I came full of complaint, to ease mee he beganne [S. 390] first. Upon the way I could doe no more, but at night, without further seeking to Asaph Chan, I went to the Guzel Chan, resolved to prosecute the complaint of [I. iv. 564.] forcing backe our goods, in respect of the charge and trouble, of the abuses of Surat, and all our other grievances. So soone as I came in, the King called my Interpreter, and delivered by his, that he had written and sent his command very effectually, that not a haireshould be diminished : I replyed, the injury was such,and the charge and abuses of our liberty by the Princesofficers, that I desired redresse, for that we could not longer suffer. It was answered, what was past I must remit to his sonne, but by Asaph Chans mediation I could procure nothing but very good words, for he smoothed on both sides ; so that I was forced to seeme content, and to seeke an opportunitie in the absence of my false friend and procurator. The good King fell to dispute of the Lawes of Moses, Jesus and Mahomet, and in drinke was so kind, that he turned to me, and said : I am a King, you shall be welcome Christians, Moores, Jewes, he medled not with their faith ; they came all in love, and he would protect them from wrong, they lived under his safety, and none should oppresse them; and this often repeated, but in extreame drunkennesse he fell to weeping, and to divers passions, and so kept us till midnight.

Judge all men what travell I endured, by reason the Factors kept my Presents foure moneths, and sent them even in the mouth of the Prince, arrived within two dayes of Brampore, and hereby every way our charge doubled, that I rested not satisfied ; but seeing I had begun, and that the Prince was, as I feared, enough exasperated with a little, I thought as good lose him to some purpose, as to none, at least to trie the King what hee would doe. So I waited advantage, but sent backe the messenger to Master Terry, to stand out and attend the Kings answere, which I would speedily send him. And so resolved to dissemble that I hope to repay, when I came, with base [S. 391]flattery worse then the theft, or at least to give me some satisfaction, because trouble was in my face, for otherwise it is no injury heere to bee so used : he beganne to tell me he had taken divers things, that please him extreamely well, naming two Cushions embroydered, a folding Glasse, and the Dogges, and desired mee not to bee discontent, for whatsoever I would not give him, I should receive backe : I answered, there were few things that I entended not to present him, but that I tooke it a great discourtesie to my Soveraigne, which I could not answere, to have that was freely given seazed, and not delivered by my hands to whom they were directed: and that some of them were entended for the Prince and Normahall, some to lye by me, on occasions, to prepare his Majesties favour to protect us from injuries that strangers were daily offered, and some for my friends or private use, and some that were the Merchants, which I had not to doe withall : he answered, that I should not be sad nor grieved, that hee had his choyce, for that hee had not patience to forbeare seeing them, hee did mee no wrong in it, for hee thought I wished him first served, and to my Lord the King of England hee would make satisfaction, and my excuse : the Prince, Normahall and he were all one ; and for any to bring with me to procure his favour, it was a ceremony, and unnecessary, for he would at all times heare me ; that I should be welcome emptie handed, for that was not my fault, and I should receive right from him ; and to go to his sonne, he would returne me somewhat for him, and for the Merchants goods pay to their content ; concluding I should not be angry for this freedome ; he entended well : I made no reply. Then hee pressed me whether I was pleased or no. I answered his Majesties content pleased me : so seeing Master Terry, whom I brought in with me, he called to him, Padre you are very welcome, and this house is yours, esteeme it so, whensoever you desire to come to me, it shall bee free for you, and whatsoever you will require of mee, I will grant you. [S. 392]

Then he converted himselfe with this cunning unto me, naming all particulars in order : The Dogges, Cushions, Barbers case, you will not desire to have backe, for that I am delighted in them : I answered no. Then said he there were two Glasse chestes, for they were very meane and ordinary, for whom came they? I replyed, I entended one for his Majestie, the other to Normahall. Why then, said hee, you will not aske that I have, being contented with one ? I was forced to yeeld. Next he demanded whose the Hats were, for that his women liked them. I answered, three were sent to his Majesty, the fourth was mine to weare. Then said he, you will not take them from me, for I like them, and yours I will returne if you need it, and will not bestow that on me, which I could not refuse. Then next he demanded whose the Pictures were. I answered, sent to me to use on occasions, and dispose as my businesse required : so hee called for them, and caused them to be opened, examined me of the women, and other little questions, requiring many judgements of them, of the third Picture of Venus and a Satyre : he commanded my Interpreter not to tell me what he said: But asked his Lords what they conceived should be the interpretation or morall of that, he shewed the Satyres homes, his skinne which was swart, and pointed to many particulars : every man replyed according to his fancie ; but in the end hee concluded they were all deceived : and seeing they could judge no better, hee would keepe his conceit to himselfe, iterating his command to conceale this passage from me : But bade him aske me what it meant : I answered, an Invention of the Painter to shew his arte, which was Poeticall, but the interpretation was new to mee that had not scene it. Then he called Master Terry, to give his judgement, who replying, hee knew not. The King demanded why hee brought up to him an invention wherein hee was ignorant ; at which I enterposed that he was a Preacher, and medled not with such matters, [I. iv. 565.] nor had charge of them, onely comming in their company, [S. 393] hee was more noted, and so named as their conductor.

This I repeate for instruction, to warne the company and him that shall succeed me to be very wary what they send, may be subject to ill Interpretation : for in that point this King and people are very pregnant and scrupulous, full of jealousie and trickes, for that notwithstanding the King conceited himselfe, yet by the passages I will deliver my opinion of this conceit, which (knowing, I had never scene the Picture, and by Ignorance was guiltlesse) hee would not presse hard upon me. But, I suppose, he understood the Morall to be a scorne of Asiatiques whom the naked Satyre represented, and was of the same complexion and not unlike ; who being held by Venus a white woman by the Nose, it seemed that shee led him Captive. Yet he revealed no discontent, but rould them up, and told me he would accept him also as a Present. For the Saddle and some other small Toyes, he would fit me with a gift to his Sonne, to whom he would write according to promise, so effectually that I should need no Sollicitor, in many businesses with as many complements, excuses, professions & protestations as could come from any very Noble, or very base minde in either extreame. Yet he left not, but enquired what meant the figures of the beasts, and whether they were sent me to give to him : I had understood they were very ridiculous and ill shaped ordinary creatures, the varnish off, and no beauty other then a lumpe of wood ; I was really ashamed and answered, it was not my fault, those that seized them must beare the affront, but that they were not entended to him, but sent to shew the formes of certaine beasts with us. He replyed quickly, did you thinke in England that a Horse and a Bull was strange to mee ? I replyed, I thought not of so meane a matter, The sender was an ordinary man in good will to mee for Toyes, and what he thought, I knew not : well said the King, I will keepe them, and onely desire you to helpe me to a horse of the greatest size. It is [S. 394]  all I will expect, and a Male and Female of Mastiffes, and the tall Irish Grey-hounds, and such other Dogges as hunt in your lands, and if you will promise me this, I will give you the word of a King, I will fully recompence you, and grant you all your desires.

I answered, I would promise to provide them, but could not warrant their lives, and if they dyed by the way, onely for my discharge, their skinnes and bones should bee preserved, hee gave extraordinary Bowes, layd his hand on his heart, and such kind of gestures as all men will witnesse, he never used to any man, nor such familiarity, nor freedome, nor profession of love. This was all my recompence, that he often desired my content to be merry, that the wrong he had done me, he would royally requite, and send me home to my Countrey with grace and reward like a Gentleman. But seeing nothing returned of what was seized, but words, I desired his Majesty to deliver backe the Velvets and Silkes being Merchants goods, that they were sent up among mine by his Majesties command, for that by that pretence, they escaped the ravine of the Princes Officers : so hee gave order to call Master Biddolph to agree with him, and to pay for them to content. Then I delivered a Letter I had ready written contayning my desire for Priviledges and Justice otherwise I should returne as a Fayzneane and disgraced to my Soveraigne, and desired some Justice for Sulpheckarkons Debt lately dead : he replyed he would take such order with his Sonne for Surat, as I should have no cause to complaine, and that he should cleere it for which he gave instant order. For other places, he would give me his commands, and every way shew how much he loved me, and to the end I might returne to my Master with honour, Hee would send by me a rich and worthy Present with his Letter of my behaviour filled with many prayses, and commanded me to name what I thought would be most acceptable, I answered, I durst not crave, it was not our custome, nor stood with my Masters honour, but whatsoever [S. 395] he sent, I doubted not, would be acceptable from so potent a King, and so much loved of my Lord. He replyed, that I thought he asked in jest, to please mee, and that he saw I was yet discontent, but he conjured me to beleeve he was my friend, and would at conclusion prove so, and vowed by his head hee spake heartily concerning Presents, but I must not refuse for his instruction to name somewhat. This earnestnesse enforced mee to say, if his Majesty pleased, I thought large Persian Carpets, would be fittest ; for gifts of cost and value my Master expected not.

He answered, he would provide of all sorts and sizes, and added to them what hee thought was fit, that your King may know I respect him : next, having Venison of divers sorts before him, he gave me halfe a Stagge, with these words, hee killed it himselfe, and the other halfe I should see bestowed on his wives, which was presently cut out, in small pieces of foure pound and sent in by his third sonne, and two women that were called out to divers such Mammockes, as if it had beene a dole to the poore, and carryed by the Prince bare in his hands. Now I had as much satisfaction, and so abundant grace as might have flattered me into content, but the injury was above words, though I were glad of these and of colour to dissemble, for hee sent as a conclusion to know if I were pleased, and did not depart discontent. I answered his Majesties favour was sufficient to make mee any amends. Then, said he, I have onely one question to aske you ; which is, I wonder much now I have seene your Presents two yeares, what was the reason why your King sent a Merchant, a meane man before you with five times as many, and more curious Toyes that contented all, and after to send you his Ambassadour with a Commission and his Letter mentioning Presents, and yet what you brought was little, meane and inferiour to the other. I acknowledge you an Ambassadour, I have found you a [I. iv. 566.] Gentleman in your usage, and I am amazed why you were so slightly set out. [S. 396]

I would have replyed, but he cut me off, I know it is not the Kings fault, nor yours, but I will let you see I esteeme you better then they employed you. At your returne, I will send you home with honour, with reward, and according to your qualitie ; and not respecting what you brought me, will like a King present your Lord and Master : onely this I will require from you, and not expect it from the Merchants, to take with you a patterne of a Quiver, and Case for my Bow, a Coat to weare, a Cushion to sleepe on of my fashion, which was at his head, and a paire of Boots, which you shall cause to bee embroydered in England, of the richest manner, and I will expect and receive them from you, for I know in your Countrey they can worke better then any I have seene, and if you send them mee, I am a King, you shall not lose by it, which I most thankfully undertooke, and he commanded Asaph Chan to send me the patternes. Then he demanded if I had any Grape Wine. I could not denie it ; he desired a taste next night, and if hee liked it he would be bold, if not, he desired me to make merrie with it. So spending this night onely on me, he rose.

The third of March, wee came to Mandoa, into which the King entred in state, but no man was suffered to goe in before hee was set, by the advice of his Astrologers, so that wee all sate without, attending a good houre.

The sixth, I came into Mandoa, having sent before, and found a faire Court well walled, and in that a good Church, one great Tombe : it was taken up by one of the Kings Servants, but I got possession and kept it, being the best within all the wall, but two mile from the Kings house, yet so sufficient that a little charge would make it defensible against raines, and save one thousand Rupias, and for Aire very pleasant upon the edge of the hill.

The eleventh, at night I went toward the Court, but the King upon newes of a Lion that had killed some Horses, was gone to hunt, so that I had leisure to seeke [S. 397] some water : for we were brought to a hill with a multitude of people (so great is the foresight, and so good the Policie) where was no water, that men and Castle were like to perish, that little that was in Pooles some great men possessed, and kept by force, I could get none, the poore forsooke the Citie, and by Proclamation many were commanded away, all Horses and Cattel forbid, and so those who were now in hope to rest, were forced to seeke new Dwellings, who departed some two, three and foure Course off, to the extreame trouble of all men, and the terrible rising of provisions. I knew not what to doe: my Roome and House was good, and though I were farre from Markets, yet it was a lesse inconvenience then to sit in the fields without house or shelter, onely I wanted water, so I rode my selfe to seeke some, and found a great Poole possessed by Chan, which was given by the King. I sent to desire him leave to draw, who granted me foure load a day, which satisfied me in such sort, that with selling away some of those Jades that were put upon me from Surat, and putting off my Cattell, I had hope to live, to which purpose I sent two with them to lye out of Towne. There was not a misery, nor punishment, which either the want of Government, or the naturall disposition of the Clime gave us not.

2. Letters

2.1. To the Factors at Surat, 1616-06-19


Roe, Thomas <1581?-1644>: The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, as narrated in his Journal and correspondence / edited by William Foster [1863 - 1951]. -- New and rev. ed. -- London, Oxford University Press, 1926. -- lxxix, 532 S. : Ill. ; 19 cm.  -- S. 176f.

To The Factors at Surat.1 (Add, MS, 6115, f. 102.)

1 Other portions of this long letter are quoted in various notes.

Adsmere [Ajmer/अजमेर], 19 June, 1616.

 ... It was our misfortune that this goverment is fallen into the Princes hands, who hates all Christians, and principally [S. 177]
mee, for that I have not yeilded to all his insoleneyes but insisted on my rights. . . . His faction is strong, and now more then ever. The King, dotinge on his supposed valor, hath resolved to send him to Decan, and disgracefully calls home Sultan Parvies ; all men fawning on this idoll. Asaph Chan eyther dares not or will not open his mouth against him, and that notwithstanding all his promises of assistance. . . . Concerning my retyring to Suratt upon my next refusall . . . I will wade very warely into this depth, and endeavour by all fayre meanes that are honest and becomming my qualetye to soder up these breaches and to leave it in no woorse estate then I found it, which yet wilbe a patchd and sickly constitution, apt to full dayly into deadly diseases. I confesse my hart riseth against this resolution ; but that I wilbe able to answere all objections, eyther of ignorance or malice, and say necessitye compelld mee and must beare me out. . . . This resolution must be taken by generall consent and advise, for I shalbe loath to undergoe it alone. . . . This I desire may be debated, and your conclusion sent in writting, according to which I will bend my actions as farr as I am able. ... As touching all conditions past, the progresse wherof yow have clearly informed mee in, I have often urged, and have received answere ever that the goverment is now in the Prince, who will not be tyed to any thing done by his predesessors, and expects that wee take all new conditions from him ; judging himselfe affronted if I but seeke to the King in any thing, as if wee were his subjects without right of appeale ; and I as much scorne to be sutor to him, that tooke exception at my first lettre that it began not with the stile of a petition. . . .

2.2. To Sultan Caronne [Khurram], 1616-05-01

Abb.: Jahāngīr and Prince Khurram


Roe, Thomas <1581?-1644>: The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, as narrated in his Journal and correspondence / edited by William Foster [1863 - 1951]. -- New and rev. ed. -- London, Oxford University Press, 1926. -- lxxix, 532 S. : Ill. ; 19 cm.  -- S. 185 - 187.

To Sultan Caronne.1 (Add. MS. 6115, f. 96.)

1 Copies of this letter, in English Persian Persian, are among the I.O. Records (O.C., Nos. 360-1), and the former has been printed in Letters Received, vol. iv. (p. 101). The Persian copy is endorsed by Roe 'copy of my lettre to the Prince, 1 May, 1616.' As this date appears on all the copies, it is evidently not a slip ; but it seems equally clear that the above is the letter which was presented to the Prince on 13 July. We must therefore suppose that this endeavour to 'settle a better opinion in the Prince of our nation' was written on 1. May, but that its delivery was postponed, probably on account of the renewed hopes of an amicable arrangement with Zūlfakār Khān. The difference in tone between this and Roe's previous letter to the Prince (p. 121) is significant.

1st Maye, 1616.

Most Royall Prince,

I cannot but confesse and acknowledge the great justice vow have done our nation in the debts and extortions of Zulpheckcarcon [Zūlfakār Khān] , wherof I will speedily advise my lord the most [S. 186] mighty King of England, that His Majestie may render Your Highnes condigne thanckes and that your fame and renowne may he knowne in all parts. But I cannot but greeve when I consider that Your Highnes good opinion and grace toward us is averted by some misfortune or misinformation, which by many cereumstances is manifested to mee, principally in that favour Your Highnes hath declared to the Portugall, our enemyes. Butt if Your Highnes were pleased to regard the difference betweene our proceedings and theires, that wee only desire open trade for all nations, to the enriching of Your Highnes kingdomes and the advancing of your customes, wheras they have ever sought to keepe in subjection your subjects, suffering none to trafique but them selves and exacting dutyes for licence to passe upon your seas, contrary to all honor and justice, calling their king in Europe King of India. In proofe wherof our readines to embrace peace and their obstinacy in yt is sufficient wittnes ; though theyr force is no way terrible to us, that are so poowrfull in shipping that all Europe is not able to equall His Majestie therin. And if Your Highnes suppose that the Portugall hath or would bring eyther more raretyes or more profitt to your port, I dare affirme Your Highnes hath received wrong enformation. First, for curious and rare toyes, we have better meanes to furnish Your Highnes then any other, our kingdome abounding with all arts and our shipping trading into all the world ; wherby there is nothing under the sunne which wee are not able to bring, if we knew Your Highnes pleasure, what yow did most affect; wherof whensoever yow shall please to give a writing, yow shall have experience of our readines to doe yow service. Secondly, for profitt, our kingdome is naturally the most fructfull in Europe and the most abundant in all sorts of armes, cloth, and what soever is necessary for mans use ; besides which, Your Highnes I suppose knowes not wee yeerly bring into your port in ready mony 50,000 rialls 1 of eight, for which wee only carry away callicoes and indicoes, to the enriching of Your Highnes kingdomes with silver. And that Your Highnes may better perceive what profitt doth arise by our trade at Suratt, and that hereafter we may not bee vexed by officers at the alfandica, wherby we shalbe enforced to [S. 187] trouble Your Highnes with daylie complaynts, wee are desierous to rent our customes of Your Highnes, both in and out, and will yearly pay Your Highnes at one payment 12,000 rupies for our sayd customes, so that Your Highnes wilbe pleased to dischargde us of all other duties and troubles ; which I suppose is a farr greater summe then ever your officers made yow any account. And in all mattres wherin Your Highnes shall command, yow shall fynd our nation most ready to obey yow, and my selfe in particular will not omitt all occasion to doe yow service, wherin I doubt not I could some wayes give Your Highnes content, if I had oportunitye to speake with yow. Your Highnes noble nature will excuse my bouldnes, and that I wayte not on yow my selfe, for that for want of language I could not so well expresse my desires as by writing. The great Creator of heaven and earth blesse yow and multiply on your head all felicitye and honor.
To doe yow service,

Tho. Roe the English Ambassador.

1 There is probably some exaggeration here. On Roe's own testimony (p. 103), Keeling's fleet had brought but 43,572 rials, and this was for Bantam as well as Surat. According to the factors (p. 148 n), only about 20,000 rials were landed at the latter place.

2.3. To the Lord Bishop of Canterbury, 1616-10-30

Abb.: George Abbot (1562 - 1633), Archbishop of Canterbury 1611 - 1633
[Bildquelle: http://www.archbishopofcanterbury.org/media/image/j/d/1611-George-Abbot.jpg. -- Zugriff am 2008-06-05]


Roe, Thomas <1581?-1644>: The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, as narrated in his Journal and correspondence / edited by William Foster [1863 - 1951]. -- New and rev. ed. -- London, Oxford University Press, 1926. -- lxxix, 532 S. : Ill. ; 19 cm.  -- S. 271 - 281.

To the Lord Bishop of Canterbury.1
(Add. MS. 6115, f. 130.)

1 Printed in Purchas, vol. i. p. 584, but with many inaccuracies, and without indication of the person to whom it was addressed

Adsmere [Ajmer/अजमेर], October 30, 1616.

May it please your Grace,

The fraylty of passadge betweene this place and England, especially of my last lettre [see note on p. 114], that wandered over land and rather went upon discovery then busines, [S. 272] adviseth mee to send your Grace transcripts of them. Not that ther is conteyned any matter woorthy Your Honors leysure ; but seeing yow commanded me to write, the relation of one to another will somwhat cleare the whole discourse. For broken and undependant peices and fragments have little light in them, lesse pleasure, and no proffitt; so that hee that would doe any thing in this matter should write a historie, and take it somwhat high, to show the beginnings and groweth of this empire ; what fortunes and what impediments it hath overcame ; what frendships it hath needed and affected ; the ambitions and divisions in the present state, that like impostumes lye now hidd, but threaten to breake out into the rending and ruine of the whole by bloody warr ; the practises, subtiltyes, and carriages of factions and court-secretts, falsly called wisdome, wherin I assure Your Grace they are pregnant, and excell in all that art which the Divell can teach them, and are behynd none in wicked craft, some passadges wherof were not unwoorthy nor unpleasant to relate ; their religions suffered by the King, and practised without envy or contention on any part; how the Portugalls have crept into this kingdome, and by what corners they gott in ; the enterance of the Jesuits, their entertaynment, priviledges, practises, ends, and the growth of their Church, wherof they sing in Europe so loud prayses and glorious successes ; lastly, the arrivall of our nation on this coast, their fortunat or blessed victoryes over their enemyes, that not only sought to possesse these quarters by them selves, and to forbidd all others that which Nature had left free (as if God had created the world for them only), but alsoe to abuse this people, as if they alone were the sonns of warr, they only trihumph, and that all other Europeans stroocke sayle to their fortune and valor; which now is brought so low in valew, that it is growne into a proverbe (one Portugall to three Moores, one Englishman to three Portugalls1), soe that the best foundation of their greatnes is absolutly mined and blown up ; and our reception here stands on the same ground from which wee have cast them downe, which is feare, an honorable but uncertayne base of so great a chardge—for if either the enemy once prevayle, or other misfortune happen to us, our wellcome will turne round with yt ; the profitt and littnes of this trade for England (while it may stand), not only respecting the Company now interessed, but the State, whither the commonwealth in generall loose or wynn. For often in trafiques privat men prosper by detriment of the Republique, as in all trades that mayntyne vanetye and sinne. This woorke and method were woorthy some paynes, and, as [it ?] would require a good [S. 273] judgment and much tyme (both which are wanting to mee), so it would not bee unprofitable to reade, nor without some pleasure to view and meditate the divers operations and woorkes of God, the variable constitutions and dispositions of men and all things under their goverment. But, seeing nature and conveniency have denyed mee abilitye and leysure to sett upon soe great a labor, I have chosen one branch only to treat of to Your Grace, without other meathode then by way of bare relation ; which is, the estate of the Church heere, as well Christians as of all other diffused sects of infidells.

1 Terry (p. 163) quotes this as a saying of Jahāngīr.

But to continew (as in a parenthesis) the advise I gave Your Honor in my last, of our constitution here, and the newes of Persia. Breedly, I stand on very fickle termes, though in extraordinarie grace with the King, who is gentle, soft, and good of disposition ; yet on poynts and disputes with an insolent and proud sonne of his, into whose hands hee hath remitted all power, which hee is neyther woorthy nor able to mannage. Hee is lord of our port, and by his folly gives mee much travell [i.e. labour] ; so sordidly ambitious, that he would not have mee acknowledge his father King, nor make any addresses, nor deliver any presents nor complements of honor, but to him selfe ; which I will never yeild too, and so I maynteyne my creditt by confidence on the priviledges of my qualetye and the Kings' goodnes. Yet an ambassadour in this court that knowes him selfe, and will not wrong his master, shall oftner wynn enemyes then frends. Their pride endures no tearmes of equaletye, especially wher ther is no other honor nor title but what is measured by expence ; so that to maynteyne one that shall in his equipage and life hould proportion with his qualety in this court will cost much more then the profitt of the trade can spare ; and hee that lives under it, wrongs his degree, and slides into contempt. I doe my uttmost to hould up with little poore meanes ; but my Opinion is, a meaner instrument would better effect busines of trafique, that might creepe, and sue, and suffer some affronts, which my ranck may not endure. And I find the King of Spayne would never send any ambassadour hither, out of greatnes, knoweing they are not received with proportionable honour ; and with my small experience I could doe the Company better service by my returne, in advise how to governe the whole.

Concerning Persia, the Turke hath only yet made a bravado, and performed little ; the passages are stoppd, and the King, drawing his armies into his borders to defend him selfe and finding no great woorke, tooke occasion to take in by force a revolted nation to the east of Babilon. The people are called Coords [i.e. Kurds] ; how by the ancients, or the true geographicall scituation of their cuntry, I am yet ignorant in. [S. 274] Sir Robert Shirly, by an ill passadge to Goa, lost the oportunitye of the fleete for Lisbow, and is stayed there another yeare ; so that negotiation will not so speedely be advanced as I feared. Wee shall have breath and tyme to woork upon yt, according as it shalbe requisite in the judgment of Your Honors in England, or at least of the merchants, whom it first regardeth. Her is arrived a Persian embassador ; with little newes, it beeing nine mounths since his departure from Spahan. .... The King is now ready to march toward Decan ; whose armie is commanded by his sonne. And wee with much toyle shall hang in the sckirts. . . .1

1 Roe goes on to relate the fight with the Portuguese carrack.

Thus Your Grace hath some touch of our affaires ; and I will fall upon my purpose of the Church, with your favour and patience. Before the inundation of Temar the Great, the ninth ancestor of this King, these cuntries were governed by divers petty Gentile [i.e. Hindu] Princes, not knoweing any religion, but woorshipped after their severall idolatryes all sorts of creaturs. The descendants of him brought in the knowledg of Mahomett, but imposed it upon none by the law of conquest, leaving consciences at liberty. So that these naturalls, from the circumcision (which came in with the Moores), called them Mogolls or cheefe of the circumcised.1 Among the Mogolls ther are many strict Mahometans, many that follow Aly, his sonne-in-law, and other new risen prophetts, which have their xeriffs, mulas and preists, their mosquies, religious votaries, washings, prayings, and ceremonyes infinite ; and for penitenciaryes, no herecye in the world can show so strange examples, nor bragg of such voluntarie povertyes, punishments, sufferings and chastisments as these ; all which are esteemed holy men, but of a mingled religion, not upright with their great prophett. The Gentiles are of more sorts, some valiant, good souldiers, drinking wine, eating hoggs flesh, but woorshiping the figure of a beast ; some that will not touch that flesh which is not holy by imputation ; others that will not eate any thing wherin ever there was any blood, nor kill the vermin that assaulteth them, nor drineke in the cup with those that doe ; superstitious in washing, and most earnest in their profession ; but all of them ascribe a kind of divinitie to the River Ganges, at which at one season of the yeare 4 or 50,000 2 meete, and cast in gould and silver for [S. 275] oblation. In like manner to a piggs head3 in a church near this citty, and to all living cowes, and to some other beasts and kinds. These have their synogoags and holy men, prophetts, witches, sooth-sayers, and all others the Divells impostures. The molaes of Mahomett know somwhat in philosophy and mathematiques, are great astrologers, and can talke of Areistotle, Euclyde, Averroes [i.e. Averrhoes] and other authors. The learned toong is Arab.

1 There is, of course, no truth in this fanciful piece of etymology, which is given also hy Terry (p. 363) and Salbank (Letters Received, vol. v. p. 184).

2 A slip for 500,000-—the number printed by Purchas. Coryat, who was evidently Roe's authority, says ' about foure hundred thousand.'

3 An image of Vārāha, the boar incarnation of Vishnu.

In this confusion they continued until the tyme of Ecbarsha [Akbar Shāh] father of this king, without any noyce of Christian profession who, beeing a prince by nature just and good, inquisitive afte noveltyes, curious of new opinions, and that excelled in man; virtues, especially in pietye and reverence toward his parents called in three Jesuits from Goa, whose cheefe was Jeronimo Xavier, a Navarroies.1 After their arrivall hee heard their reason and dispute, with much content on his and hope on their parts, and caused Xavier to write a booke in defence his profession against, both Moores and Gentillcs; which finished, bee read over nightly, causing some part to be discussed ; and finally granted them his lettre pattents to build, to preach, teach, convert, and to use all their rites and ceremonyes, as freely and amply as in Roome, bestoweing on them meancs to erect their churches and places of devotion. So that in some fewe cittyes they have gotten rather temple then ecclesiam. In this grant he gave grant to all sorts men to become Christians that would, eaven to his court owne blood, professing it should bee noe cause of dilfavaur from him. Here was a faire beginninge, a forward sp[?] of a leane and barren harvest.2

1 Jerome Xavier, grandson of a sistor of St. Francis Xavier, went out to India in 1581, and at the end of 1504 was despatched from there to the Mogul court, where he remained nearly twenty-three years. His influence with Jahāngīr, which was considerable, was of cause exerted against the English ; and Nicholas Withington, writing to Sir Thomas Smythe on 9 November, 1613, said bitterly that the Mogul would do nothing against the Portuguese 'soe longe as witch Savier livelh (for soe the Moores themselves terme him), who is an ould Jesuitt residinge with the Kinge, whom hee much affects' (Brit. Mus., Egerton MS. 2086). He died at Goa in 1017.

Roe's account of the early Catholic missions is a very confuse one, and entirely ignores the work of Aquayiva and his imediate successors.
2 Compare Terry's account (pp. 440 et seq.) of the religions of Indi and of the Jesuits' progress In ' that most, acceptable, but [?] labour of washing Moors.'

Ecbar-Shae him selFe continued a Mahometan, yet hee be [S. 276] to make a breach into the law ; considering that Mahomett was but a man, a king as he was, and therfore reverenced, he thought hee might prove as good a prophett himselfe. This defection of the King spread not farre; a certayn outward reverence deteyned him, and so hee dyed in the formall profession of his sect. Ghehangier-Sha [Jahāngīr Shāh], his sonne, the present king, beeing the issue of this new fancy, and never circumsised,1 bread up without any religion at all, continewes so to this hower, and is an athiest. Sometyme hee will make profession of a Moore : but alway observe the hollidayes and doe all ceremonyes with the Gentilles too. Hee is content with all religions ; only hee loves none that changeth. But, falling upon his fathers conceipt, hath dared to enter farther in, and to professe him selfe for the mayne of his religion to be a greater prophett then Mahomett ; and hath formed to him selfe a new law, mingled of all, which many have accepted with such superstition that they will not eate till they have saluted him in the morning, for which purpose hee comes at the sunnes rising to a wyndow open to a great playne before his house, where multitudes attend him ; and when the Moores about him speak of Mahomett, hee will sooth them, but is glad when any one will breake out against him. Of Christ he never utters any woord unreverently, nor any of all these sects, which is a woonderfull secreett woorking of Gods truth, and woorthy observation. Concerning the new planted Christian Church, he confirmed and enlardged all their priviledges, every night for one yeare spending two howers in hearing disputation, often casting out doubtfull woords of his conversion, but to wicked purpose. And, the rather to give some hope, he delivered many youthes into the hands of Francisco Corsy,2 now resident heere, to teach them to reade and write Portuguse, and to instruct them in humane learning and in the law of Christ. And to that end he kept a schoole [S. 277] some yeares, to which the King sent two Princes, his brothers sonnes ; who, beeing brought up in the knowledg of God and His Sonne our Blessed Saviour, were solemly babtised in the church of Agra with great pomp, beeing carried first up and downe all the citty on eliphants in triumph ; and this by the Kings exprese order, who often would examien them in their progression, and seemed much contented in them. This made many bend toward the same way, doubting His Majesties entention ; others, that knew him better, supposed he suffered this in pollicye, to reduce these children into hate among the Moores for their conversion, of whom consisted the strength of his estate ; but all men fayling of his purpose, which was thus discovered. When these and some other children were settled, as was thought, in Christian religion, and had learnd some principles therof, as, to marry but one wife, not to be coupled with infidles, the King setts the boyes to demand some [S. 278] Portugalls wifes of the Jesuitts ; who, thincking it only an idle motion of their owne braynes, chyd them, and suspected no more. But that being the end of their conversion, to gett a woeman for the King, and no care taken, the two Princes came to the Jesuits, and surrendred up their crosses and all other rites, professing they would be noe longer Christians, because the King of Portugal! sent them no presents nor wives, according as they expected. The Padre, seeing this, began to doubt ther was more in that then the boyes revealed, especially seeing their confidence, that had cast oil the awe of pupills ; and, examining the matter, had it confessed the King commanded them. They refused to accept the crosses, answering they had been given by His Majesties order, and they would not take notice from boyes of any such surrender ; but bad them desier the King to send some of those who by a kynd of order are to deliver all His Majesties commands, whose mouths are by priviledges sufficient authoritye, and then they would accept them; hoping, and knoweing the Kings nature, that hee would not discover him selfe to any of his officers in this poore plott. The boyes returned with this message, which enraged the King. But, beeing desierous to disolve the sehoole, and to withdrawe the yowths without noyse, hee bad them call the Jesuitts to the woemens doore, wher by a lady he received the order ; and without ever taking any notice since of any thing, his kinsmen recalld, who are now absolute Moores, without any last of their first fayth ; and so the fruict of all these hopes are varnished. And I cannot fynd by good search that ther is one Christian really and orderly converted, nor makes the profession, except some few that have beene babtised for mony, and are maynteyned by the Jesuitts ; of which sort ther would bee more, but that they find the deceipt, and cannot endure the burthen. This is the truth of all their bragg and labor, and the full groweth of their Church here.

1 Coryat, who makes the same statement, was possibly Roe's authority for this. Salbank repeats it (Letters Received, vol. v. p. 185), but he, no doubt, had it from the same source. The assertion was probably correct, as circumcision, though usual, is not obligatory upon Muhammadans.

2 The 'Jesuit' of several preceding entries. The Reverend Father Goldie, S.J., has kindly procured for me an extract from the archives of the Society, in which it is stated that Corsi was a Florentine, born in 1575 ; that he entered the Order in the year 1593, and six years later was sent from Portugal to India, where he lived ordinarily in the household of the Great Mogul ; that he bore a high character, and had a talent for mission work ; and that he died at his post on 1 August, 1635 (N.S.). References to him occur also in Father Cordara's history of the Order (pt. vi. torn. i. p. 59), and in the similar work by Father Jouvancy (pt. v. torn. ii. lib. xviii. p. 468). His tomb is still to be seen in the old Roman Catholic cemetery at Agra.
The relations between Roe and Corsi were very amicable ; and Terry's account of him, though tinged with professional jealousy, is favourable on the whole. It runs as follows (p. 444) : 'Francisco Corsi ... a Florentine by birth, aged about fifty years, who (if he were indeed what he seemed to be) was a man of a severe life, yet of a fair and an affable disposition ; he lived at that court as an agent for the Portugals, and had not onely free access unto that King, but also encouragement and help, by gifts, which ho sometimes bestowed on him. When this Jesuit came first to be acquainted with my Lord Ambassadour, he told him that they were both by profession Christians, though there was a vast difference betwixt them in their professing of it : and as he should not go about to reconcile the Ambassadour to them, so he told him that it would be labour in vain if he should attempt to reconcile him to us. Onely he desired that there might be a fair correspondency betwixt them, but no disputes. And further his desire was, that those wide differences twixt the Church of Rome and us might not be made there to appear, that Christ might not seem by those differences to be divided amongst men professing Christianity, which might be a very main obstacle and hinderance unto his great design and endeavour, for which he was sent thither, to convert people unto Christianity there : telling my Lord Ambassadour further, that he should be ready to do for him all good offices of love and service there ; and so he was. After his first acquaintance, he visited us often, usually once a week. And as those of that Society, in other parts of the world, are very great intelligencers, so was he there, knowing all news which was stirring, and might be had, which he communicated unto us.'

But, that Your Grace may a little more understand the fashion of this King and the Jesuits proceedings, I will make yow one or two merry and late relations ; and either say hee is the most impossible man in the world to be converted, or the most easy ; for he loves to heare, and hath so little religion yet, that hee can well abyde to have any derided. Not many dayes since, the Jesuits house and church beeing burned, the crucifex remayned safe ; which under hand was given out for a miracle, and much talked off. I, that could be content any use might be made of an accideid to enlardg the name of Christ, held my peace. But the Jesuit, suspecting I would not agree to the miracle, disavowed it to mee, and made it a matter of reason why it was not burned ; insinnuaiting that the Moores had caught up this opinion of miracle without his [S. 279] consent or suggestion, though hee confessed hee was glad of the occasion. But the King, who never lett slip any oportunity of newe talke or novelty, calls the Jesuite, and questioneth him of it. He answers ambiguously ; wherupon His Majestie demanded if he did not desire to convert him, and, receiving full answere, replyed : Yow speake of your great miracles, and of many done by yow in the name of your prophett; if yow will cast the crucifix and picture of Christ into a fyre before mee, if it burne not, I wil become a Christian. The Jesuite refused the tryall as unjust, answering that God was not tyed to the call of men : that it was a sinne to tempt him : that hee wrought miracles according to his owne councell ; but offered to enter the fier himselfe for proofe of his faith ; which the King refused. Here arose a great dispute, bcgunn by the Prince, a most stiff Mahometan and hater of all Christians, that it was reasonable to try our religion by this offer, but withall that, if the crucifix did burne, then that the .Jesuit should be obliged to render Moore.1 Hee urged examples of miracles professed to bee done for lesse purposes then the conversion of soe mightie a king, and, in case of refusall of that triall, spake scornefully of Christ Jesus. The King undertooke the argument, and defended our Saviour to be a prophett, by comparison of his woorkes with those of their absurd saints, instancing the raysing of the dead, which never any of theirs did. The Prince replyed : to give sight to one naturally borne blind was as great a miracle. This question beeing pressed hotly on both sides, a theird man, to end the contraversie, enterposed that both the father and the sonne had reason for their opinions ; for that to rayse a dead body to life must needs bee confessd to be the greatest miracle ever done, but that to give sight to an eye naturally blynd was the same woorke ; for that a blind eye was dead, sight beeing the life therof; therfore he that gave sight to a blind eye did as it were rayse it up from death. Thus this discourse ended, and soe in wisdome should I ; but that I cannot leave out an apish miracle which was acted before this King, which the Jesuits will not acknowledg nor owne as their practise ; only [S. 280] of the truth de facto ther is no doubt. A juggler of Bengala (of which craft there are many and rare) brought to the King a great ape, that could, as hee professd, divine and prophesy (and to this beast by some sects is much divinitie ascribed). The King tooke from his finger a ring, and caused it to bee hid under the girdle of one among a dozen other boyes, and bad the ape divine ; who went to the right child, and tooke it out. But His Majestie (somwhat more curious) caused in twelve several papers in Persian lettres to bee written the names of twelve lawgivers, as Moses, Christ, Mahomett, Aly, and others, and, shuffling them in a bagg, bad the beast divine which was the true law ; who, putting in his foote, tooke out that inscribed of Christ. This amazed the King, who, suspecting that the apes master could reade Persian, and might assist him, wrote them anew in court characters,2 and presented them the second tyme. The ape was constant, found the right, and kissed it. Wherat a principal officer3 grew angry, telling the King it was some imposture, desiering hee might have leave to make the lotts anew, and offered him selfe to punishment if the ape could beguile him. Hee wrote the names, putting only aleven into the bagg, and kept the other in his hand. The beast searchd, but refusd all. The King commanded to bring one ; the beast tore them in fury, and made signes the true lawgivers name was not among them. The King demanded wher it was ; and hee rann to the nobleman and caught him by the hand in which was the paper inscribed with the name of Christ Jesus. The King was troubled, and keepes the ape. Yet this was acted in publique before thousands ; but wher the abuse was, or whether ther were any, I judg not. Only one of the Jesuits scollers ran to him with open mouth, professing the King had an ape a good Christian. Of this accident the Jesuitts make great account; to me they slight it, except the truth of the fact, which is not unlike one of their owne games.4 [S. 281]

1 Terry, in tolling this story (p. 448), says that the crucifix was on a pole near the Jesuit's house ; and that the Prince's proposal was that, if it did not resist combustion, the Jesuit should be burnt with it. He also says that he himself was at court when the incident happened—another proof that the reverend gentleman's memory is not to be trusted implicitly. Corsi's offer to undergo the ordeal of fire recalls the challenge of the Muhammadan doctors at the court of Akbar to Aquaviva (recorded by Monserrate), and the somewhat similar story related of Father Da Costa by Bernier and Manucci (vol. i. p. 160).

2 I.e. an official cypher. 'Court characters are such as he only and his nearer ministers used in mysteries of State, unknowne to all others' (Note by Purchas).

3 Mahābat Khān, according to Terry ; but it is scarcely likely that he was at court, or Roe would have mentioned him.

4 Terry (p. 403) relates this incident at length and says that, although he was not present, 'it hath been often confirmed there in its report unto me by divers persons who knew not one another, and were differing in religion ; yet all agreed in the story, and in all the circumstances thereof.' The same tale is to be found in A True Relation without all Exception of Strange and Admirable Accidents which lately happened in the Kingdome of the Great Magor or Magull (London, 1622), with the addition that it was averred to be true by Master Edward Terry, who hoard it credibly reported, and had often seen the ape. This latter statement Terry takes occasion to correct (p. 405).

Your Grace will pardon mee all this folly, to interrupt yow with soe much and soe uselesse tattle. I should be glad to remoove wher I might learne and practise better matter. But I cannot repent my journy. It hath made me know my God and my selfe better then ever I should have learned eyther among the pleasure of England. He hath woonderfully showed mee His mercy and taught mee His judgments : His goodnes be glorifyed and magnified for ever.1 I humbly desire Your Grace to present my name (I dare not say my service) before His Majestie my lord and master. It is enough for mee if I bee not forgotten. I shall never meritt nor aspire the employments of his favour ; but I will pay my vowes, and pray for His Majestie, that hee may live a happy and glorious long life to the comfort of his Church, and enjoy the crowne of crownes, prepared by the King of Kings for those that love him. Wherin I have fayled toward Your Honor, or by myne owne weakenes, Your Grace will measure by this rule : exigitt et postulat amicitia non quod cuique debetur, sed quod quisque efficere potest ;2 and yow will pardon the assuming so high a woord as frendship, with this enterpretation : Servus est humilis amicus;3 which, as I am bould to professe, I will be ready to demonstrate by obedience to your commands.

Thomas Roe.

1 The extent to which Roe's frequent illnesses had deepened his religious convictions is shown in the undated private letter (Brit. Mus. Harl. MS. 1576, f. 225), to which reference has already been made. 'O my deare freind,' he writes, 'that God which some thinke is confined to Europe and onely in the temples made with handes hath mett with mee in the wildernes. I have tasted his displeasure I knew I was to bee humbled, not by sicknes onely, but by inward affliccions. . . . Hee began with mee in England, but Hee know it was not a place where I could bee cleansed. I must goe wash in Jordan.'

2 This quotation (from an unknown source) may be freely rendered : 'Friendship demands not what is actually due, but as much as one is able to effect.'

3 ' A slave is a humble friend.' The sentiment is Seneca's : ' Servi sunt humiles amici' (Epist. 47, s. 1).

2.4. To the East India Company, 1617-02-14


Roe, Thomas <1581?-1644>: The embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19, as narrated in his Journal and correspondence / edited by William Foster [1863 - 1951]. -- New and rev. ed. -- London, Oxford University Press, 1926. -- lxxix, 532 S. : Ill. ; 19 cm.  -- S. 432 - 457.

To The East India Company. (I. O. Records : O. C., No. 610.)

Amadavaz [Ahmadābād], 14 February, 1617[-18].

My Honourable Frends,

Your lettres mentioned upon the Charles safely arrived at Swally Roade in Sept. 1610, and came to hand October following ; were answered by the Globe, dispeeded from the Coast the 7th of March after,1 to which I referr yow ; coppies whereof I cannot now send (and by Gods mercy there is no cause), for I, beeing fully determined to returne, was unprovided of them, or of any but my booke, and beeing in continuall travell have beene much streightened to send you these of newer dates and soe more necessarie, having but one hand to assist mee, and that oftener weake than able.

For the passadges of your business in court or factories (as much as I was made acquaynted with), the one yow shall receive by a journall, and the other yow may collect out of transcripts of lettres directed to your severall factories by mee ; all which are punctually sent yow ; wherin yow may see what wayes I held, and what my opinions were. In reading these, yf yow compare the dates with those of your servants corresponding, yow shall have more light, and judge of all as if yow were present. I make no question others send their owne, for [S. 433] soe I advised tymely ; and I could perswade yow to appoynt one to view them togither, to collect the reasons and conclusions for your full enformation. Yow may in some clauses fynd mee sharp and censuring your advises from home ; but yow will find my reasons justifiable and my ends honest and upright, To the particular of your last received by the James Royall by my frend Captain Pring, and to all instructions sent therby, yow shall receive answere either in this or in some single papers to that purpose ; and in all yow shall see my judgment of all your trades, for I have dealt openly and freely, as well before yow committed to mee any thing as since. As this bringeth a coppy of yours |of] the former yeare, so I will runne along with yt in the poynts mooved. The little doubts that rose betweene mee and Captain Keeling soone vanished. I found him in all things a reasonable and discreet man ; nor want of any performance on your parts of any thing promised mee. Wee have this yeare, for Buffering the insolencies of the Prince, made triall of Goga and searched all the Bay,2 but can fynd noe place fitt for your head residence but Suratt; soe that question is at an end, and wee must study to make the best of that place. To waft the Mogolls subjects into the Red Sea will never give your men bread and water. They neither desier it nor will admitt it, except wee doe it of curtesie ; for they pay their cartasse notwithstanding, beeing compounded with the Portug[alls], and they feare none but piratts, which is a new trade of a yeares standing ; yet that feare will sooner make them not trade (for in all they are but slaves to the lords of the ports, who cutt upon them) then give us the remayner of their profitt for their safe conduct, as in Mr. Steelrs projects yow will perceive my triall (for hee had other ends). The motions of building a fort have begott such jealousies in these Moores that, upon bringing brick ashore to found a shipps bell, it rang to court, our people disarmed in Suratt, and I am not yet cleare of liberties lost upon yt, though I have made the Prince ashamed at the weakenes of the suspition, to confesse a bandfull of men could take a part of their countrie by force. But it is true wee would bee lords there, and have committed soe many insolencies that I have woondred at their patience ; yet wee compliyne. The last yeare for another folly our people were restrained in the towne, and they sent from [the] ships 200 naked [i.e. unarmed] men ashore to take Suratt, who as brutishly bruted it in their march ; yet ten men would have kept them from passing the great river. This yeare wee have offered upon puntoes3 to force the custome house, and twenty drawn their [S. 434] swoords in yt. If these bee not just causes of jealousy, I am silent; yet I patch it up. The Commander [i.e. Pring] now by his great modesty and discretion hath both reformed many abuses, gayned yow much good will, himselfe all mens love and his owne creditt. An honester man I suppose yow cannot send, and that his actions will approove : one that studies your ends, is ready to joyne with any, without insisting upon disputes and tearmes.

1 Roe's letter referred to is no longer extant.

2 See Pring'a account of this (Englitih factories, 1618-21, p. 29).

3 Ital. punto, a point, a small matter : hence, minute observances, or, as we now say, punctilios.

To returne to a fort. There is noe place to bee obteyned. They are weary of us as it is ; and indeed wee see wee have impoverished the ports, and wounded all their trades, soe that by much perswasion of the Governors the merchant goes to sea. Or, if there were licence granted, ther is none fitt for your shipping except one that lies out of all commerce and hath more inconveniences in yt then this, which, when your goods are ready by September, wilbe easie enough. And if yow began to build and plant here, quarrell would arise, the enemie [i.e. the Portuguese] exasperated, who may now bee drawn to composition, and all your profittes eaten in garrizons and dead payes. It is noe way to drive your trades by plantation. The Dutch have spoyled the Moluccoes which they fought for, and spent more then they will yeild them, if quiett, in seaven yeares. Syndu [i.e. Lahrībandar] yow may freely goe too, lade and relade ; but it is inhabited by the Portugall ; lies noe way well for your stock (except yow scatter it) ; it ventes only your teeth [i.e. ivory] and affoordes good cloth and many toyes. But if the sorts yow have seene serve your marketts, yow are nearer seated and may have what quanteties you please ; and for your teeth the marchant will fetch them at Suratt. Bengala hath noe ports but such as the Portugalls possesse, for smalle shipping. It will vent nothing of yours. The people are unwilling, in respect of the warr (as they suppose) like to ensue in their seas ; and the Prince hath crossed it, thincking wee desired to remoove thither wholy, and that, if wee stay in India, hee takes to bee an affront. But now I may obteyne one ship to come and goe, upon hope of rubies from Aracan and Pegu ; but I knowe not what profitt yow can make by any
residence there ; and I speak upon searching the bottome of all the secrctts of India. If yow will have patience to try one yeare, yow shall see one thing effectually done is woorth twenty by fragments. Yow will find it is not many factories here that getts yow a penny. I will forecast your ease, and by Gods grace, settle not only your priviledges but your profitts. This two yeare the Prince hath beene my enemie ; and if I had yeilded, I must have been his slave. This last I have stood out to the last and adventured the feirenes of his wrath. It hath succeeded better then I expected. Wee are soe reconciled that hee is now my effectuall mediator and will procure mee content. [S. 435] Indeed, hee only can give it. His father growes dull and suffers him to write all commands and to governe all his king-domes. [Marginal note by Roe.—When I wrote this, I had woords enough ; but such delayes in effects that I am weary of flatteries as of ill usadge.] Yow can never expect to trade here upon capitulations that shalbe permanent. Wee must serve the tyme. Some now I have gotten, but by way of firmaens and promise from the Kynge. All the goverment depends upon the present will, where appetite only governs the lords of the kingdome. But their justice is generallie good to strangers ; they are not rigorous, except in scearching for things to please, and what trouble wee have is for hope of them, and by our owne disorders. In both I have propounded to yow a new course, and will here practise it.

The presents last yeare were all seazed by the Prince in the way. I gott them realeased, but to spight mee hee sent them to the King. What I chalenged of yours was returned ; a good part went for Persia. The remayner the King had in a base fashion, as my journall will relate.

The Fleminge is planted at Suratt, [and] hath obteyned a firmaen upon as good tearmes almost as wee. I did my endeavour to crosse him ; but they come in upon the same ground that wee began, and by which wee subsist, feare. And if I fynd not all performed with mee now promised, I shalbe as bould as to chasten them once agayne ; els the Duch wilbe before hand and doe it first, and then hee wilbe the brave man. Assure yow I will not leave this coast but upon good tearmes.

I perceive my lettres overland came to your hands, but they gott a flaw in the way. My Lord Ambassadors [i.e. Connock] care was very great; which in the future I shall prevent, not by charactar [i.e. secret cipher] (for yours is ould and knowne) but by such conveyance as busie men shall not intercept. Ther wilbe smalle occasion from hence ; and yours seated in Persia will give account of their proceedings. I will not omitt any matter of new consequence. The coppy of my lettre to the Sha of Persia by negligence was left out of the packett; which, finding, I sent by the Globe. The substance was only to amase [i.e. frighten] him from any sudeyne conclusion with the Portugalls, [and] to offer in generall tearmes our shipping upon his coast; for without instructions I durst not enter into particulars, neyther was my experience in these parts sufficient for yt. [Marginal note by Roe.—This letter, the Sha beeing in the feild, Mr. Connok gott after, and usd it as his owne.]

What I have done in reformation of particular wrongs and recovering of debts my journall will enforme ; how my lardge demands were rejected and my selfe tyed to observe the custome to make sute upon new occasion. I have done my endeavor, and though yow will find many yet unpayed, many [S. 436] yet unreformed, notwithstanding it will appeare not my fault, for I neither spared labor nor meanes ; and in many things the error hath beene our owne, by negligence or disorder. The substance is : I have gotten many bribes restored, many debts, many extortions, and commands to take noe more ; that by little and little I shall ease all : now I am upon best tearmes, and, if the court were settled, would soone finish these my teadious labors. Yow shalbe sure of as much priviledge as any stranger, and right when the subject dares not plead his. The troubles at Suratt depending upon covetousnes of curiosities to satisfie the Prince (for your grosse goods passe with ease) I will reforme by yeilding him content ; but it is privat men that make the broyle and then exclaime most.

The advise I gave to procure a place of securitie at the first face seemed good to mee, and I gave it as I received it ; but yow must excuse mee of recanting twenty things which I could not knowe but from others. There is none fit, nor to bee had. The Bee, sent to transport your goods up the river of Suratt, hath fullie tried it and cannot performe it, for the many shifts of sands, without grounding, and then subject to bee fiered.1 Wee must sticke to Swally Roade, and, if I can effect my purpose to provide your ladings ready, yow shall not feele the other inconveniences. The renting your customes I have endeavoured ; but as your servants in former yeares would never answere niee in the poynt, soe these demand twise more then ever yow payed ; supposing then wee would double our trades.

1 By the Portuguese frigates. Pring wrote to the Company to the same effect (Letters Received, vol. vi. p. 178). Presumably the pinnace had been sent in consequence of Roe's suggestion on p. 73.

Your land men will most returne, except such as your shipps will neede by great mortalitie this yeare ; and, which I feare more in tyme to come, the trade for refreshing at the Cape [i.e. of Good Hope] beeing utterly spoyled, either by ours left or by some violence of others, your fleetes must seeke short, or about. It cannot bee but ther are many better places ; for these base people are but the brokars or sellars of the cattell at second hand. I hope my last lettres will ease yow of the chardge of land men.

A peace with the Portugall here were the best service I could doe yow. I made, as by enformation yow know, an overture to the Viceroy, which his pride never answered. Since wee have given them a knock or two ; and at this instant I am upon hopes of treatye. But, that yow may understand the true estate of this busines, yow shall know the passages. First, the attempts made upon your fleets were not, as I collect, by expresse order from Spayne. The ould Viceroy who came in [S. 437] person, 1614, against Captain Dowton discontented the wisest of his counccll and all the inhabitants of Goa in yt; his inprosperitie made his action the more hatefull, and hee is now prisoner in the castle, to bee returned to answere, I know not whither that hee did no more, or for doeing so much ; but for that busines only.1 The new Viceroy declares not himselfe, but prepares a fleete to supplant, as hee pretends, the Dutch in Cormandell. The Jesuite here, who much affects an agreement,2 wisely foreseeing they maynteyne it more by stubbernes then reason, hath often mooved lately to mee a peace, and to that end hath written to his superiors in Goa, but received no direct answere. I have demanded to show mee a power that the Viceroy hath authoritie to conclude it, but in the poynt could not bee satisfied ; but that the merchant, the coaster, the inhabitant, and the discreeter sort, all desired it, only the glorious souldier withstood it. Since, the arrivall of his Majestie[s] lettre, which in one clause mooved the Mogoll by his authoritie to enforce the Portugalls, or to secure his owne coast that wee might have safe and quiett recourse unto yt, hath ministred occasion. It seemes the Portugall stood upon a punto that he would not offer us that which hee once would not answere ; but by that motion (which I signified to the Jesuite to show our desiers were sincere to accord with Christians) I drew from him that hee supposed theirs were the like, but that a third person wanted [i.e. was needed] to moove it ; but that was happelie by this lettre offered, that the Mogol would bee meadiator betweene both ; to which end, after the lettrs deliverie, the Padres followed it to Asaph Chan, as a man [S. 438]

1 Upon the arrival of the news of Azevedo's unsuccessful attack upon Downton, the King appointed D. João Coutinho, Conde de Redondo, to succeed him as Viceroy. The latter arrived at Goa towards the end of 1617, and, acting upon orders from home, arrested Azevedo and sent him to Lisbon, where he died in prison (Bocarro's Decada XIII, c. 186 ; Faria y Sousa's Asia Portuguesa, Stevens' translation, vol. iii. p. 274). Faria y Sousa says that the chief charge against him was his failure to fight the Dutch.

2 Cf. p. 248. In a letter to Agra, dated 8 Oct., 1616, Roe says that 'the Padre hath entreated and promised that if any injury bee offered, on the least woord of complaynt to them wee shall receive full satisfaction.' Not long before the date of the present letter, Corsi had taken the opportunity to render Roe a service, for the following entry appears in Roe's accounts under the date of 18 Nov., 1617 : 'Geven to the Padre, in recomponce of a smalle present geven mee and of a groat curtesie done mee in court, one foulding case with combes richly embrodored, cost, 5li., and the embrodred girdle and hangers with pearle sent me by the Company.' What the 'great curtesie' was, does not appear.

of peace, for the quiett of the seas and to avoyd effusion of blood. On our parts it was declared by His Majestic, on theirs no way but by the Jesuite ; and therefore, before the King would moove it to bee refused, it was demanded if the Jesuite would undertake the Kings desiers should upon reasonable tearmes take effect; which hee could not promise but by advise from Goa. Soe it rested ; only betweene us some speech upon what tearmes and how farr wee intended this treaty ; generall in the Indyes was improbable to effect; for a couple of shipps upon all this coast, it might bee granted. At first I stood upon no restraynt, to come as wee listed ; but after promised that when I saw power to treat I would agree unto conditions reasonable and honorable. Returne of these are not come, in the direct poynt ; but, the King beeing neare the sea, the Viceroy (which never before was done) sent an ambassador toward the court to congratulate in the name of the King of Spayne. He yet stayes at Baltasare,1 the confines of this territorie below Suratt. The Jesuitt mooved his admittance, and the King replied : if hee come with presents fitt for his master to send and mee to receive, he is wellcome : if not, I shall not acknowledge him for the person hee pretends nor give him honor. This answere was strange ; but, getting noe better, it was returned, and as yet wee know not whither hee will proceed or not. By him, as the Jesuite subtilly tells mee (for hee sayes hee cannot averr it for truth, having not received it authentically), is come some authoritie to enter into communication of peace, if the King motion it, and that it is one of his ends. I have answered : I can acknowledge no ambassador from a Viceroy to treat on equall tearmes, and that I must see power from Spayne. Att last, this is the truth : the Viceroy is woone by the inhabitants to consent to a treaty, but hath noe power to conclude it ; but, as his masters deputie generally, he hath authoritie to doe much at his discretion ; and if wee can agree upon fitt tearmes, to make a conditionall truce for three years, with reference to the confirmation of our masters in Europe ; and this is all wee can hope for. If hee come, wee may proceed ; if not, they shall not coosen mee ; I am wher I was. I have to Mr. Secretarie and some of the lordes againe mooved this poynt; but the effecting and full aggreation must come from Spayne. The Viceroycs will for their glorie hardly enforme their true estate ; but make the King beeleve they can woork woonders, untill they have lost India. If it were fully questioned at home whither they make this warr by expresse command or by a generall pretence of I know not what [S. 439] title to all the world, I thinck it would soone bring it to issue, at least to a declaration ; for I am perswaded the King of Spayne hath not given expresse commission for yt and will disavow yt. I um sure, were I in Spayne, I could make it evident to any cast Viceroy that perswades the warr, that hee abuseth his master and that pride only and folly began and continues it. In conclusion of this : I know how fitt a peace or truce were for yow. If I can, upon safe and honorable tearmes, effect it, I shall thinck it of good meritt toward yow. If it bee still war, the force of India will not wrong us (except from the Manillas), but putt yow to many inconveniences ; if greater strength prepared in Lisboa, yow must discover and provide accordingly. To enforce the Portugall to consent I have tried many wayes, and find the best by chastising their neighbowrs for their sakes ; but the roundest is, if the King wilbe insencible of his honor, to suffer his subjects to pay for leave to trade in his owne seaes (which he seemes not to care for),2 then must wee in the Red Sea force them alsoe to give us as much ; for the Portugall hath noe other right but as lords of the sea, which it is evident now he is not, and therfore the tribute due to us. Then eyther wee shall have: all the trade and the Portugall loose his contract (for the merchant will give over), or the Mogol wilbe enforced to see it is necessarie for him to bring us to accord, that both may give over that quarrell and leave the seas free for all. This I have often urdged, but they have pawnes and presume wee will not beginn. For my part, it should bee my first woorke, if I durst hazard your trade, which I suppose I could restore to perfection in six months. But, to minister occasion, I have pressed to your factors the employment of a ship to Mocha in company, though at first wee have no ease by the Guzeratts ; my reasons are at lardge in lettres. But their resolution I cannot gett, and will doe nothing alone. The feare of us already makes them requier my passe ; which though I have given to one ship (to satisfie her owner, whom I could not refuse, beeing in tearmes of peace), yet the demand shall give us title to more, if wee bee tyed to former inconvenience. [S. 440] The second way is by riding with our fleete at Goa the tyme wee spend at Suratt; which Captain Pring was willing to doe, but by the disaster of the James3 and absence of the Bee hee was both weakened and tyme lost.

1 Bulsār, a town 40 miles south of Surat, on the river Auranga. De Laet speaks of it as 'ad limitem Daman.' This embassy does not appear to be mentioned by the Portuguese historians.

2 The English had soveral times endeavoured to rouse the pride of the Mogul by pointing to the indignity put upon him by the claim of the Portuguese to control the navigation of his seas, 'as yf both yourselfe and your countreys were assubjocted to the crowne of Spaygne ' (Letter from James I, in First Letter Book, p. 349); but their efforts wore in vain. 'He is not sencible of the dishonor, giving reason : he conquered Guzuratt and keepos it in the same condition he found yt, and upon the same articles and contracts made by Bahud [Bahādur Shāh], kyng of Guzuratt, who made them with the Portugalls before this monarchy was, united ' (Notes by Roe in O.C., No. 611).

3 The leak already mentioned,

I well know what losse, hazard, and inconvenience yow runn by the stay of your fleetes. My last lettres to yow and many to your servants to prevent it will fully declare my prevision in yt; but, as yow will fynd, I had no power ; what I propounded was countermanded ; I might not meddle. But since yow have entrusted somwhat to mee, I dare promise yow to provide your ladings ready by October; and soe yow shall prevent the Portugall, who cannot bee fitt for an attempt two months after. It was never beleeved I could effect that done. Wittnes the returne from Agra, treble almost to former yeares, provided in a month, part by creditt (which I have kept, and therby entered yow into more), part by barter of 100 clothes that lay by the wall two years, as the motion did. The same course I will take in tyme to come, not to defer investments till our shipps arrivall and the indicoes swept away. Yow will fynd your returnes short of expectation, by reason that wee stayed for comoditie yet unmade ; but much shorter if Mr. Fettiplace had not ventured on my wayes. Aprill and March are the seasons to buy ; and the most of our provisions shalbe fitted in their due seasons. Your servants cannot deny this error. Want of stock is some excuse ; but it had beene as good to have dealt in creditt, to pay at the fleetes arrivall, as to send up that mony to invest after. Your remaynes of the ould stock are very great ; enough to relade the An. To transport it were great losse. I have urdged the use of her to Mocha for many ends, but principally to fetch off upon her owne account our proceed of yt. If the factors crosse mee not, I will fitt her loading by the arrivall of the next fleete ; and then, if yow wilbe before hand, goods only must bee landed and returnes forborne one yeare ; so, by the courses I will sett, yow shall for ever bee before, and if yow encrease by Jewells your stocke to make mony, may easely relade for 3 or 4000 fardles of indico, and cloth [i.e. calico] to any fitt proportion. Amadavaz will fynd yow lesse, by reason of the Dutch and the trade open to the Red Sea ; but, creditt mee, at Agra yow may every yeare have your whole partido.1 There is of ould store sufficient yet, and ther is made betweene that and Lahor at least 30000 fardles yearly, most wherof is carried away by land. All these my intents, my reasons and orders yow will find in severall lettres opened and discussed with your servants ; to which I refer yow. [S. 442]

1 Partita (Ital.), 'bargain,' investment.

The discontents, if I tooke any, were soonc disgested. This place provides mee dayly new to put out the ould. If I may in conclusion doe your busines, I doubt not yow will esteeme mee rightly. I never desiered to know any of your secretts in trade, but for your good. I am satisfied in your opinion of mee, and shall, I doubt not, fullfill part of yours of mee. A little experience will continue both. Mr. Bangham hath done yow better service then hee could with mee. Everie man seekes his owne preferment. I cannot blame him, if hee desired to bee in a course more to his creditt then my bookes or accounts, seeing hee saw I had so little creditt to prefer him. He hath done better, and I not amisse. I hope my reckonings will content yow. The consultation upon good reasons have dissolved his factorie, as of no profitt now the army is dissolved; upon which hee tooke occasion to bee earnest for his returne : soe earnest that I thought not fitt to denye him, though he was a very good servant and an honest man, and for such yow will receive him. I had some ground to suspect that yow doubted my providence and thrift ; but I found noe restraint in your servants toward mee, for I gave noe occasion. Now that yow have enlardged to mee in creditt, I shall not abuse it. As I begann, I will proccede ; and neither aske nor take more. My servants allowance hath pinched mee ; but seeing I have borne the burthen, I will not for one yeare shrinke. I must trust to yow at my returne ; therfore I will not wast your favours in petty matters. Only I am bould to take 24 yards red cloth for liveries ; which I will allow for price cost.

Privat trade hath gotten such head last yeare that I shall hardly suppresse it. Every man pleads it lawfull, and I gett ill will which in tymes past was a stranger to mee. What I have ordered, and how strictly, yow will find by coppyes sent ; but if yow beginn not at home, all men will presume. It is not the game of their trade hurtes you, but the inconveniences [that] follow. I have more distastes for them then all yours. They follow their owne busines, with neglect of yours and at your chardge. Under coulor of guarding your goods, every fleete sends his factors up to Amadavaz. This I must prevent for the future. A good example I will leave next yeare ; but if yow doe not second it at home, yow make mee beare the envy to noe purpose. The truth is yow should bee indifferent [i.e. impartial] to all. Last yeare the master of the Globe [i.e. Nathaniel Martin] can ryott. Hee laded 26 churles indico, a great quantetie of cloth, and other goods. Your fleete brought lead, teeth [i.e. ivory], quicksilver, and sould freely. Mittford by information invested for 8000 ma[hmudis] and passed it at your chardge, returning in your debt; used your purse at his owne pleasure. Waldoe was not behynd for his portion. These stick in all mens stomaeks : that I should bee now so [S. 442] strict to them, and such liberty tye to others. Yow write yow have mett with some goods ; they jest at yt. I offer some liberty, upon condition to marke it, with advise, and referr it to yow ; but all men avoyd the motion. Att my returne I shall see it done ; few will assist mee now, or obey it as an order.

What power yow gave to Captain Keeling was upon good knowledge of his abilitie and experience ; in which yow had no proofe of mee. I was desierous to know the proceedes of your busines for good affection toward it, not for ambition of authoritie or trouble, but to keepe my selfe in creditt to doe yow better service. Now that yow have entrusted the care to mee, yow will find I use it with modestye, and take not more upon mee then is fitt; nothing but with advise of your factors, which I instantly [i.e. pressingly] in all occasion require, and am as ready to yeild to reason as to propound it. This wilbe evident to yow by my course held with your factors, declared by my lettres, that I runn not single, nor diminish their creditt or power, and shall not use any of myne but when I see they neglect their dutie. Generally your servantes are in good order. Mr. Kerridge I have stayed ; but could not doe it but by continuance of his contract with Captain Keeling ; which I consented too by necessitie. Hee is quick, and will doe yow great service, and could not now bee spared. . . . Mr. Browne is well content with his first agreement; and for payment of your royalls,1 though all murmur att yt, I have ordered it according to your, desier.2 . . . Some other your servants have beene out of order. I am loath to undoe any. Some I have cleared yow off, whose disorder brought themselves in trouble and your goods in hazard ; and in generall I will have an eie to all. They shall not wrong yow ; if they will wrong themselves, I shall dismisse them and ease yow. If I any way transgresse, it wilbe in preferring one of myne, bred a merchant with Alderman Gore, that hath taken much paynes in writing, as by his hand will appeare.3 He is sufficient ; beene practised in Barberie ; and desiers your service [S. 443] as a reward. I will not exceed to him the lowest rate yow give 30li. (a third for mayntenance) ; but hope yow will give him encrease according to his meritt.

1 Rialls of eight. The Company had recently ordered that, in paying the factors the third of their wages which by agreement they were to receive in the East, the rial was to be reckoned at 5.s. instead of at 4a. 6d.

2 Roe goes on to discuss the expenses of the Ahmadābād factory, and an increase of wages granted to Fetiplace at Agra.

3 The reference is to Edward Heynes, Roe's secretary, whoso neat and legible hand is to be seen in most of those letters and in Add. MS. 6115. As intimated later, Roe sent him to Mokha in the Anne. Heynes afterwards served in several of the factories in India, and died as agent in Persia (August, 1632).

Persia hath now taken many of your supplies last yeare and this. Most of your ould servants are ready to returne. Every man claymeth your promise to stay here. Some wee must plant ; but such as may serve yow and not disfurnish other places.

Biddolph followes the court by reason of many debts ; which though I neither counselled nor consented to the making, yet I must approove the course, if the men had beene good. The abuse was in the brokars. But such a course I have taken that I hope to recover all or most. The most desperat I have secured ; some payd ; and shall cleare all the extortions of Suratt. Part of the mony is collected, and I have a firmaen for all. The course in this yow will fynd in ray lettres and journall. If the cloth had beene kept, it had perished, and in these remooves cost yow much chardge. It was sould soe deare that it payes the forbearance. The King promised mee to buy all this parcell ; but his officers protract, by reason of the trouble and toyle in carriadge (the King ever remooving), and would defer us for their ease untill a settling. A present must helpe it off. [Marginal note by Roe.—I gave the Master of the Wardrop a good present and he sent for cloth, but prised it so basely that I was forced to demand my guift agayne (it is the custome here) ; wherupon he anew offers to take our cloth. If it bee followed, it may bee done before remoove.1] That comodite wee cannot bring into request. The price exceeds ordinarie purses ; and your quanteties of stamells 2 will hardly passe, for they will give but one price. My hope is by bartar with mony to putt yow off a hundred yearly at Agra, besides the King, who with great men may take a hundred more of a better sort. But those for Agra must bee cloth of 10 and 12li.,3 because they will not sell above six rupias the cobd. And soe yow may a little encrease your principall there, though to noe great profitt. The coullors must bee of all, reed, greene, yellow, or popingey [i.e. parrot-green]. [S. 444] It is not in your sales that yow must stand upon price, soe yow may vent to rayse a stock. It is the great and quick returnes that must advance your gaynes ; part of which must arise by providence here in expence, in fitting the seasons both to buy and send downe.

1 It was not until 22 July, 1618, that the broadcloth was bought for the Emperor (see Biddulph's accounts in Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 25).

2 A woollen cloth (usually red), coarser and cheaper than the ordinary broadcloth. 'Stamet' is another form of the same word. Both terms were also used to denote the particular shade of red used ; hence there were ' stamet ' broadcloths of rather a high price.

3 Broadcloth was made up in lengths of about thirty yards, and the piece cost anything from 10 l. to 20 l. or more.

What hath beene done in Persia yow will fynd. The capitulations and Kings lettre sent. How I proceeded, and upon what reason, my lettres to your factors, instructions, and commission will give accompt; my opinion to the objections and answere to the instructions.1 All I can say is it is not now to bee given over, though begunn imperfectly. The King[s] honour, in whose name it was sett afoote ; yow have goods and your people engaged ; to the mayntenance of which I have thought fitt to lett the ship dessigned for the Red Sea touch there to bring off your silkes and maynteyne your creditt, to supplie them and keepe life in the busines untill by your better meanes and full tryall wee may proceed more roundly. What is past I will not aggravate, nor tread on the dead [i.e. Connock], whose vanetye and follies, wast, and irreligion I did too justly suspect. To the busines, your freedome and admittance is very faier ; the next consideration is how yow may securely use this trade by want of a port and compasse it without export of great quantities of monies ; for doubtles, if to bee done, it is the best trade of all India and will yeild yow most certeync profitt. For the safetye of your fleetes, I doubt the Sha will not fortefie for yow, except yow can satisfie his ends, to pass all his comoditic and to furnish him with silver. Ormus lies upon advantage. Yow must woorke your peace at home with them [i.e. the Portuguese], and then yow cannot trade in these parts upon ill conditions. Toward this I will exasperatt the Sha to my uttmost against them that would hinder free trade. To surprise or take their seate by force is not easely [S. 445] done. I confesse that were an end of the question ; but it will cost a great chardge, and such enterprises are uncerteyne ; and after it would engage yow into a warr. Therfore I can see no way sure but a composition in Spayne, which to my poore understanding His Majesties authoritie might effect. I knowe not by what pretence the King of Spayne can prohibitt yow trade in a free princes countrie to which he hath no pretence. If this were effected, yow need not insist upon a contract with the Sha, but, having lycence, trade for as much as yow could and by what inclines yow could. But the meanes to furnish this trade will not arise from England, neyther by our cloth nor any other comoditie. It is folly to deceive yow with hopes that will fayle. Of these some may yearly be vented by contract with the Shaw, and some tyme will sell well, quicksilver, and vermilion ; but not to compasse a tenth part of that by yow aymed at. By spices yow may well assist your selves ; they give as good profitt as in England within 30 per cent, as I am enformed China ware is in good request, and from India great profitt to bee made by sugars, cloth, Steele and other commodities, by all which yow may rayse a good part of whatsoever yow contract for, or, if yow trade at libertie, toward your provisions ; the rest must bee supplied in monie, to the furnishing wherof I must referr yow to your owne meanes. One considerable thing is the distast of the Grand Signior, who doubtlesse will seeke to hynder the passadge of the Persian commerce by sea, bee reaping as much by custome as the Sha by the prime comoditie. Mr. Steele is settled upon water woorkes, rather for his owne ends then any profitt to yow. I have proposed to him his helpe in Persia ; but hee hopes hee is settled, and letts all other projects fall. Assure yow I will doe my endeavor to settle yow in this trade, if I may doe it upon such grounds as I may have creditt by, and yow profitt. If your factors agree to the little supplie I now moove, with it I will send provision for omissions ; and, if your fleete come next yeare provided, will proceed roundly and effectually according to our advise. If wee see the danger and chardge unavoydeable and no meanes to enter into yt but by mony, and that we cannot vent ours and sowtherae goods to profitt and returne yow a fitt partido of silkes to beare your expence and hazard, then wee will tymely recall your servants and advise yow by land with expedition. If yow proccede in these two trades fully, yow must furnish both with spices, for all we can forecast will not rayse your stocke excepte only jewells, if yow can fitt them to profitt. In these poynts of the peace and other that may help yow, I have beene lardgc alsoe to Mr. Secreatarie Wynwood [not extant], and playne according to my understanding.

1 The Bee had returned from Jask [جاسک] in the middle of January, bringing news of concessions obtained from the Shall by Connock and of the death of the latter. The concessions, however, did not cover all the points stipulated for in the Company's recent orders ; and therefore Roe drafted a fresh set of instructions to Barker (Connock's successor) and Monnox to negotiate further with the Shāh. This document (O. C., No. 608) was printed in the first edition of the present work (p. 402). Roe had intended that the Anne should leave the instructions at Jask on her way to Mokha [Mocha / المخا ], but this was found to be impracticable ; and so they wore sent to Kerridge for transmission overland 'by way of Sind.' Later in the year, on the arrival of Bonner's fleet at Surat, the Expedition was sent to Jask, whore she arrived on Nov. 22. She returned to Surat in January, 1619, with about seventy bales of silk, in time for Roe to take them home in the Anne as the first-fruits of the Persian trade.

Of Mr. Steeles other projects yow will find the general opinion [S. 446] in your servants lettres and other discourses ; for that of lead, which hee only followes, the King hath taken the woorkmen at dayes wages, but I see no hope (nor end of his) to vent your lead. Yow must beare the hazard for giving soe easy creditt. I must bee playne. He came hither expecting to command us all, ever mentioning his desarts and creditt with yow ; but I have a little humbled him. The great wages yow gave him made all your factors eager to return ; who say they travell heare, and a light-braynd man that goes home and fills your ears with fables shall returne in better estate then they for paynfull service. Yow most pardon mee for my directnes. He neither can nor intended to performe any of his great braggs. I can gett noe reason of him for any one [and ?] was enforced to lett him trie which hee would. For that of freight into the Red Sea, wee have all experience nothing wilbe given, nor shipt in ours if wee would aske nothing ;1 if we once compell them, they will know us. To that end I desire one of your shipps employed in companie ; the;, shall make better conditions with them when they are abroad with them and in perill then wee can heare ashore wher they are safe ; and this way I advise to proceede. To bring goods by the river of Indus to Lahor is an ould project but very hard to bee effected when we must wring it from the Portugal, who makes some profitt, but not the tenth mentioned by Steele. If wee trade into Persia wee may effect yt, and it may ease chardge ; but to hope of profitt by the conduct [i.e. convoying] alone is absurd. The trade is not soe great as to find your men rise [rice] ; and yet if it must bee done by strength, they will feare to adventure with yow. Ther is nothing but a peace can settle all these. Ther is noe settled trade betweene Lahor and Syndu woorth the mentioning; only a few Banians that shipp in frigots for Ormus ; whom it is hard to perswade to changee their customes, the woorst wherof they know. It is true ther passe yearly 20000 camells by Lahor from Agra and other parts with spices, indigoes, sugars and goods for Persia; but the most of these bring goods on camells and sell and invest for returne, and will not bee drawen to the sea, except it were open and secure. I am perswaded, if yow had the trade of Persia free and the Portugall frends, many would take that way ;2 but this is a woorke of tyme ; what may bee done in yt, shall not bee omitted. [S. 447]

1 'For the waftinge of the Guzeratt shipps to Moha or other places,' wrote Fetiplace and Hughes sarcastically to the Company (O.C., No. 581), 'wo thinke they put soe much confidence in our nation as that they had rather goe alone.'

2 This expectation was realised. When tho English were settled at Gombroon [Bandar-e ‘Abbās بندر عباس] their vessels wore freely used by native traders between that port and Surat.

Mr. Steele will, I hope, fall into consideration. I daylie presse him ; but he would bee delivered of mee. I urdgd him to agree for a woorke by great, that yow might have some returne of your chardge ; but he is yet only in Woords. Hee will not once name the renting of his woorke, it beeing soe absurd. Noe cast here will drinck of the water, but fetchd by his owne cast ; or, if they would, the profitt should not bee allowed you.1 The King is desierous of all new arts, will entertayne the artificers, and soone learne their sckill and cast them off. However, I will provide hee shall not spend yow more then hee shall earne. His wife I have bound to Mrs. Towerson at her sute. [Marginal note by Roe: But he hath fetchd her away and keepes house perforce. I have mad a protest agaynst him ; but I feare he cares not.] I was resolved to send her home ; but shee hath one child sucking and (as they say) forward of a nother ; it were unfitt to send her home alone among men. If her husband bad returned, it had beene more convenient; yet hee would have tould yow hee would have performed all. Now hee is kept to triall ; and I beleeve by the next yow may expect him, rich in children and not unprovided of other meanes, for hee brought in goods and Jewells above 400 li., and tooke of Mochreb-Chan 5000 rup[ias] impresse upon them, in hope of more, without my knowledge. Thus hee presumes he may trade freely : that his creditt is greater with yow then such trifles. Or, if hee had not stock, hee layed his owne plott well ; for hee brought a paynter, stole him aboord at the Downes, [who] is bound to him for seven years (a very good woorkeman both in lymming and oyle) to devide profitts ; him hee preferred to the King in his owne trade, pretended to mee for an engineer in water woorkes. His smith makes clocks ; of all hee shares the moyetie. I required to bynd them to yow by covenant, which hee could not refuse ; [S. 448] but his paynter would not, and when I offer to send him home, I dare not for the Kings displeasure, to whom Steele by his toong to my face may wrong mee, and hath already practised it.2 But I shall defend myselfe and yow, if God blesse mee.

1 Steel's projects are farther criticised in a separate paper of about this date in the I.O. Records (O.C., No. 611 ; see English Factories, 1618-21, p. 12). Roe, in explaining to the court after his return the absurdity of the waterworks scheme, pointed out that 'first, the River Gemini [Jumna] was unfit to set a myll uppon, raging with vyolence of waters three months together, overflowing his bounds a mylo from his banks, so that it appered impossible to settle such a worke either at the highest or lowest tymo therof, when he fulls within his banks againe. Secondly, the Banians in Agra (who are the greatest part of the inhabitants) will not touch nor meddle with any water that is brought or handled by any other then themselves. Thirdly, the King and nobilitie have as exellent and artificiall waterworks of their owne as can be desired. And, lastlye, lead may be had at Agra better cheapo then can be brought uppon camells from Surat' (Court Minutes, 10 November, 1619).

2 Steel was able to speak Persian, and had been used by Roe as an interpreter, an opportunity of which he did not fail to take advantage (see p. 455).

Captain Towerson and his wife find could reception here. Her trends are poore and mean and weary of them. Hee came with hopes of great diamonds, and they looke for guifts of him. I am sorie for him and his little vanetie. I have used my best advice to perswade his returne. He sees his owne abuse, and yet hath not power to recall yt. Hee thought to bee esteemed here a great man ; God send him to returne as hee came ; which, if I would consent, hee might in estate better, for his purpose was, it seemes, to invest here in indicoes for about 1000 li. ; pretends your licence, and his meritt to bee such as yow will deny him nothing. I shall gett an ill name by refusing such easye requests. I woonder why yow should grant him this favour and bynd all our hands : and yow could not but foresee his ends was trade, or, if he say true, yow allow yt. Yow may assure yourselves it makes all your servants grudge ; and till I see under writing it was your pleasure I will not bee overcome with pretended desarts that I know not. Mrs. Hudson claymes the like for her proportion, about 120 li. I am the same to man and woeman. Lastly, when they sawe my resolution, they intended to the sowthward and soe make live returnes for one. But I understood your prohibition to be general! ; I knowe what injurie that course would doe yow, and have alsoe denyed yt. Now bee is resolved to stay, perhaps till I am gone, to find an easier man. Hee may be deceived. I offered him to returne this yeare and, to ease us of his weomen, liberty to invest his stock in cloth and other goods, indico excepted, provided to bee consigned to yow; but hee hath better hopes, and I assure yow I feare hee will spend most of his stock and ease mee of refusing him unreasonable demands. My suffering such adventurers yow putt mee to much inconvenience, discontent your servants, and hazard more then yow consider; everie man is for himselfe, and I the common enemie. He hath many ends never to yow propounded ; but bee assured I will looke to him. Yow neede not doubt any displeasure bee can rayse yow by her kindred, nor hope of any assistance. They fence one upon a no!her and are both weary. The mony mentioned of Captain Hawkings is fallen by misenformation from 2000 rup[ias] to 200 ; not woorth recalling, ells I had beee dooing before your dischardge came.

What I have employed for yow of myne, I will account when [S. 449] I come home, and not aske mony out of your stock. I desier every way to lett yow know I ayme at creditt, not at mony.

The presents yow sent are in their kynds some good, others ordinarie. Noe man can tell what to advise for ; they change every yeare their fancy. It is all come to hand with some trouble, as my journall will enforme ; part given, part putt to good profitt, sould and to sell ; part to putt off your heavy goods. But if yow expect that I make good my woord upon these, that they shall give five, ten, etc. for one profitt, yow will find I was deceived in part, and yow in understanding mee soe. It is not to bee expected upon woorke or things they can judge off ; but a new raretie or curiositie never seene here and of smalle price in Europe, such as I have seene sould soe, as a glasse to showe many coulors, and Venetian toyes. But now your shipps have made all things common ; knives bought at 10 rup[ias] offered for 6 mamoodies ; and yearly ther comes as many toyes of all kyndes as yours, which sould in hast by marriners or others bound to the sowthward hath made all cheape and common. They imitate every thing wee bring, and embroder now as well as wee. What my opinion changeth too for goods and presents is in a paper severall ; but noe man can advise certeynly except upon jewells. These people will covett any thing ; when they see it, disgrace it, and not come to halfe the price. Yet yow shall finde sould of these many at two for one, some at 50 per cent, some at three and four, and halfe shalbe putt to profitt. Many things alsoe, as gloves, will give nothing nor bee accepted as guflt, but as patterns to picke out woorke.

The tokens yow sent mee I receive most gratfully ; but all beeing not for my use, I take only two feathers and one hatt and band, a swoord and hangers, and lace for bands. The rest yet lye by mee, that may serve your turne ; if not, I will weare them for your sake, or sell them and put to your account. Your love to mee is sufficient present. I dare not perswade yow to send any quantdie of such ware as these ; the kinds in its owne place I have mentioned. Ammell [i.e. enamel] is fallen in price, yet it will give good profitt; but it must bee good. Ther is noe salle till the court bee settled. About this quantetie yearly will passe at most, for the Portugall now overlayes it.

I was fully resolved to returne by this fleete, as yow may perceive by many passadges ; but your earnest desier prevayles above myne owne occasions. Sir Thomas Smyth bad power to send mee out, and hath lost noe part of his interest in mee I doubt not His Majesties lettre too mee was procured by yow, wherin I find bis gratious acceptation above my meritt, which bindeth mece to endeavour above my abilitie. I must acknowledge the favour yow did mee in relations to His Majestie [S. 450] That is the reward I labor for and expect; and yow shall finde I will not fayle yow in my uttmost endeavours. When my experience was raw I wrote yow many things by report, and I am not ashamed to recant; but the end shall judge of mee and of my endes. The next yeare I shall take your offer to returne in one of your shipps and to command her. If wee agree not here, I shalbe busie with her ; but will not doe it but for that end which no fayre way can procure. Ther was never fayerer woordes and lesse fayth among the Cretans then in these people.

What the valew of pearle and other pedreria [i.e. jewels (Sp.)] is I have specified in a tariff here inclosed. Those yow sent, except the great, of which I have given reason, are yet unsould and will never give the mony yow rate; them att;1 yow must either buy cheaper or invoyce your goods right, that your servants may know what to doe. I know these are over valewed. But to the poynt. At the rates by mee given, if they hould weight and bewtie, I give yow assurance yow may sell for 50000 li. yearly ready mony, and for as much more in any sort of stones by mee specifyed ;2 and this way only rayse a stock, and your free recourse bee desiered by the King and Prince and great men ; and if they are pleased, the crie off a million of subjects would not bee heard.

1 These pearls, after their first rejection by Āsaf Khān, were offered to Mukarrab Khān, but were 'disgraced in the Kings presence by Assuff Can, as being his refuzalls ' (The English Factories, 1618-21, p. 9) ; whereupon, it would seem, they were returned. Most of them were finally sold in June, 1618, to Āsaf Khān for Rs. 8,092, 'haveinge beene offerwd to many and none wold give soe muche for them togeathor.' As they had cost 1521 l. 17 s., thero was a considerable loss on the transaction (Biddulph's accounts in Factory Records, Miscellaneous, vol. 25).

2 The Portuguese relied largely on jewels for their trade with Hindustan : ' We never heard of any other commodity the Portingalls doo bringe to Goa then jewells, ready mony and some few other provisions of wine and the lyke, except the marfeel [ivory], gold and amber which they bringe from Mozambique. Those factors which come from Goa to the court, Agra, and Brampore bringe nothinge but jewells, which they retorne imployed in indico, both of Biana and Cirkois [Sarkhej], semanaes, carpetts and the lyke' (Tho Agra factors to the Company, 20 Dec, 1617 ; O.C., No. 581, printed in Letters Received, vol. vi. p. 241).

The rates and prises of your pearles could not bee kept secrett by mee. Before I heard of them, the newes was in Brampoore and Amadavaz ; and Mr. Steele published an invoyce, the great pearlc at 1000 li.

My opinion of cloth yow find in many places. Kersies are [S. 451] more uncerteyne sale. Some are of opinion white Devonshires would sell, as beeing a light and fine cloth. I dare not advise in any thing upon hopes of these people, except such as I see ordinarie vent or use. Lead you have furnished for five years. Tynn is good ware in Persia, and fynds but easy marketts here. Teeth will yearly sell to a small quantetie ; by reprisall and specie from England I suppose here is enough for three years. Corall will give yow reasonable profitt, and not lie upon your hands, except the merchant of Suratt prohibitt your sale ; which hee endeavoreth, but I have answered : if wee cannot sell, hee shall not bring in. This is your surest comoditie. Spices sell to good profitt. I have advised to Suratt for the marchants price, as the Dutch hath sould. I knowe in the shopp it is almost as deare as in London. I wish wee had yearly 100 tunns pepper, 40 of cloves, 20 of mace, and 20 of nutmegs. Cinamon is cheape, and makes noe profitt. In these particulars I am not well read. I have this yeare beene in the woods. By my returne I will bring yow an exact survey of all the trafiques of India, and bee by yow to answare any misinformation. Ther is no complaynt by the Mogolls subjects that wee buy not their comoditie, but contrarie, that wee buy so much that their owne merchants want for the Red Sea. I knowe it true. Wee have raysd the price of all wee deale in, and now wee feare the Dutch will make it woorse.

I have runn over your lettre, and to my understanding answered all the parts of yt. Wher I err, yow must consider I cannot see all; wher I am playne, that I wish all well, and yow will excuse mee. My conclusion is : I will have reguard to your mayne busines, both in Persia and in India. I will give yow a good account of your trust, and by altering the courses lett yow see a change that shall ease and profitt yow.

I have only two poynts to touch. That these seas beginn to bee full of rovers, for whose faults wee may bee engaged. Sir Robert Rich and one Phillope Barnardoe sett out two shipps to take piratts, which is growne a common pretence of beeing piratts. They missed their entrance into the Red Sea (which was their dessigne), and came for India, gave chase to the Queene Mothers juncke, and, but that God sent in our fleets, had taken and rifled her. If they had prospered in their ends, either at Mocha or here, your goods and our persons had answered it. I ordered the scisure of the shipps, prises, and goods, and converted them to your use ; and must now tell yow, if yow bee not round in some course with these men, yow will have the seas full and your trade in India is utterly lost and our lives exposed to pledge in the hands of Moores. I am loath to lie in irons for any mans faults but myne owne. I love Sir [S. 452] Robert Rich well,1 and yow may bee pleased to doe him any courtesie in restitution, because hee was abused ; but I must say, if yow give way, yow give encouradgement. I had rather make him any present in love then restore any thing in right. For Barnardo, I doubt not yow wilbe sencible of his plott, and call him into question. hee getts the Duke of Savoyes commission, but the faces are all English. Jhons, the captain of the Lyon, was a projector. The Mootams2 enveigled Sir Robert Rich and after mutined, tore his commission, disarmed his captain, and are breefly villaynes woorthey to feede in the Marshalsy one yeare. Such an example would deter others ; els yow give them both title and hart. The captaine of the Francis, Mr. Newse, sett out by Sir Robert Rich, I will commend to your favour as an honest discreet gentleman, who neaver consented to your injurie, but was forced by his disordered gyng [i.e. crew] ; the rest I leave yow to dealt; with as in your judgement yow shall find requisite. But if yow suffer rovers in these seas, ther must bee noe traders. It is hard to proove to these people the difference of merchants and piratts, if all of a nation ; or, if yow could proove it, I am unwilling to lye for a pawne untill certificatt came out of Europe.

1 Rich afterwards married Roe's cousin, Susanna, widow of Alderman William Halliday.

2 James Mootham was master of the Francis; John, possibly a master's mate. The latter was taken by Pring into his fleet in that capacity, and died some thirteen months later ; James, probably as the more guilty of the two, was sent homo a prisoner in the Bull, together with Newse and Jones. Bangham recommended him to the Company for employment, but apparently without success, and the last, heard of him is that in 1620 the Company procured a warrant against both him and Jones for hiring away divers men from the London to serve the King of Denmark in the East Indies.

The second is the Dutch. They wrong yow in all parts and grow to insufferable insolencies. If wee fall foule here, the common enemie will laugh and reape the fruict of our contention. There must a course bee taken at home, which, by His Majesties displeasure signified, were not difficult, if he knew how they traduce his name and royall authoritie, robb in English coulors to scandall his subjects,1 and use us woorse then any brave enemie would, or any other but unthanckfull drunckards that wee have releeved from cheese and cabbage, or rather from a chayne with bread and water. Yow must speedelye looke to this maggat ; els wee talkc of the Portugal!, but these will eate a woorme in your sides. I neede not counsell [S. 453] yow which way ; only advise yow never to joyne stock to profitt and losse, for their garrisons, chardges, losses by negligence will engage yow to beare part of their follyes for no profitt. But your accord must bee by a stint at those parts common to yow both, and agreement to what ports yow may resort without offence one to the other. If they keepe yow out of the Moluccoes by force, I would beat them from Suratt to requite it. In both these I have beene lardge to Mr. Secretary and some of the lords, that they may have feeling of the injuries and bee assistant to yow.

1 Cf. p. 370. This was generally believed by the English factors in the East; cf. Cocks's Diary, vol. i. p. 200, vol. ii. p. 41, and Letters Received, vol. ii. p. 199.

This second February arrived with mee the footmen sent from Spahan by Edward Connaught with lettres of eight months date, directed to Mr. Kerridge and to noe other.1 I opened them. In gencrall I fynd no more then the coppies that came by the Bee, ; some particulars [i.e. private letters] by which I discover more of their triumvirat faction2 and privatt plotts then matter of busines. In one I find a new character [i.e. cipher], which giveth mee some suspition ; but I will understand it before I accuse. In others I and yow will find that there was a resolution taken to conceale all the proceedures in Persia from mee ; and the better to enter creditt with yow, the lettres I sent the King of Persia in February 1615 and January 1616 [see pp. 109 and 334], with divers advises to yow, both reasons and objections, the full declaration of our entents in pursuing this trade, all directed for deliverie or conveyance to William Robbynns, Connaught gott into his power, opened, and suppressed them ; and, not supposing I sent coppies other waves, out of myne makes his use and writes yow these lettres of his propositions to the King. Yow may compare them poynt to poynt, the phrase not altered. Reading them I knew myne owne, and, though not woorth the challendging, yet yow may see how these new ambassadors and agents packd [i.e. conspired] against mee. All coppies fitt for yow, which I doubted others would conceale, I send yow ; all which might informe, or did concerne, the factoreis I dispecded the same night, that no pretence of delay might hynder my present desiers for a little supply thither ; wher if a trade may bee settled with securitie and compassed with your fitt meanes, I shalbe gladder then all they who would have kept mee in ignorance. I can spare them the creditt of yt that want yt ; and my manner of prosecution shall give both account of my affection to yt and your good, and of my judgement in the possibilitie and profitt.

1 Probably the letters of 15 and 10 May, 1617, which form O.C., Nos. 480-481.

2 Barker, reviling Connock, and Pley blaming Barker.

Since the finishing of the former intent of supply for Persia, [S. 454] I received full answere from the shipps that It was impossible to bee performed untill the next change of monzone, and hereby wee are enforced to leave it in imperfection. By your next fleete I doubt not wee shall understand the resolution of our hopes and bee furnished to releeve the wants, and either to settle it or recall it. In the interim I will send to your factors such direction as is requisite, and to the Sha excuse of our fayling : that yet wee know not nor were agreed upon the quanteties of goods nor prises on both parts. I received to day newes from Ormus of a revolt of all the Mahometans subject to the Portugalls for the stealing an Alcaron [i.e. a Koran] out of their moschee ; which the Sha takes alsoe for a breach of peace, it beeing one of the articles that the Moores should not bee offended nor injured in poynt of their religion. Yf it bee not suddenly appeased, it may occasion the Sha to lake the fort into his hands ; which by a little help might bee effected, and for him easy by our assistance ; without joyning, very difficult for either of us.

The new pretended Spanish ambassador is refused audience, beeing come as far as Cambaya, within two dayes of court ; principally because his presents were not of great valew. But the King, shaming to insist upon soe base a reason, used for a full deniall a later pretence, that hee was no right embassador ; having of mee demanded by Asaph-Chan if I would avow him for one, to which I replyed if I saw his masters lettres I was bound ; if not, I should not acknowledge him but as a messinger. The King demanded of the Jesuite if he had lettres, who replying truth : none from Spayne, and, to avoyd the affront, professed alsoe that hee came but from Damon, a citty of the Portugalls, but soe suddenly as the new Vizeroy could neither prepare a fitt present nor lettres : that his comming was to congratulate in the Vizeroy and cytties name his approach into these parts ; at which hee had his full dismission, but with good tearmes : that if hee came to see him, hee should bee wellcome ; but if the Vizeroy would send him or any other with presents and authoritie in the name of the King of Portugall, hee would receive him with honor. The Jesuite is somwhat troubled ; and the embassador, who came on in great braverie, takes himselfe scorned. They pretend to mee that a nother shall returne with ampler lettres and full power to treat with mee ; which Asaph-Chan from the King gave in chardge. For my part, I am not sorry for any distast begunn, and thinck not that the Portugall will stoope so farr as to send a nother nor presents upon such a demand and affront; neyther that if any come that hee shall bring authoritie to make yow a secure peace. The issue I attend.

Mr. Steele hath now fully delivered himselfe and his woorke-men into the Kings power, and them into his pay ; hath had [S. 455] speech of the like for himselfe ; and it is all our opinion hee will upon that sett up his rest. In woords he protesteth not; but hee hath gotten his wife up with Mrs. Towerson, as her servant, and vowed to mee shee should live in her house, to which end I tooke a covenant from them. But the first day hee brake it, carried her to a house of his owne, where hee lives with coach, palinke, seven horses, and ten servants ; and, beeing stayed in my house as prisoner, to search into his entents, he confessed hee said any thing formerly and consented to the covenants to deceive mee and to gett his wife into his owne power. The excuse of all is affection. [Marginal note by Roe.—Now he followes the court with as great expence as I and as many servants.] Send them home by force I cannot, or is now too late, untill the King bee satisfied in his expectation of great promises from Richard Steele. Neyther will hee proceed upon the woorke of Agra (which was my condition), but follow the leskar to make picturs, clocks, coaches and such devices, by which hee hopes to creepe into great preferments. I assure yow I write of his courses very modestly. Wee are not yet wise enough to see any hopes nor any entents of his to effect a woork out of which yow may make any advantage. He hath professed the woorkemen are his servants : that he spent 500 li. to bring them for the King. They have not language to denye it, nor will to follow him ; but now they are engaged, having received horses and mony ; and when I moove their true employment, it is replyed they are in the Kings pay, and must obey his pleasures, they and their guide. [Marginal note by Roe.—When he was my toong to the Kyng he would deliver his owne tales and not a woord what I commanded.] The next difference is that hee will alsoe carry up his woman ; which I refuse, requiring her stay with her mistris, according to yours and my intent. If hee consent, I shall give him some employment and allowance from yow ; if not, that hee will runne in all contrarie, then hee gives mee such assurance of that all men suspect, that I shall neither trust him with your goods nor pay him any wages untill I have meanes to send him home; which will soone bee, if hee continew his expence and attend the bounties of this King. You see I desier noe weomens company, but labour to leave such incumberances behynd; Beleeve mee the scandall already is not easely wyped off. Your securitie shalbe, at the woorst yow shall loose no more by him ; I will looke to your estate.

William Hempsale, the Kings coachman, is dead. I send yow the coppy [of] his will. A hundred Jangier rupias hee disposed to his mother or brothers, to be delivered to mee. I have given it to cash,1 received bills of exchange, and desier [S. 456] yow to enquire of his trends, that they may receive what is their due, and I discharged. It is mony for mony 12 li. 18s. 4d. If yow among them ad any liberalitie, in reguard it was not converted to profitt, they will pray for yow. Hee served the Bishop of Chichester [sic], Doctor Overall. Except in his house, I know not where to enquire after him.

1 On 13 Jan., 1618 (see Biddulph's accounts, f. II).

If Mr. Young returne, I wilbe a mediator for him, and will deliver truth. No man hath taken more paynes, lived more frugally and fayerly ; and I am confident hath passed his service honestly. Yf hee errd in Mr. Edwardes yeare, consider that a superior may easely prevayle, that promiseth protection. Least by mistakings of my entents any error should bee committed in my project of the Red Sea, I have sent my servant Edward Haynes as one of the merchantes, because he hath transcribed all my discourses in that busines and should bee perfect in yt. This I hope yow will allow, and shalbe his probation. I have taken bond of him to your use of faythfull service. Mr. Wallys I am forced to send home (his body is unperfect) ; and some others for disorders. I am in this very sparing to undoe any ; but if all bee suffered, most wilbe undone by example.

The King is anew gone into the woods, toward Mando as reported, but wee are not certeyne. I am entering into the miserie and chardge of following. What conclusion I shall have I cannot presage. Hee is good to mee ; his sonne latly better, who is absolute King. Hee hath granted mee a few priviledges, and reconfirmed our trade and liberties at Suratt, but will heare of noe more ports ; his firmaen also for recoverie of customes taken on the way and for your goods and servants at Brampoore that were seized by the justice. He hath ordered all your debts in cerkar,1 and promised execution of the Kings sentence against other our debtors ; which if wee could settle, in a month I should doubtlesse finish I was not consenting to the making, yet will not leave them alone that did mee. I am soe weary of the wayes of this court, which are governed by no rule, that I must open to yow my full resolution. If this Norose I can finish my desiers of universal] priviledges that shalbe of power in all parts of his dominion, and recover our debts, I shall desier to retyre and rest mee untill the arrivall of your fleete ; for the next raynes, if I lye in the feilds or in an open house, will finish my travells. If not, I will take my leave, and bee ready at Suratt to meete with the ship I expect from the Red Sea, who shall both pay mee all that is due and [S. 457]

1 Sarkar, a word used in several diverse senses, but having here, as in many other cases, the meaning almost of our 'privy purse.' What is implied is that the Prince had ordered the immediate payment of all sums due for goods taken for his or the King's use.

2 The wand or rod carried by Hermes as the messenger of the gods.

If I have erred in my judgment yow will easely fynd one man cannot see all. My affection to doe yow right and honest service shall excuse many escapes. But in general I desier yow to preserve in your opinion this thought of mee : that whatsoever I conceive good for yow I will practice : neither feare nor paynes shall divert mee : and that when I shall be present to give yow reason of any thing I have written, noe man shalbe soe impudent as to contradict it : and for my life, it will not bee ashamed of any search and enquirie. The issue of all yours and our endeavors I commit! to Gods blessing, who is able to make rich and poore, and to convert the successes of all to His glorie.
Your honest frend to doe yow service, Tho. Roe.

Zu: 11. Zum Beispiel: Briefwechsel zwischen King James und Großmogul Jahāngīr (نور الدین جهانگیر)