Chronik Thailands



Alois Payer

Chronik 1898 (Rama V.)

Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 1898 (Rama V.). -- Fassung vom 2017-01-24. -- URL:   

Erstmals publiziert: 2013-10-05

Überarbeitungen: 2017-01-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-12-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-12-03 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-02-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-11-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-10-10 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-07-11 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-06-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-05-01 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-04-16 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-03-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-03-16 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-02-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-12-13 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-12-02 [Ergänzungen] ;  2014-09-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-08-11 [Ergänzungen] ;  2014-03-08 [Ergänzungen] ;  2014-02-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-01-13 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-11-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-11-07 [Ergänzungen]

©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Herausgebers.

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Thailand von Tüpfli's Global Village Library



Gewidmet meiner lieben Frau

Margarete Payer

die seit unserem ersten Besuch in Thailand 1974 mit mir die Liebe zu den und die Sorge um die Bewohner Thailands teilt.


Vorsicht bei den Statistikdiagrammen!

Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind:

Morgenstern, Oskar <1902 - 1977>: On the accuracy of economic observations. -- 2. ed. -- Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. -- 322 S. ; 20 cm.

Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.


1898 undatiert

1898 - 1902

Sultan Abdul Kadir Kamaruddin Syah (Phraya Pattani V)  ist Sultan (‏سلطان‎) von Patani (ڤتاني)

Abb.: Sultan Abdul Kadir Kamaruddin Syah (Phraya Pattani V)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Lage des Sultanats von Patani (كراجأن ڤتاني)
[Bildquelle: Xufanc / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]]


Phra Chao Suriyapong Paritdech (พระเจ้าสุริยพงษ์ผริตเดช - เจ้าสุริยะ ณ น่าน, 1832 - 1918), Herrscher von Nan  (น่าน), 1898

Abb.: Lage von Nan (น่าน)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]



Abb.: Amphoe Hang Dong (หางดง), 1898

Abb.: Lage der Amphoe Hang Dong (หางดง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Birmanische Musiker, Mae Sariang (แม่สะเรียง), 1898

Abb.: Tänzerinnen, Mae Sariang (แม่สะเรียง), 1898

Abb.: Lage von Mae Sariang (แม่สะเรียง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Schaukelfest (พิธีตรียัมปวาย  / โล้ชิงช้า), Sao Ching Cha (เสาชิงช้า), Bangkok, 1898


Provincial Administration Act



Six years after the great reorganization of 1892, the initial phase in the development of a new system of domestic government ended with a basic statute defining the structure and responsibilities of the elements of the tesapiban [เทศาภิบาล] system, supplemented by an appropriate set of rules and regulations. Twelve monthons [มณฑล] were in existence by 1898.

In the 1898 enactment, the position of the provincial governor in this new system was regularized. With the creation of the monthons, the governors were no longer the lords of their territories. The salaried governor was also flanked by two provincial boards whose purpose was to advise and assist him in the conduct of his duties, and by implication to cause him to function as a responsible governmental official rather than a semiautonomous ruler.

One board consisted of three senior (sanyabat) [สัญญาบัตร] and five junior provincial officials: the deputy governor, public prosecutor, and finance officer, and the provincial clerk, registrar, assistant prosecutor, assistant finance officer, and the governor’s secretary. Given the emphatically hierarchical character of Thai society, this board had little significance as an entity, though its statutory establishment indicated that the governor was to engage in a certain amount of consultation among his officials in the administration of his province.

The other board (krommakan nok tamnieb), [กรมการนอกทำเนียบ] appointed by the Minister of Interior on advice of the governor and the monthon commissioner, consisted of wealthy and influential residents of the province; they received honorific titles but no pay for their service. The aim of this arrangement was to increase and systematize communications between the government and wealthy leaders in the community, and to advise the governors "concerning the ways in which the livelihood of the provincial people could be improved. " These provincial consultative boards, a new departure in Thai public administration, reflected the fact that during the latter half of the nineteenth century the economy of the provinces had developed. Provincial centers contained important economic elites engaged in trade, fishing, forestry, commerce, agriculture, or mining, who were in a recognized position to contribute to the pursuit of the governmental goals of King Chulalongkorn and Prince Damrong [ดำรงราชานุภาพ, 1862 -1943].

These special boards, consisting of ten eligible persons appointed for three-year terms, were required to meet twice a year to consider the provincial annual report before it was sent to the monthon. Other meetings were called at the discretion of the governor, but board members were authorized to initiate and submit to the governor for consideration "any measure to be taken which would foster the earning of livings. " The board members also participated in an annual monthon meeting to consider the economic affairs of the provinces of the monthon.

Members of the board might be given the simulated rank of either noncommissioned or commissioned officials, and half of each board appears to have consisted of members who were granted permanent rank or title.

These advisory "citizen" boards were abolished by the Provincial Administration Act of 1922, but for two decades some of them appear to have made a contribution to the evolution of the new governmental system. Phraya Rachsena [พระยา ราชเสนา] observed that "the special officials were of great benefit.... Their positions were not obtained by flattery. They were positions of prestige and honor. The officials were induced into service not by any monetary remuneration but rather by dignity and prestige. "

It would be unwise to attach too much importance to the existence of these boards. They must have functioned in varying fashion as devices for communication and co-operation. But, in some cases, they formed a link between government and economically powerful leaders of individual communities, most of whom were Chinese. Their very existence amounted to a recognition of the importance of these groups, and implied, too, that they were more than mere subjects of an authoritarian regime. The boards represented an attempt at cooptation; they afforded the most meaningful rewards of the Thai system—official status and the prestige that went with it—to cooperative members of a blossoming provincial economic elite. The boards, established on the basis of pragmatic concerns rather than anything more, may have helped inspire the ideologically motivated provincial boards created in 1933 as an intended step toward the democratization of provincial government.

Under the tesapiban system the governor was no longer the chief judge of the province. He no longer possessed power to remove provincial officials of commissioned rank. While he continued to be formally subject to royal appointment and removal, his office was no longer quasi-hereditary. From chao muang (lord of the place) the governor had been reduced to pu warajakarn changwad  [ผู้ว่าราชการ] (man in charge of the province for the king). And the change was symbolic of the basic modification which was under way in Thailand.

By the end of the nineteenth century—specifically, by 1898—the main outlines of the new Ministry of Interior had been drawn, and a new pattern of domestic government was in the making. The achievement, incomplete as it was, was stupendous. Meanwhile, significant changes occurred in the administration of justice and in tax collection —changes which were inseparably linked with the reconstruction of the Ministry of Interior."

[Quelle: Siffin, William J. <1922 - 1993>: The Thai bureaucracy: institutional change and development. -- Honolulu : East-West Center, 1966. -- 291 S. ; 24 cm. -- S. 73ff. -- Fair use]


Abschaffung der richterlichen Beweisfindung durch Ordale.

1898 - 1900

Vajirañāṇavarorasa [วชิรญาณวโรรส, 1880 - 1921] schickt 14 Mönche zur Inspektion der Klöster in den Monthons (มณฑล)

"In 1898-1900 Wachirayan [วชิรญาณวโรรส, 1880 - 1921], head of the Thammayut order [ธรรมยุติกนิกาย], sent fourteen administrative monks holding the title of education director (phu amnuaikan kanseuksa [ผู้อำนวยการการศึกษา]) to inspect monasteries in their respective monthon [มณฑล]. (A monthon was an administrative unit consisting of a number of meuangs [เมือง]. Each monthon was under the control of a resident commissioner, who had the power to override the semi-hereditary governors. See figure 3. ) All but two of the education directors were monks based in Bangkok temples. At the turn of the century most monthons were isolated from Bangkok. Only Bangkok itself and two other monthons in the southeastern region, Chanthaburi [จันทบุรี] and Prachinburi [ปราจีนบุรี], were sufficiently compact to facilitate travel and communication. In all others, the education directors could inspect only a fraction of the monasteries. Distant meuangs and their remote villages were beyond reach. The officials could not travel to the northernmost region at all. They went only as far as Uttaradit [อุตรดิตถ์], the northernmost meuang of the Central Plains. Much of the southern region remained inaccessible; large sections of monthon Phuket [ภูเก็ต] were still wild and sparsely populated. In the northeastern region, inspectors residing in Nakhon Ratchasima [นครราชสีมา] and Ubon Ratchathani [อุบล] could travel only in the vicinity of these two capital towns.

[... ]

Traveling through all these remote meuangs was slow and arduous, especially in inclement weather. In each meuang the government officials provided the sangha [สังฆะ] inspectors with the best means of transportation available: a rowboat or a steamboat, a horse-drawn carriage or an oxcart on flat land, and elephants with mahouts over wet and low land. Servants and porters carried the inspectors’ supplies. But regardless of the assistance they received, the inspection trips were too long and arduous for many city-bred monks. Despite their relatively young age, some found the physical strain incapacitating. At the end of his second trip one education director was so ill he left the monkhood.

Most laypeople and local monks habitually traveled on foot or on horseback. Local monks in those days customarily kept horses in their wats and traveled on horseback, a most practical means of transportation when towns and villages were widely scattered— especially when a preacher-monk had to get to another wat in a hurry. But the visiting inspectors insisted that Bangkok’s disciplinary rules be observed. They told the local monks to get rid of their horses and stop riding them. This ruling proved impractical and could not be enforced. Monks continued to ride horses to villages where they had been invited to preach, and gifted preachers had to travel often. Even the Thammayut head of Ubon, Uan Tisso (titled Ratchamuni), had to yield to the local custom out of practicality. When in 1917-1918 he and local administrative monks went to inspect wats [วัด] in neighboring districts, all of them went by horseback. Four or five decades after the sangha centralization, local monks in the North and Northeast still traveled on horseback, and many village abbots in the Northeast still kept a few horses in their monasteries.


The inspectors found that local monks and laypeople were observing customs foreign to Bangkok. A common feature of regional traditions was the assumption that monastics would remain engaged in village life. Regional monks organized festivals, worked on construction projects in the wat, tilled the fields, kept cattle or horses, carved boats, played musical instruments during the Bun Phawet festival [บุญผะเหวด], taught martial arts—and were still considered to be respectable bhikkhu [ภิกษุ] (monks) all the while. Cultural expectations and loyalties of kinship and community made all these activities legitimate ones for monks. Sangha officials, however, considered such activities improper, and they criticized the local monks for being lax. But as these monks saw it, they were neither improper nor lax. They had their own standards, which differed from Bangkok’s. Villagers and townspeople knew their monks—knew them well. The local elders knew who were good monks and who were bad, and they did not tolerate bad behavior.

The wat was in fact the center of lay Buddhism. In regional traditions, the monastery served many functions necessary to community life. It was a town hall for meetings, a school, a hospital (monks provided herbal medicine and took care of the sick), a social and recreation center, a playground for children, an inn for visitors and travelers, a warehouse for keeping boats and other communal objects, and a wildlife refuge (if the wat was near a forest). Village or town abbots consequently remained very much in the world, devoting their energies to community work that benefited local people.

Working with Their Hands

The Buddhist tradition that originated in the Bangkok court strongly discouraged manual work. Thammayut monks were to abstain from doing hard labor; they and their temples should instead receive gifts and donations of money and services. The Bangkok elite considered it undignified for a monk to work, sweat, or get dirty like a phrai [ไพร่] (commoner). He should look clean and neat, like a jao [เจ้า] (lord). By contrast, in many regional traditions laypeople expected a monk to perform hard labor. They expected him to be self-reliant and self-sufficient. When monks were not gifted in oratorical, artistic, or healing skills (which brought in donations), the wat had to survive any way it could. In many local traditions, monks had to work to support the monasteries by growing vegetables, tending orchards, carving boats, or raising cattle and horses. In all the monthons that they inspected, the sangha officials found that abbots as well as other monks did their own repairs and construction. Here are typical remarks from the reports: “The abbot constantly does repair work in his wat”; “he is much respected by the laity”; “the wat is well maintained, strong and clean. ” Although sangha authorities wanted temples to be well maintained and to look prosperous, they felt the burden of work should fall on the lay community.

In the countryside, however, monks often were expected to work the land because villagers feared the spirits believed to inhabit the fields. Villagers considered it auspicious to begin the new agricultural cycle by having the monks plow the paddies. Plowing was an acceptable activity for monks because it was done not for personal gain but to benefit the whole community. Villagers respected monks who performed this task. One such village (today in Loei Province) was Monk Field Village (Ban Na Phra), so named because the monks took part in plowing and harvesting as well as in performing religious ceremonies to chase away any bad spirits that might live in the fields.

From Bangkok’s perspective, however, monks who performed such work violated monastic rules. In their reports the sangha inspectors criticized local monks for devoting too much time to manual work and not enough to intellectual work (teaching from Bangkok’s texts). Some sangha inspectors did understand that lay-people expected monks to keep the monasteries in good repair and that they deemed monks lazy when they did not. Villagers, they knew, were often too busy with their own work in the fields to help the monks, who had all the necessary skills. When one inspector in the Northeast told a local abbot, “From now on, monks are forbidden to cut trees or elephant grass for thatch. Will you agree to this rule? ” the abbot replied, “If monks are not allowed to cut grass or trees, who will build our shelters or repair the wats? ” Nevertheless, this sangha inspector made everyone present at the meeting agree that manual work was improper for monks and that laypeople ought to do it.

For monks in regional traditions, the physical was inseparably entwined with the spiritual. Mundane activities could be spiritually useful when done with the proper mental attitude. Not only did monks and novices undertake construction work or repairs, they collected whatever raw materials were necessary. The revered monk Buddhadasa recalls the lengths he had to go to in order to get lumber during the 1920s. He and his abbot walked to a forest some distance away accompanied by laymen from a nearby village. After cutting the trees they needed, they floated the trunks downriver to the sea, towed them along the coast, and finally brought them upriver to their wat, where the monks sawed the logs into lumber and built their kuti (huts).

Li, a Lao monk, also recalls doing manual work as a village monk in the Northeast back in 1925. He and fellow monks went to the forest to get logs to build a preaching hall. The monks were hungry after their hard work, so they ate a meal late in the day— an offense according to the Pali vinaya. A Phu Thai [ผู้ไท / ຜູ້ໄທ] monk from a village in Sakon Nakhon [สกลนคร] recalls a similar event:

When it was time to construct a permanent building in the wat, the monks and novices had to spend the night in the forest felling trees and cutting planks. They usually brought drums along to create a lively atmosphere as a break from work. If the food supplies were inadequate, the abbot would allow some novices to disrobe temporarily and catch fish or crabs or to get other food supplies. Afterward the novices would be reordained.

When it was time to pull the logs to the wat, big rollers would be used for hauling. People of all ages—the young and old, women as well as men—came to help haul the logs. Other people would provide musical entertainment by beating drums, cymbals, and other percussion instruments all the way back to the wat. The monks, novices, and laywomen often took this opportunity to have fun together. This was all right as long as they [the monks] could keep their celibacy vows. (W, 15-16)

After this violation of disciplinary rules, a monk would seclude himself in a hut in the forest. During his solitary retreat, he would release himself from his offenses. This austere practice, called khao pariwatkam [เข้าปริวาสกรรม] (entering confinement), is part of the twelve festivals (hit sipsong [ฮีตสิบสอง]) of the Lao tradition in the Northeast and the twelve traditions of the Yuan tradition in the North (as well as in the Lan Sang [ລ້ານຊ້າງ] kingdom in Laos).

The hard labor in which monks as well as villagers participated was usually done during the slack period or at the beginning of the agricultural cycle. Village monks and abbots either helped villagers cut down trees and work the land or did all this themselves. Since villagers were often afraid of being punished by spirits that guarded the land, having monks working alongside gave them a sense of security. In the Lao tradition, it was the monks and novices who repaired and did clean-up work at sacred stupas such as Phra That Phanom [พระธาตุพนม]. Local people refused; they believed that anyone who touched, scrubbed, or climbed the stupa would sicken. In the Yuan tradition, similarly, it was the duty of the monks to clear or clean up the forest cemetery. If monks refused, nobody else would do it.

Participating in Local Festivals

Before Bangkok established control over regional Buddhist traditions, the wat and community were close. A community’s cultural life centered on the wat. When there was a festival in a town or a village, everyone including the monks participated. In the northern and northeastern regions there were as many as twelve yearly festivals. In his travels through Siam at the turn of the century, James McCarthy, a surveyor, came across monks participating in boat races in one northern community:

“The river had overflowed its banks, and a number of people, the majority being women, had assembled in their boats for races. A special feature of these races is that the boats’ crews are either all men or all women— never mixed. The women are young and marriageable, and, in fact, have only come for a grand flirtation. They challenge a boat of men to race. In the boats there are more priests than laymen, in some cases priests only."


"A widespread practice in every meuang is monks engaging in boat racing and throwing water at women.""

[Quelle: Kamala Tiyavanich [กมลา ติยะวนิช] <1948 - >: Forest recollections : wandering monks in twentieth-century Thailand. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawai’i Pr., 1997. -- ISBN 0824817818. -- S. 19 - 27. -- Faire use]

"The sangha inspectors’ reports provide evidence of the widespread popularity of jātakas [ชาดก] in all regions of Siam. This report is typical:

"Most monks preach about alms giving, generosity, precepts, and moral conduct. Basically, the monks’ sermons consist of jātakas, especially the Great Birth story [มหาชาติชาดก]. "

In the Central Plains monks sought to master the Great Birth story

"because it is very popular among local people. "

In the South as well,

"Monks rely mostly on jātakas and the Questions of King Milinda [Milindapañhā] to propagate dhamma. "

In the northeastern region, where the Lao Buddhist tradition prevails,

"Laypeople share similar values; they prefer to listen to folk tales and jātakas, not dhamma sermons that expound doctrine. It is the villagers who choose the sermon they want to hear. They invariably choose folk stories such as Sang Sinchai, Phra Rot Meri, Phra Jao Liaplok, as well as the Wetsandon Chadok [มหาเวสสันดรชาดก]. "

In the Lao tradition, the festival of reading the Wetsandon Chadok (Vessantara Jātaka in Pali) is called Bun Phawet [บุญผะเหวด]; in the Siamese tradition it is called Mahachat [มหาชาติ] (Great Birth), and in the Yuan [ยวน] it is Tang Tham Luang [ตั้งธรรมหลวง] (Setting the Great Text). Reading this jātaka was one of the most popular of regional customs. The story tells of the Buddha’s life as the bodhisatta Wetsandon (Vessantara [เวสสันดร]) and of his last rebirth before becoming the Buddha. Local people were willing to sit all day and long into the night listening to the story when it was told dramatically. The themes of the Wetsandon Chadok are similar in different traditions, although the cultural identities of the characters vary according to local customs and languages. Prince Wetsandon, known for his generosity and selflessness, fulfills his vow to practice dāna (generosity) by giving whatever he is asked. He surrenders not only the sacred regalia of his father’s kingdom but even his own wife and children.

The sangha inspectors observed that many monks wanted to learn from their elders how to recite the story. Not everyone could be a preacher, of course: it took a lot of discipline and long training to master even a section of the Wetsandon Chadok, which consists of thirteen "chapters" (kan [ขันธ]), each chapter divided into thirty to forty sections. During the festival these chapters were assigned to particular monks and novices at the host monastery as well as to monks in neighboring monasteries who had been invited to take part. In training, however, a monk would try to recite all thirteen chapters by himself. A former preacher recalled:

"I started reciting at 7 a. m. [and] gradually I began to lose my voice. Yet I kept it up until I reached the final chapter. By then it was 6 p. m. and my voice was completely gone. For seven or eight days I had no voice. "

There were good reasons for this intensive training. In the days before microphones, a preacher had to project his voice and enunciate clearly, so that an audience of hundreds could hear him. He also had to know how to conserve his voice. Preaching improved his memory and mindfulness, which in turn helped him in his dhamma studies. Finally, he gained much merit if he succeeded in mastering the entire jātaka.

Only a master storyteller could do it well, altering his voice as he portrayed the tale’s many characters—demons, animals, old men, hermits, kings, princesses, children—evoking all the while a strong sense of involvement from his audience. In many traditions, special enclosed seats or booths helped preachers deliver their readings dramatically. In the Lan Na [ล้านนา] tradition, for example, the dhamma booth was a small enclosure in the shrine hall (wihan [วิหาร]) raised about a meter and a half above the floor. It had walls of carved wood on three sides, while the fourth was left wide open for entry by means of a ladder. As a former preacher explained,

"In this dhamma booth the monk could sit comfortably, since he could look out but the audience could not see him. He did not have to be dignified. He might remove his robes, put his hands over his ears, open his mouth widely, or tap his hands on the floor to aid his rhythm. [Instead of sitting on the floor] most preachers preferred to squat. My teacher told me that squatting lets the testicles hang naturally, so the preacher has no constraint in projecting his voice loudly. "

Bangkok authorities forbade monks to use these dhamma box seats. By doing so, they hoped to put an end to this kind of dramatic preaching.

Another integral part of a Great Birth story performance was music, especially the phin phat [ปี่พาทย์] ensemble. Inspector monks reported that in several monthons monks played various kinds of musical instruments. In every town and village large crowds of people would listen with rapt attention for hours while local monks took turns reciting stories about the Buddha’s former lives as bodhisattas [พระโพธิสัตว์]. Such stories figured more prominently in sermons than episodes from the life of the Buddha himself.

Because preaching the Wetsandon Chadok was an art requiring arduous discipline, few preachers achieved great oratorical skills. Those who did were much respected and in high demand. Their popularity was not without a price, however, as a former preacher explained:

"Often, monks with lesser skill are jealous and seek to ruin the preacher by using black magic [khun sai] [คุณไสย].

  1. So a good preacher must possess magical knowledge for self-protection.
  2. He must learn to recite sacred mantra for self-defense as well as to attract people with goodwill.
  3. He must tattoo protective amulets on his body for the same reason.
  4. He must always keep certain kinds of amulets or magic cloth [pha yan] [ผ้ายันต์] to make him invulnerable. "

[Quelle: Kamala Tiyavanich [กมลา ติยะวนิช] <1948 - >: Forest recollections : wandering monks in twentieth-century Thailand. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawai’i Pr., 1997. -- ISBN 0824817818. -- S. 30ff.. -- Faire use]

Abb.: Lage von meuang Ranong [เมืองระนอง]
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"An incident in the southern region illustrates what happened when a sangha official introduced a Bangkok holy day with its recommended sermon. During his inspection trip in 1900 to meuang Ranong [เมืองระนอง] in the South, the sangha inspector wanted to demonstrate how Wisakha Bucha [วิสาขบูชา] should be observed. The ceremony, attended by some seventy local people, was supposed to last from 8 p. m. until dawn. Soon after the official monk started preaching the Mahabhinikkhamana Sutta, however, the laypeople started to leave. By the time the monk got to the Mahāparinibbāna Sutta, only one person—the lay leader—remained in the audience. The abandoned sangha official commented in his report,

"People in this town have no appreciation or respect for dhamma sermons. ""

[Quelle: Kamala Tiyavanich [กมลา ติยะวนิช] <1948 - >: Forest recollections : wandering monks in twentieth-century Thailand. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawai’i Pr., 1997. -- ISBN 0824817818. -- S. 34. -- Faire use]

"To restrict the autonomy of these locally titled monks, Bangkok established a higher authority intended to outrank the local one, as this report by the sangha inspector of monthon Isan [มณฑลอีสาน] makes plain:

In this monthon there is a local tradition called samoson sommut [authority based on popular consent]. Laypeople as well as monks in each village vote and confer their own titles of Phra Khru [พระครู] and Sangharat [สังฆราช]. In order to reflect his greater importance, the sangha head appointed by the king should bear a higher honorific title. We should title each Phra Khru according to the name of the district where he has authority. This way there should be no question of who has the higher authority, the locally appointed or the Bangkok-appointed monk. The Phra Khru title without the district name attached will have no meaning here, for there are already many Phra Khrus appointed by local people all over the northeast region. "

[Quelle: Kamala Tiyavanich [กมลา ติยะวนิช] <1948 - >: Forest recollections : wandering monks in twentieth-century Thailand. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawai’i Pr., 1997. -- ISBN 0824817818. -- S. 41. -- Faire use]

" several monasteries laypeople were not able to feed the mo because of poor crop yields. For example, in monthon Phuket, less th half of the forty-eight monasteries inspected were supported by the laity. From the education-director’s report, monthon Phuket. Ratchakijjanubeksa [Royal Thai government gazette] 18 (5 December 1900)"

[Quelle: Kamala Tiyavanich [กมลา ติยะวนิช] <1948 - >: Forest recollections : wandering monks in twentieth-century Thailand. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawai’i Pr., 1997. -- ISBN 0824817818. -- S. 308, Anm. 10. -- Faire use]


Öffentliche Schulen an Dhammayutika-Klöstern (ธรรมยุติกนิกาย):


Thammayut-Mönche (ธรรมยุติกนิกาย) erhalten die Erlaubnis, die Normal School (Lehrerbildungsanstalt) zu besuchen. Dort erhalten sie eine schulpädagogische Ausbidung und einige werden als Englischlehrer ausgebildet.


Gründung eines Thammayut Wat [ธรรมยุติกนิกาย] in Muang Kamutsai-Buriram

Abb.: Lage von Muang Kamutsai-Buriram
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Prior to this [1906], a Thammayut wat [ธรรมยุติกนิกาย] had been established in 1898 in meuang Kamutsai-Buriram (now called Naung Bua Lamphu District [Nong Bua Lamphu / หนองบัวลำภู] in Udon Thani Province). It was established after Saeng, a native of Kamutsai-Buriram, came to meuang Ubon with a group of local monks and converted to the Thammayut order at Wat Sithaung [วัดศรีอุบลรัตนาราม / วัดศรีทอง]. The monks studied with the preceptor, Abbot Maw, before returning to Kamutsai-Buriram. At first they had no wat to stay in, so they wandered around teaching meditation. The ruler of Kamutsai-Buriram was impressed with their conduct and invited them to reside at Wat Mahachai. Later they set up a branch wat in Kumphawapi (today a district in Udon Thani), and three other branches in Loei and Khon Kaen. None of these Thammayut monasteries that Saeng set up are located in towns. Their isolated locations protected them from outside influences, and as a result Saeng and his fellow monks remained independent of Thammayut administrators. Saeng appointed himself a preceptor, ordained monks at will, and did not report to the Thammayut authorities in Ubon Ratchathani. (This was all before the Sangha Administrative Act was enforced in Udon Thani in 1908. )"

[Quelle: Kamala Tiyavanich [กมลา ติยะวนิช] <1948 - >: Forest recollections : wandering monks in twentieth-century Thailand. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawai’i Pr., 1997. -- ISBN 0824817818. -- S. 344, Anm. 4. -- Faire use]


In Bangkok gibt es sieben englischsprachige Schulen:


König Chulalongkorn über Schulbildung für seine vielen Töchter:

"I cannot bring myself to think about my daughters education. I have never endorsed it ... , because it reminds me of my own teacher [Anna Leonowens] who authored a book which many believe. So whenever the suggestion is made that a girls' school be founded, I am quite annoyed."

[Übersetzung: Barmé, Scot: Woman, man, Bangkok : love, sex, and popular culture in Thailand. --  Lanham : Rowman & Littlefield, 2002. -- 273 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. --  ISBN 0-7425-0157-4. -- S. 22]

ca. 1898

Abb.: Prince Bhanurangsi Savangwongse, The Prince Banubandhu Vongsevoradej (มเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ เจ้าฟ้าภาณุรังษีสว่างวงศ์ กรมพระยาภาณุพันธุวงศ์วรเดช, 1859 – 1928) in traditioneller Kriegsrüstung, Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่), ca. 1898


Strafgesetz: auf Vergewaltigung außerhalb der Ehe sowie "unnatürlichen Sexualverkehr" (Sodomie u.ä.) steht eine Strafe von bis zu 10 Jahren Haft.


Abb.: Haushalt von Zweitfrauen, 1898

Abb.: Haushalt von Zweitfrauen, 1898


Feuer im Vietnamesen-Viertel Bangkoks. Dies ermöglicht den Bau der Phahurat Road (พาหุรัด). Rama V. benennt diese Straße nach seiner früh verstorbenen Tochter Bahurada Manimaya (สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ เจ้าฟ้าพาหุรัดมาณีมัย กรมพระเทพนารีรัตน์, 1878-12-29 – 27 August 1887-08-27). Das Gebiet wird zum Inder-Viertel Bangkoks, besonders für Sikhs.

Abb.: Lage der Phahurat Road (พาหุรัด)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1898 (?)

Bau des Suan Kulap Palasts (วังสวนกุหลาบ) für Prinz Asdang Dejavudh (พลเรือเอก สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ เจ้าฟ้า อัษฎางค์เดชาวุธ กรมหลวงนครราชสีมา, 1889 - 1924)

Abb.: Lage des Suan Kulap Palasts (วังสวนกุหลาบ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Gründung der Bangkok Chamber of Commerce. Chinesische Firmen haben keinen Zugang.


Der Brite Charles James Rivett-Carnac (1853 – 1935), Accountant General von britisch Burma, wird Finanzberater Siams.

Rivett-Carnac ist nach dem Urteil des britischen Gesandten George Greville

"a first-rate man and official, but who openly avows his ambition and that he has come here to make a name for himself:"

[Zitiert in: Petersson, Niels P.: Imperialismus und Modernisierung : Siam, China und die europäischen Mächte 1895 - 1914. -- München : Oldenbourg, 2000. -- 492 S. ; 25 cm. -- (Studien zur internationalen Geschichte ; Bd. 11). -- ISBN 3-486-56506-0. -- Zugl.: Hagen, Fernuniv., Diss., 1999. -- S. 106]


Alexander Olarowsky (Александр Эпиктетович Оларовский, 1830 - 1907) ist Gesandter des russischen Kaiserreichs in Siam. Er erhält vom Zaren den Auftrag, Siam beim Erhalt seiner Unabhängigkeit zu unterstützen. Olarowsky genießt am siamesischen Königshof besondere Privilegien.


Abb.: Landwirtschaftssteuer-Beleg, 1898


König Chulalongkorn stiftet in Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่) Land für den Friedhof für Ausländer (สุสานต่างประเทศ).

Abb.: Lage des Foreign Cemetery (สุสานต่างประเทศ),  Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Einbandtitel von: Wood, Richard Willoughby <1916 - 2002>: De mortuis : the story of the Chiang Mai foreign cemetery. -- 2. ed. -- Chiang Mai ; Hudson, 1986. -- 40 S.


Es erscheint:

Smyth, H. (Herbert) Warington <1867 - 1943>: Five years in Siam : from 1891 to 1896. -- London : Murray, 1898. -- 2 Bde. ; 330 + 337 S. : Ill.

Abb.: Einbandtitel

"Herbert Warington Smyth (4 June 1867 – 19 December 1943) CMG, LLM, FGS, FRGS, was a British traveller, writer, naval officer and mining engineer who served the government of Siam and held several important posts in the Union of South Africa.

Early life

Known as Warington, he was the elder son of Sir Warington Wilkinson Smyth FRS, Professor of Mining at the Royal School of Mines, and his wife Anna Maria Antonia Story Maskelyne. His younger brother Sir Nevill Maskelyne Smyth won the Victoria Cross at the Battle of Omdurman. He was educated at Westminster School and Trinity College, Cambridge.[1]


After being an unpaid assistant to the Mineral Adviser to the Office of Woods from 1890 to 1891, he went to Siam. There he was Secretary of the Government Department of Mines from 1891 to 1895 and Director General from 1895 to 1897.[2] He became a Commander of the Order of the White Elephant of Siam and received the Murchison Award of the R.G.S. for journeys in Siam in 1898. In 1898, he was secretary of the Siamese legation from 1898 to 1901.

Warington Smyth was called to the bar in 1899 and in 1900 was delegate for Siam to the Congres International, Paris Exhibition. In 1900, he was Hon Secretary for London of the National Committee for the organization of a Volunteer Naval reserve. In 1901 he went to South Africa where he was Secretary for Mines in the Transvaal from 1901 to 1910. He was also Member of Legislative and Executive Councils, Transvaal in 1906 and 1907 and a JP and Advocate of the Supreme Court of the Transvaal. He was also President of the Transvaal Cornish Association from 1907 to 1910, in which year he was awarded the Queen's South Africa medal. From 1910, he was Secretary for Mines and Industries in South Africa and Commissioner of Mines for Natal as well as Chief Inspector of Factories.

He took an active part in World War I as an Acting Sub Lieutenant RNR in 1914, serving as Assistant Naval Transport Officer in the South-West Africa Campaign 1914 to 1915, when he was mentioned in dispatches. He became Lieutenant RNVR and Acting Naval Senior Officer at the Cape from 1915 to 1916, and Controller of Imports and Exports for the Union of South Africa in 1917. In 1919 he was awarded the C.M.G.. Following the war, he was South African government delegate to the International Labour Conferences at Washington in 1919 and Geneva in 1922.

He retired in 1927 and returned to England, living at Falmouth, Cornwall where he enjoyed yachting. In World War II, he was still active in the RNVR, serving in 1940 as Lieutenant Commander. He died in 1943 at Redruth.


In 1900 he married Amabel Mary (1879-1965), third daughter of Sir Henry John Sutton KC and his wife Caroline Elizabeth Nanson. They had one daughter Amabel and three sons, Bevil, Nigel and Rodney. His wife's sister Marjorie was married to Julius Bertram

  • Journey on the Upper Me Kong 1895
  • Five years in Siam: from 1891-1896 (1898). Reprint 1994 Bangkok : White Lotus. ISBN 974-8495-98-1. (Chapter 1)
  • Mast and Sail in Europe and Asia 1st edition 1906, 2nd edition 1929
  • Sea-Wake and Jungle trail 1925
  • Chase and Chance in Indo-China 1934"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2017-01-14]

Abb.: Titelblatt von Bd. 1

Abb.: General index map
[a.a.O., Bd. 1]

Abb.: The Menam plain with the Western frontier <Ausschnitt>
[a.a.O., Bd. 1]

Abb.: Part of the Lao states <Ausschnitt>
[a.a.O., Bd. 1]

Abb.: The Malay Peninsula
[a.a.O., Bd. 2]

Abb.: Rice boat -- awaiting cargo
[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 93]

Abb.: Outline of the upper waters of the Me Kawng [Mekong] and its brethren
[a.a.O., Bd. 1, nach S. 138]

Abb.: A highland Kaw [อีก้อ / Akha]
[a.a.O., Bd. 1, nach S. 172]

Abb.: Joint of clapper, cattle bell, the "Big Ben" of Nong Khai [หนองคาย]
[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 254]

Abb.: Da and jungle knives
[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 1]

Abb.: Sonkhla [สงขลา] fishing stakes
[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 101]

Abb.: The gem districts of Chantabun [Chantaburi / จันทบุรี]
[a.a.O., Bd. 2, nach S. 102]

Abb.: 'Kek' or Lakawn [= Nakhon Si Thammarat - นครศรีธรรมราช] reaping hook
[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 29]

Abb.: Wheel, Lakawn [= Nakhon Si Thammarat - นครศรีธรรมราช] tin cart
[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 133]

Abb.: A fellow traveller off Chantabun [Chantaburi / จันทบุรี]
[a.a.O., Bd. 2, nach S. 164]

Abb.: Annamite settlement, Chantabun [Chantaburi / จันทบุรี]
[a.a.O., S. 173]

Abb.: In the rainy season
[a.a.O., Bd. 2, nach S. 218]


"In the old days the outlying provinces were ruled by vassal chiefs, who, as long as they paid certain tribute to the King de facto, might rule or misrule, as they wished. Their sons succeeded so long as they were agreeable to the over-lord. In fact, the governing was done by contract: ‘ If you look after the province and pay me, I keep your family in power’—-until the stronger rival came along.

Throughout Indo-Chinese history no such official ever received a salary; it was the recognised right of the Governor to make what he could, and for his subordinates to do the same, each according to his position and ingenuity. The Governor might, and generally did, monopolise all the trade he could, using his official power to crush all rivals. In this the old kings set the example. The subordinates followed the great man’s example, and in a similar position the people would have done the same. For it was tamniem [ธรรมเนียม]. In moderation no one questioned the method, for it was the only one open to an official by which to make his living. Thus, under the majority of governors, bent on securing a competence for their large families, any man who had made a little money was liable to be brought to court on some fancy charge, and have his goods confiscated, while the highest bidder always got the verdict of the judge."

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 21f.]

"Of the Army and Navy, the latter was by far the smartest organisation. It is most regrettable that, owing partly, no doubt, to the inherent laziness of the nation, but also largely to the way in which the conscription is conducted, as well as to the wretched pay and to the manner in which the services are generally carried on, the Tahan [ทหาร] is universally looked down upon. The girls will not speak to him, and the common people avoid him ; he feels he is an outcast, with the inevitable result that when he gets the chance he behaves as such, and generally goes to the bad.

The whole military instinct of the people seems to have been killed, and men and families will face anything rather than the prospect of serving, either for themselves or their relatives. No effort seems to have been made to create an esprit de corps. The men are tacitly permitted to assume the character of trained bands of coolies, to do whitewashing, or to figure in processions—a treatment which they very properly resent."

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 27f.]

"Since 1893 the extension of French rule to the left bank of the Me Kawng [Mekong] has introduced yet another complication, the effect of which is detrimental to the foresters. The Kamus [ຂະມຸ / ขมุ], who have formed for years the bulk of the forest labour, came from the left bank of the Me Kawng. The French authorities are now doing all they can to put a stop to emigration from that already thinly populated district. The consequence is that the supply of Kamu labour is falling off, and the forester must engage the less industrious and less reliable Karens, Shans, or Laos, who require a wage forty per cent, higher than that formerly paid to the thrifty Kamus."

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 107]

"The position adopted by the Imperial and Indian Governments with regard to the connection of Burma with the valley of the Yellow River was very clearly given by Lord Salisbury [Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, 1830 – 1903], in June 1896, in reply to a deputation of the Associated Chambers of Commerce who asked the support of the Government in opening up trade routes, either from Maulmen [Moulmein / မော်လမြိုင်မြို့], via Siam, or from Rangun [ရန်ကုန်] through British territory, via Karenni, by building or guaranteeing a railway, and obtaining the permission of the Chinese Government to continue it from the frontier into their territory, via Sumao [Simao  / 思茅]. Lord Salisbury pointed out that it was impossible to expect the Government to give money for a railway in other people’s territory; and that a railway through an independent country such as Siam would be under foreign control, and to all intents a foreign railway. As far, however, as our own territories were concerned, if capitalists found the money, they might be sure of the assistance of the Government, and he had little doubt that once on the Chinese frontier the Chinese would find it to their own obvious interest and to the advantage of their customs to facilitate our entrance into Yunan [雲南]. "

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 143]


Abb.: Lage von Nong Khai [หนองคาย],
Korat [โคราช] und Luang Prabang [ຫຼວງພະບາງ]
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

"Nawng Kai [Nong Khai / หนองคาย] is a scattered township with a population of some 5,000 people, and is the most important place between Korat [โคราช] and Luang Prabang [ຫຼວງພະບາງ]. It owes its existence to the downfall of Wieng Chan [Vientiane / ວຽງຈັນ] in 1828, since which it has been the chief Siamese administrative post of that portion of the Me Kawng [Mekong], and has more recently become the chief distributing centre of the northern end of the plateau, resorted to by the Chinese traders from Korat. A hundred boats or so per annum used to pass between Luang Prabang and Nawng Kai, so that a portion of the trade of the former place found its way south by this route; but few of the cargoes exceeded 20 cwt., and this trade has been reduced of recent years.

The Commissioner, Prince Prachak [กรมหลวงประจักษ์ศิลปาคม, 1856 - 1924], was a brother of the King, and a man of considerable energy; he dabbled in chemistry, and was a devotee of Reform with a big R. "

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 222]

[Über das Korat Plateau:]

"Communications are, on the whole, worse than in any other part of the country. Distances without water in the hot season almost impossible to man and beast, bogs and unbridged torrents in the rains, no salas [ศาลา], or rest-houses, along the trails, dacoity not yet put down, and the least possible official recognition of the importance of encouraging trade: such are some of the causes of the lethargy of the people—attributable, first of all, as I think, to the nature of the country, and secondly to the incompetence and lack of interest of the official class.

Korat [โคราช], the trade centre of the whole plateau, has only 5,000 inhabitants; Ubon [อุบลราชธานี], the other great town of this portion of the country, 4,000. As Dr. Morrison truly observes, ‘ more people live in a city in China than in a whole province of Eastern Siam.’ The places called Muang [เมือง], or ‘town,’ do not exceed a couple of hundred houses as a rule. Disease—fever, smallpox, dysentery, and lately cholera—seems, so far, to have kept down the population, which one would have expected to show signs of increase since the cessation of the old perpetual warfare."

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S, 233f.]

"We were able to go all the way to the King’s summer residence at Bangpain [Bang Pa-in / บางปะอิน] along the line. Trains could run part of the way, but, owing to the sinking of the abutments of some of the bridges, trollies had to be used for the rest. The unprofessional observer could not but be struck by the small amount of bed-ballast on the line, and six inches seemed certainly very little for a country of such heavy rainfall, and, in fact, every heavy rain has necessitated such extensive renewal of ballast that in all eighteen inches has been laid down in many places.

With so little ballast as six inches and only fifty-pound rails, no fast running will be possible. The engines, however, are a cheap design, not likely to run fast, being hardly up to their work under ordinary circumstances. They are of two types—two-couple twelve-inch, and three- couple fourteen-inch cylinders for the hill sections. The most expensive part of the rolling stock is the royal saloon carriage and the ‘ officials’ ’ carriage.

The line has been delayed by a good deal of very unfortunate friction between the Royal Railway Department, represented by Herr Betche [Karl Bethge, 1847 - 1900], the Director-General, and Mr. Murray Campbell [George Murray Campbell, 1845 - 1942], the engineer who contracted to build the line. The failure of the bridges entailed enormous additional expense and delay, in transport by river to the higher sections of the line, and prevented the contractor from being able to push all his stores up by the line as it proceeded. The question whether the failure of the piers was due to faulty designing by the Railway Department or to bad construction by the contractor, together with other innumerable questions connected with this, have lately been referred to arbitration.

The extremely spongy nature of the top soil, the great depth to which it reaches, and the numbers of culverts and small bridges necessary to carry off the large quantities of water during the rains have added greatly to the difficulties of construction across the Me Nam plain. As far as Ayuthia the line runs parallel to the river, and though new villages may later on spring up in its neighbourhood, for some time to come the river is likely to monopolise the goods traffic, and to remain the centre of the population, as being a cheap highway open to all, and one to which the Siamese are accustomed by use and tradition.

From Ayuthia [อยุธยา] (42 miles) it turns eastward to Pakprio [ปากเพรียว] (Saraburi [สระบุรี]), on the Nam Sak [แม่น้ำป่าสัก], which is the starting-place for all the caravans for Korat [โคราช], goods coming thus far by water. At Keng Koi [แก่งคอย] (73 miles) the line leaves the river, and can be said to be no longer in competition with water traffic. It begins to ascend the poisonous terai through dense low scrub towards the first rock-cutting at Tap Kwang [ทับกวาง], and from here to Hinlap [หินลับ] it is winding its way into the forested hills of the dreaded Dawng Praya Yen [ดงพญาเย็น]. The work above Keng Koi has been attended by such mortality that it has often been almost impossible to procure coolies, and the contractor’s staff, owing to deaths and sickness, has been permanently short-handed."

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 243f.]

"The most striking innovation in Korat  [โคราช] was the French Consulate.

There were no French subjects, and there was no French trade ; but a very charming consulate was being built at a cost of thirty thousand francs to replace the present building occupied by the consul and his interpreter, where we were most hospitably entertained.

Two tricolours floated in the compound, and M. Rochet informed us the flag would soon float over the whole of the country round. We learned further from him that Korat was a Cambodian city of great magnificence until ruined by the rapacious Siamese of late years. Encouraged, doubtless, by our innocent appearance, he also informed us that Cambodian was the language of the country people round Korat, and of the plateau generally, and that Siamese was not understood except in a few villages, being spoken only by the Governor and his followers.

It was difficult to understand what our host took us for. The doctor’s bland expression and keen interest doubtless encouraged our informant; but when he asked innocently how it was the consular interpreter spoke only Siamese, the flow of our host’s original and entertaining information ceased entirely.

The consul’s life must be a singularly lonely one, for he has not the distraction of work to occupy his mind. About a hundred registration papers had been sold to Chinamen at eighteen ticals apiece. None of these persons were French citizens, and hardly any had ever been in a French colony or protectorate, or their parents before them. The sale of papers did not reach this figure without considerable advertisement, and the consul has bravely faced the sun and heat in the market-place many weary hours, searching for Chinese to shake hands with and invite round to see him. He seemed so anxious to sell that, I am sure, the doctor’s kind heart was touched, and if they had been a little cheaper perhaps we might have indulged in one between us. The French consulate merits support, as any trade development which may haply result from it will be to the advantage of British importers almost exclusively. No other route from Korat can ever compete with the Saraburi [สระบุรี] route to Bangkok, even disregarding the advance of the railway; and all increase of trade therefore means increase of British trade, unless artificial obstructions such as tariffs are erected against it.

The attitude of mind of the French consul towards everything Siamese was instructive. To him, as to many of the less educated officials of the French Colonial empire, Siamese is synonymous with all that is most wicked and abominable in the universe. It is impossible for some of those afflicted with this mania to speak with moderation on things Siamese, or to deal with them according to the canons which generally rule in political or business intercourse."

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 249f.]

"The Chinese in Siam have always been exempt from corvée, and have only had to pay a triennial poll tax of about six shillings. Considering the money they make out of the country, and the freedom of action they enjoy when compared with the native Siamese, it is no wonder that the children of mixed marriages adopt the pigtail when they can. They are the Jews of Siam; and though they have bean subject to a little fleecing by local authorities, they have on the whole enjoyed an immunity from official interference which they have neither merited nor appreciated. Their only return has been that species of high-handed rowdyism which results from the methods followed by Chinese secret societies elsewhere. Cowardly attacks by large numbers upon solitary individuals, an occasional corpse in the river, or a headless trunk upon the track, mark the spread of their activity. The societies are nearly as powerful in Siam as the King himself. By judicious use of their business faculties and their powers of combination, they hold the Siamese in the palm of their hand. The toleration accorded to them by the Government is put down to fear; they bow and scrape before the authorities, but laugh behind their backs; and they could sack half Bangkok in a day. The societies need total suppression, as in the Straits, and the Chinese should be taxed and governed proportionately to the Mons and other Asiatic races who have taken up their abode in the country."

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 285f.]

"The death-rate among the coolies [in den Minen von Prachadi], who are generally Hainanese [海南人] imported direct, is large in all the mining districts, which, being as a rule in the hill ranges, are the worst for fever and dysentery. The death-rate from these causes among new arrivals has, in many cases, exceeded 60 per cent. Panic accounts for many more, and as new drafts go up country the effect produced by the stories they hear is such that bolts and bars cannot keep them. As advances have to be made to all these men, it is a serious matter to lose 70 per cent, by desertion before arriving at the mines, and 60 per cent, of the remainder in the next rainy season. The local authorities, when requested to assist in finding and arresting the deserters, reply, ‘ If you bring the escaped men up before us, and charge them with breaking their contract, we will assist you by putting them in goal.’ During a scare at Prachadi the rate of desertion was eight men a day, and the manager of Watana [วัฒนา] on one occasion despatched a party of 120 men from Bangkok, of whom, notwithstanding close supervision, only forty arrived at the mines five days later. It is quite impossible to get Chinese who have been any time in the country to go to a mine, even by promises or advances of a most exorbitant kind.

At Kabin [Kabinburi / กบินทร์บุรี] and Watana, in the neighbourhood of Prachim [Prachinburi / ปราจีนบุรี], Lao labour has been to some extent utilised; but so insufficient control has never been obtained over it. On the western side, however, it is impossible to get native labour in sufficient quantity, even temporarily, and imported labour, with all its drawbacks, has therefore to be relied on."

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 301]

[Über Phuket [ะภูเก็ต]:]

"In the old Rajah’s time the roads were in good repair, and it was possible to take oxcarts up to the inland mines without trouble. During our visit, the only workmen upon the roads were eager miners, who were demolishing them for the tin that lay beneath, or patient drivers rebuilding breaches in them sufficiently to get their buffalo carts across. The indifference of the Government to the condition of the roads imposed a further burden on the miners, especially the more distant ones. The incompetence of the Government officials in regard to all mining questions resulted in the accumulation of unsettled claims and counter-claims, and in quarrels over water rights and boundaries, which still further hampered them, and were a source of danger to the public peace.

With one of the junior commissioners, whose functions had been practically usurped by the ‘ special ’ commissioner, I went to one mine where the tavike had been deprived of water by his neighbour, who had tapped his lead at a higher point, and demanded a fee of some thousand dollars for its renewal. Our friend, who had some fifty men upon the mine, had done no work for three months, and quite acquiesced in the position of affairs. The other tauhe had more men and more guns, so, after a preliminary fight, he had decided to wait patiently for the rains, when he hoped to get some water.

The impression left on my mind after finishing our work in Puket was that the ‘ special commissioner, ’ Praya Tip Kosa [พระยาทิพโกษา], must be imbued with a profound hatred of the Chinaman, and must be very anxious to see the last of him. Beyond the very high qualities of which he is undoubtedly possessed—qualities shared perhaps equally by the buffalo—I confess I have no great admiration for the Chinese coolie, and I felt perhaps a slight sympathy with the Commissioner on the object it was natural to attribute to him. I ventured, consequently, to congratulate him in my most genial manner on the very thorough and efficacious methods he had adopted to turn the Chinese out of the provinces under his charge. My remarks were received with singular coldness.

I was told in Bangkok that he was an extremely clever man, a fact which no one who knew him would think of disputing; and one could not presume to suppose he had adopted this policy of bleeding the western States without being fully alive to the obvious consequences. It is only surprising that the Siamese Government should acquiesce. He was recently reappointed for another term of office, and every mark of confidence was bestowed upon him. His success in revenue-remitting has been undoubtedly very great; he has made it a fine art, and is said to maintain an average return to Bangkok of $-300, 000 annually. No Governor could have done more in this respect, and certainly no governor in the world could have spent less on the provinces under his charge.

Besides the Government offices and the special commissioner’s own residence, we noted three other instances of public works which need to be recorded to show that some money is spent in Puket. A piece of road near Naitu [= Kathu / กะทู้] was repaired before we left, for a distance of some two hundred yards. It may have cost a hundred dollars. Secondly, when the police barrack fell down, a brand-new bamboo shed was erected, I believe not at the expense of the policemen. Thirdly, the tide gauge, marks, and buoys in Puket harbour all showed undoubted signs of paint, The paint, it was true, was paid for by Captain Weber, a local resident in charge of the police, but it was put on by men in Government service."

[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 320f.]


Abb.: Lage von Trang [ตรัง]
[a.a.O., Bd. 2]

"Trang [ตรัง] is the Tarangue of the Portuguese. The present Rajah, Praya Rasada [พระยารัษฎานุประดิษฐ์มหิศรภักดี (คอซิมบี๊ ณ ระนอง / 許心美), 1857 - 1913], is a Chinaman, known familiarly as Simbi. His two brothers are the Rajahs of Renawng [Ranong / ระนอง] and Langsuan [หลังสวน], but neither can equal him in energy, popularity, or good nature. He has travelled in Burma, visited Java, and is at home in the Straits. Of his own initiative he introduced the Burma village system into his province. In 1892 he moved his capital bodily down river to be near the sea. At the time of our visit, ten miles of road had been completed, six large wells had been sunk, and bricked and covered in ; a gaol, a court-house, and a landing pier had been built, and hundreds of acres of padi land had been cleared and drained round the new town. The old capital, Kontani [Khuan Thani / ควนธานี] (Captain Low’s Khoantani), was being connected with the new one, Kantan [Kantang / กันตัง], and also with the great pepper district of Taptieng [Thap Thiang / ทับเที่ยง], by the opening of new roads, and the repair of old ones. All the work was thorough. Dacoity had practically disappeared. Even the secret societies, which generally work their own sweet will in Siam, had received a warning in the total suppression of one of their number to which a murder had been traced."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 8]

"For filth and mismanagement this place ran Puket [ภูเก็ต] very fine.

Once, subsequently, when discussing the condition of the various western provinces with his Majesty, he observed,

‘ I noticed at Takuapa [ตะกั่วป่า] that they had taken much more care to hide things from me than in any other place I visited. They always try to hide a great deal from me,’ he added, smiling, ‘ but there was very much to be hidden there.’

All the usual symptoms of inefficient government existed ; unsatisfied litigants, unsettled claims, and untried prisoners. The police, who numbered twenty-four all told, were underpaid and overworked. They were ill- clad, disgracefully housed, and worse armed. Scattered in twos and threes about the province, they were so outnumbered by the coolie class, of whom there were probably eight thousand, that, incapable of mutual support, they were practically useless for purposes of keeping order. Mining affairs were in inextricable confusion, and we heard endless complaints. The acting Governor and his officials were evidently incapable of dealing with the intricate and technical character of a large proportion of the questions brought before them. While litigants complained to us of the delays and the unfair decisions they were expected to submit to, the officials themselves confessed to us their own incompetence, and begged us for advice, in the winning way customary in the East when there is no intention whatever of following one’s counsel, but merely a wish to disarm and be rid of one as rapidly and peacefully as possible."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 19f.]

"At Renawng [Ranong / ระนอง] we were cordially welcomed by the Rajah, Praya Setthi [พระยาเศรษฐี], and his secretary, Dr. Gunn. The hospitality of Renawng has long been proverbial with British officials in the Tenasserim provinces [ဏၚ်ကသဳ].

More recently the price of tin has fallen, and the special commissioner at Puket [ภูเก็ต] has commenced to have his say in the place, with the result that the Rajah has been compelled to retrench; the roads show signs of disrepair, a large coolie emigration is now yearly taking place, and there are other signs that Renawng’s best days are over.

The Rajah was long the most enlightened ruler in the peninsula. From a, tiny fishing village he made the place into an important mining centre. Landing-stages, smelting- houses, first-class roads, and charming bungalows sprang into being in the pretty semicircle of hills to the north-east of the river mouth. A regular system of mining regulations was established, an efficient police force was created, and justice was meted out to all. The natural result was that when the King visited Renawng during his peninsular tour he found it in the most flourishing condition. From that time the central Government began to interfere with the Rajah, and the chief commissioner was given the power to meddle in his own way, with what results might be anticipated. The Rajah’s experience and capacity have fortunately been recently recognised by his appointment to the commissionership of Champawn [Chumphon / ชุมพร]. I saw a good deal of the old gentleman subsequently, when he was summoned to Bangkok to assist the committee appointed by the Legislative Council to consider the draft of the Mining Regulation submitted by our department. He was the only member of the committee who made any pretension to punctuality. His quiet deferential manner always marked him as an unusual man, and he never spoke except when specially asked for his opinion. It was invariably worth the asking for, in striking contrast to the many opinions which were volunteered.

The Siamese and Malay population of Renawng consists of only about 7,000 persons. There is very little rice grown in the province, and the villages are poor, scattered, and generally lie along the banks of the stream, or among the wide creeks and inlets which run into the country behind the outer coast-line. The people are of the usual type of the peninsula people we had everywhere met, and had the same nasal twang. The girls wore the old-fashioned long locks of hair over their ears, the rest of the hair being cut short and standing upright in the usual way. The men seemed to prefer the Malay sarong [صارون] to the Siamese panung [ผ้านุ่ง], and had generally the restrained manners of the former. It was curious, as showing how largely the prosperity of Renawng had had to do with Chinamen, that Dr. Gunn, the Rajah’s right-hand man, scarcely spoke a word of Siamese."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 27f.]

[Über die Inseln vor Chumphon (ชุมพร):]

Abb.: Lage von Chumphon (ชุมพร)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"In these islands the edible birds’ nests, loved of Chinamen, are collected. The Governor of Chaiya [ไชยา], who up to the end of 1896 farmed them of the Government at a rent of four hundred and twenty katis, or 2, 240 l. a year, has them protected against poaching by armed guards, and a fleet of more than twenty rua pets is kept up for their relief and supply. They act as cruisers and guard boats at a cost of a hundred and ninety katis [], or 1, 000 l. [= £] a year. The range over which these nests are found is extensive. From the Gulf of Tongkin to the Andamans, in the Gulf of Siam, among the Mergui Islands, and in the Malay Archipelago, wherever the steep-sided limestone islands stand up from the water’s edge, there the little swift known as Peale’s swiftlet (Collocalia spodiopygia [= Aerodramus spodiopygius (Peale, 1848)]) builds his shallow cup-like nest against the rock and in the caves. The silvery appearance of the nest, and the absence of all but the finest threads and attachments, make it look like a beautiful white gelatine.

Converted into soup, it is like a tasteless vermicelli, although pronounced by Chinamen and Siamese as extraordinarily nutritious and strengthening for invalids. Collocalia Linchi [(Horsfield & Moore, 1854)](Horsfield’s swiftlet) and C. esculenta [(L. 1758)], as well as Hirundinapus Indicus [Hirundapus giganteus indicus ?], are credited with being the clever architects of some of the edible nests, but I believe that although their nests are of much the same shape, and occur in similar localities, they are less sought for by the nest collectors, being considered to have a larger amount of vegetable matter mixed into them. The difference in colour of the nests, which gives rise to the distinctions in the market quality, is often caused by the fact that they are built by different varieties.

The nests are gathered by the Siamese three times a year, in January-February, in April-May, and in August. Care has to be taken to begin just when they are finished and before the eggs are laid; after an egg is once laid, if the nest be taken, the Siamese declare the birds will not build again. The question of the material with which they build, although long a puzzle to the Westerner, has never troubled the mind of the Siamese, for he knows full well that at each flight the bird goes up to heaven to obtain it.

The favourite positions for the nests are in the most inaccessible places, and especially in caves to which there are open-air shafts. The collector can often only reach them swinging in the bight of a rope, and he sweeps them down with the aid of a long bamboo.

As the nests are valuable, it is often a great temptation to passing mariners to stop under the lee of an island and do a profitable morning’s work. In three years Praya Chaiya’s guards have caught as many as two hundred poachers, and now the guards generally open fire on any boat approaching an island in their charge nearer than a hundred yards, with the result that now and then boats in distress get unexpected contributions of lead ballast.

It is an adventurous life, that of these island guards. Their cottages have a most romantic aspect, perched high upon the bare precipices, or nestling snugly on the little patch of shingle beneath a palm or two. The stories of wrecks and storms, of alarms and armed encounters, and of hardship and endurance connected with them, would form a strange chronicle, such as few callings could equal."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 53ff.]


Abb.: Lage von Songkhla (สงขลา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Singora, or Sungkla [Songkhla / สงขลา], as Siamese know it, was seized at the beginning of the century by Chinese from Amoy [廈門], led by the great-grandfather of the present governor, and for a long time they were little meddled with from Bangkok, under which they had placed themselves.

The present Commissioner at Sungkla is Pra Vichit [พระวิชิต], who will be remembered as having been at the Siamese Legation in London three or four years ago. He has the provinces of Lakawn [= Nakhon Si Thammarat / นครศรีธรรมราช] and Patalung [พัทลุง] as well under his jurisdiction. His energy and earnest desire to improve matters have wrought such changes in Sungkla that he has already won the heartfelt gratitude of the people.

The governor himself, one of the most open-minded in the country, is a man of ideas, with considerable mechanical skill, and he has taken up eagerly Pra Vichit’s plans for roads, hospitals, courthouses, improvement of prisons, and so forth. It is very evident, however, that they, like the governor of Chaiya, are hampered by the lack of adequate assistance, a trouble which is felt by all men endeavouring to carry out good work in the country. It is impossible to get reliable and efficient men to aid in the work when there are no adequate salaries forthcoming. Obliged to fall back upon the services of inferiors, untrustworthy in every sense, the honest men have to keep as much work as possible in their own hands, with the result that they are soon overworked and ill, and matters fall into arrears. Among the methods of making money open to dishonest officials are: neglect in giving receipts for land tax, and collecting them again by threats of force, twice or even three times; refusing to give titles to people taking up new (forest) land to clear, without a bribe; tolls on boats; falsification in counterfoils of receipts given; incorrect measurements and entries of land, &c. &c. —malpractices that it is almost impossible for one person, with but two or three reliable assistants, to detect in the business of a large province. And wherever there are Chinamen there bribery is an epidemic, for the giving and taking of bribes is as necessary to the happiness of the Chinaman as are his pork and pigtail. The only remedy is for the Government to spend more money in the provinces, and to institute a sufficiently salaried Civil Service. In this way alone will such men as Pra Vichit, Praya Chaiya, Praya Setthi, and others of their type succeed, and such Augean stables as Lakawn be cleansed.

Again, the abolition of the corvée has very practical drawbacks in Sungkla, for the governor finds it almost impossible to get people to work, even at the fixed wage offered. He is powerless to enforce orders, for the people look upon abolition of corvée as abolition of his right to give orders, and the only people he has undoubted command over, and can use for work, are the gangs of convicts.

It has often happened that work has been sanctioned from Bangkok to be done perhaps in a hurry, and then the money is not found, and a governor is told to settle. If he is a fair man he is out of pocket—if an unfair man, he does not pay for the work. Thus he often chafes under a natural feeling of isolation and neglect.

Prince Damrong [ดำรงราชานุภาพ, 1862 -1943] has done his best to get the importance of the interior recognised in Bangkok, but until it is thoroughly understood by the Government that, as a preliminary, money has to be spent for a little, real reform will never come.

The inclination, as already pointed out, is to regard the provinces as the proper sources from which the money may be systematically bled to pay for the glorification of Bangkok.

Sungkla (the Sangore of Captain Hamilton) is by far the most important place along the coast, and its possibilities as a harbour and its central position are greatly in its favour, both from a commercial and administrative point of view. The population of the town and suburbs, including the very large Malay settlement on the west side of the harbour at Lem Son [แหลมสน], which stands as Flushing does to Falmouth, is 10, 000. The Malays retain their customs like those of Chaiya [ไชยา], but have lost their language and many other characteristics of the pukka [genuin] Malay. They are indolent and heavy, and an unsatisfactory people on the whole, without the positive virtues of the Malay or the Siamese. It is curious that in Lakawn, to the northward, the Malays have preserved a proper pride of race, and still speak their own tongue and are in every way superior to the Chaiya and Sungkla men, for whom they profess a well-merited disdain.

There are also a large number of Chinese traders who have practically got the monopoly of the local trade and own many junks. During the ‘ close ’ season of the year —the north-east monsoon—they buy up the produce from the poor growers, to whom they are in a position to dictate terms, and then despatch their junks, as opportunity offers, to Singapore, Bangkok, and all the smaller ports on the coast. They are, as may be supposed, very averse to Europeans coining into the country, and, as there seems absolutely no likelihood of the Keda-Singora railway being ever finished at the present rate of progress, there is every probability that the Chinaman will be paramount in the place for many years to come.

It is noteworthy that, notwithstanding the number and influence of the Chinese, there is not in Sungkla, as elsewhere, any Chinese coolie class."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 93ff.]

"There are about a hundred elephants owned in the province [Nakhon Si Thammarat / นครศรีธรรมราช], and the best price ruling for a handsome tusker who is also a good carrier is about $500, or 56 l. [= £]; an average animal fetching $400, or 45 l. The former should carry 9½ cwt. [centum weight, 1 cwt. = ca. 51 kg.] with his mahout and saddle, the latter 8 cwt., which is very little more than the weight of food they eat per day.

It is interesting to compare these figures with those in the Lao States, where elephants are even more extensively used. Prices at Nan [น่าน] and on the Mekawng [Mekong] varied (in 1893) from 24 l. to 32 l. a head, farther west the price for an average animal is as high again as 50l. and in Chieng Mai [เชียงใหม่] a really experienced teak-hauling elephant with good tusks may fetch Rs. 3, 000, about 150 l. In those mountain districts, where long and rough journeys are performed, the weight of load is only about one third of that which is usual in the tin States of the peninsula, seldom exceeding 300 lbs., or, at most, 3 cwt., which would be considered absurd in the peninsula. The heavy loads mentioned are only ventured on when the journeys are comparatively short, and the animals must be well fed and have good saddles. The elephants we saw in Sungkla were badly equipped in the last respect. The saddles were often carelessly made, and, though certainly light, were insufficiently supplied with the usual supply of skins and mats to save the back. In the way in which its two separate panniers dispose of the weight upon the ribs, this saddle is an excellent type for heavy loads, but from its low position it is atrocious to ride in. A small barrel- roof of bark was fitted on many.

I did not see any mahouts here armed with the usual spiked goad; they seemed to prefer a loaded cane, the heavy root forming the hitting end, the top having a twist for the handle, and with these they kept the animals well in order.

Our elephants here, accustomed to their heavy load, had not the quick gait of some of the Lao animals, but maintained fairly well the 2½ miles an hour which is the average speed of the elephant, and indeed of all caravan travelling in Siam, and which is rarely exceeded for a long trip, when fords, obstructions, and other things are taken into consideration, except by the independent pedestrian.

Here, as elsewhere in the peninsula, it is a mark of disrespect to be given a female elephant to ride.

In the old days, Burmans and Shans used to travel all the way down to Sungkla [Songkhla / สงขลา] and Lakawn [Nakhon Si Thammarat / นครศรีธรรมราช] to buy elephants, marching back with them up the peninsula, and taking a year or two over the expedition, but this traffic has nearly ceased, although now and then some are exported to Calcutta [কলকাতা] by way of Keda [قدح ]."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 107f.]


Abb.: Lage von Chanthaburi (จันทบุรี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"We were most hospitably entertained at Chantabun [Chanthaburi / จันทบุรี] by Messrs. Sinclair and Hall, the officers of the Siam Exploring Company. They had a cook who made buttered eggs like a dream, fit to rival Trinity kitchens.

I first called on the commandant at the French poste, which stands on the site of the old Siamese Rawng Law quarters above the town.

It consisted of a trench six to eight feet deep, and an earthwork of a similar height, surrounding a rectangular space with a length of about a hundred and fifty yards and a width of considerably less. Small field guns were mounted at the angles, and, inside, the French garrison in occupation was quartered in the grass-thatched bungalows they found there. A tidy road connected it with the river-side, and a small clearing had been made outside for a drill and croquet ground.

The garrison consisted of Commandant Arlabosse, with the rank of chef de bataillon, a commissaire, and a doctor, two captains, four lieutenants, and four native officers, with 300 tirailleurs—Annamites; one lieutenant and twenty-five men of the Artillerie de Marine; and a captain and subaltern and seventy-five men of Infanterie de Marine.

Such was the truth of ‘ the formidable forts mounted with big guns ’ which were reported by some home papers.

The commandant was a man of charming courtesy, and by reason of his wide experience in many parts of the world had much that was interesting to say.

The next call was on the governor, an old friend. His expressive countenance makes him the best of companions, and he talks English idiomatically and forcibly. In linguistic powers his sons are in no way behind him, and between them they can tackle most of the European languages likely to be useful."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 167f.]

"The King has recognised that financial reform is of the first necessity, and has in his own bold way announced his intention of having the whole question gone into by a capable authority, with the object ultimately of publishing a budget. Such an innovation cuts at the root of things; and Mr. Mitchell-Innes [Alfred Mitchell-Innes, 1864 – 1950], of the Diplomatic Service, is the man who has been lent by the British Government for this herculean task. This year he has been given the assistance of two able lieutenants, Mr. Graham and another British official from Burma, and it may safely be said that the work these gentlemen have before them is not only likely to be the most difficult, owing to the opposition they are bound to meet with, but also the most practically useful, and, in its results to the country, the most far-reaching that has been entrusted to any Europeans. Already I understand the majority of the tax-collectors have been made into salaried officials, and control is being exercised generally over the collection of the revenue. One can imagine no deadlier blow at the sanctity of Tamniem [ธรรมเนียม - Tradition]

In the recent abolition of large numbers of the gambling dens, and the resolution to supersede gambling as a source of revenue by other and more wholesome taxes, the Government has not only cut deep at the great national vice, but has indirectly hit hard at slavery. The reform is, to my mind, one of the most important ever undertaken in Siam; and too much cannot be said in praise of the spirit which has prompted it. The Government has been in the past so particularly blind to the methods of collecting revenue, provided the results in ticals were satisfactory, that this marks a wide and most promising departure from the accustomed usage.

It is not too much to say that half the slavery, and three-quarters of the crime about the capital, have been due to the reckless love of gambling. Far from being discouraged in the past, Chinese gambling-houses have been licensed in such numbers that even the well-intentioned could hardly ignore their invitation. There was no moderation for the Siamese, under such circumstances. He gambled to his last att [อัฐ = 1⁄64 Baht]; forgetful of all else, he stole anything he could. Here, again, the Chinese pawnbrokers were eager to encourage him. Openly, in the broad light of day, they cheerfully received all the stolen goods he could collect. And when that game was played out he could sell himself for another advance to the nearest chief. It was State aid to ruin with a vengeance."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 254ff.]

"In all these matters the largest share of the credit is due to M. Rolin Jacquemyns [Gustave Henri Ange Hippolyte Rolin- Jaequemyns, 1835 - 1902], the general adviser to the Government, who against much opposition, both among Siamese and Europeans, has toiled with a loyalty and singleness of purpose which cannot but have their reward. He has had some, at least, of the work of nearly all the divisions of the Government on his shoulders, and his assistance and advice to the heads of the various departments have been invaluable. His Majesty has, with his usual perspicacity, recognised in him a trusty friend, and has placed the utmost confidence in him. The result has been a far more rapid despatch of public business than was formerly possible."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 257]

"Siam has the advantage of possessing in her King the right man in the right place. It is for the people, the official class, and all hands to follow him with singleness of purpose, and with the loyalty which they profess."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 259]

"Caravan Trade with the North
  1. Haw [จีนฮ่อ] or Chinese Panthay [ပန်းသေးလူမျိုး] Mule Caravans from Yunan [雲南]. Regular returns are not obtainable. The average number of these caravans arriving in the Lao States annually up to 1893 was fifteen with fifty animals in each, value from Rs. 3, 000 to Rs. 3, 500 (some 2, 500 l. [= £] ) These figures are now much smaller. The journey occupies thirty-three days to Chieng Tung [Kengtung / ၵဵင်းတုင်], and fifteen to Chieng Mai [เชียงใหม่]. Thence it was customary to travel to Maulmen [မော်လမြိုင်မြို့] to purchase muslins, cambrics and other light articles, several trips being often made in the season, each occupying about forty days. With the advent of the rains the caravans return northward with piece goods and edible birds’ nests from Maulmen and betel from Chieng Mai. A few vary the route by visiting Nan and Pre to the east. The trade is declining owing to most of the caravans turning off at Chieng Tung into the British Shan States, from which it would seem that the efforts to encourage direct trade between China and Burma are really bearing fruit. Under a dozen caravans arrived at Chieng Mai in 1896.
  2. Shan Bulloch Caravans from Chieng Tung and other Shan States. —The average number arriving annually appears to be about thirty-five with 150 animals, and about Rs. 3, 000 worth of goods in each. These consist of lacquer and lacquered boxes, Shan cotton cloth, das, knives, chillies, and coarse paper, and the total average value of their imports is probably 5, 200 l. Some proceed down to Maulmen, and others to Lakawn [Lampang / ลำปาง] Pre [Phrae / แพร่ / แป้] and Sukotai [Sukhothai / สุโขทัย], quite south of the Lao States. The exports they take away are kapi [กะปิ / shrimp paste], dried fish, betel nut, &c. This trade, notwithstanding the bad condition of the trails, is increasing. Each bullock carries from 90 lbs. to 110 lbs., and costs Rs. 25 to 30.
  3. Shan and Tongsu (Toung thoo) packmen are also largely employed to supplement the bullock caravans. They carry 50 lbs. to 70 lbs. in their packs besides their rice, and get Rs. 15 to Rs. 20 for a journey of forty days. The Siamese Government have waived all import duties on the Shan and Burma frontier, but as long as communication is so laborious and expensive trade cannot be expected to develop on a large scale, and is necessarily limited to articles of small bulk, and of superior and more costly quality. The few occasional caravans which used to arrive at Chieng Mai from Luang Prabang [ຫຼວງພະບາງ] with silk, gum-benjamin, and pla bak roe have almost ceased since 1893.
  4. Boat Trade with Bangkok. —By far the greater part of the imports to Chieng Mai and other Lao States come by this comparatively cheap but very lengthy route. The round journey occupies seventy days in the high water, and four to five months in the dry season. The imports by this route to Chieng Mai are valued as follows:


Twist and yarns 27,000
White shirtings 16,000
Cotton manufactures 26,000
Dried and salt fish 12,000
Salt 5,000
Silk manufactures 3,000
Coloured prints 3,000
Turkey red cloth 3,000
  £95, 000

Miscellaneous articles are kerosene, hardware, lamps and matches (invariably Japanese), aniline dyes, guns and ammunition, and gold leaf, and the total value is estimated at 150, 000 l. The chief exports by this route besides teak (q. v. ) are sticklac, cutch, which is increasing and is commonly used in Chieng Mai for chewing with betel, paduk, sapan, cedar, rosewood, ebony, and other forest products."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 288f.]


The ken itself is limited to the Lao Kao—the eastern Lao of the Me Kawng [Mekong] Valley, especially of Luang Prabang [ຫຼວງພະບາງ] and Wieng Chan [Vientiane / ວຽງຈັນ]. The home of the instrument appears to be the mountainous country of Chieng Kwang [Xieng Khouang / ຊຽງຂວາງ], east and perhaps north of Luang Prabang, and it is undoubtedly a development of the curious five-reed and six-reed instruments to be found among the Musur and other hill tribes of the Sibsawng Punna [ສິບສອງພັນນາ / 西双版纳傣族自治州].

In Lower Siam it is not found, except among the settlements of Lao people which are to be met with here and there. I believe it is not played in Chieng Mai [เชียงใหม่], and so near to the Me Kawng [Mekong] as Nan [น่าน] its place is taken by reed flutes, which are generally played in trios.

Abb.: Five-reed organ

In all these instruments the principal of the ‘reed’ described in Chapter X is adopted for the production of the note, and the sweetness of tone which results is in striking contrast to the harsh sounds of the generality of Eastern wind instruments. Even in the hunting horns of the interior the same vibrating tongue of metal is used, and the same soft cooing note is produced.

Considerable musical taste has been displayed in the selection of the intervals. In the simple five-reed instrument of the Musur here shown, the mouth-piece and air chamber is formed by a gourd, and the five pipes are inserted in openings cut in the top. Similar openings at the bottom allow the lower ends of the pipes to remain open. A caulking of beeswax is used to prevent any escape of wind round the pipes at these openings, as well as to hold the pipes in place.

As in all these instruments the pipes are not arranged in ascending or descending order, but the notes which in two instruments run :—


are arranged thus in the ascending order L2, L1, L3, R2. R1.

For convenience of reference, here and in every case the pipes are divided into R (Right) and L (Left) according as they are in the right or left row facing the player (the foreground and the background of the sketches), and each row is numbered in order from the player (from left to right in the sketches).

I have never heard this instrument played.

Abb.: Six-reed organ

In the six-reed instrument here shown the pipes are of comparatively heavy bamboo, instead of light reeds, with the open joint always below the air chamber, and the lower end open; the mouth-piece and air chamber are of two pieces, one forming the whole length of the top, the other of the bottom. They fit so closely that in a new instrument the joint is hardly distinguishable. They are bound together by ingenious little straps of bark, and the usual caulking round the reeds is of wax.


Abb.: Bark strap

The notes, which are


are arranged thus in the ascending order : L2, L3, R3, R2, L1, R1, the position of the octave notes being thus the same in each instrument.

The fitting of the metal tongue of the reed is seen when the pipe is removed from the air chamber, and the tablet in which the tongue vibrates is drawn out of the slits in the bamboo pipe to one side. If the reed is out of repair this is easily done. It is a pretty illustration of the native deftness with the bamboo.

In the ken we have a considerable advance on these instruments. There are fourteen pipes, which are symmetrically arranged, and have a very neat appearance. The mouthpiece and air chamber is the highly polished luk lamut [ลูกละมุด], carefully turned and finished off at the end, and sometimes is even made of ivory. The two rows of reeds are inserted in two long slits made in the top and bottom of the air chamber, and are carefully caulked in the usual way. It is noticeable that the speaking length of the tube is regulated by a slit cut on the inner side, and no longer by the length of the pipe itself. Thus a little pride in the appearance of the instrument is possible, and the symmetry dear to the heart of the organ-builder in Europe is attained on a small scale.

Abb. Sawk Kub [ศอกคืบ] Ken, Four Sawk [ศอก] Ken

That the present form of the instrument is now stereotyped is evident from the difficulty I had in getting any one to make me one with sixteen reeds (and two octaves). The answer always was mai dai[ไม่ได้], it is impossible ; mai koe [ไม่เคย], it has not been customary. But I got one at length from an unusually enterprising Wieng Chan man who makes large numbers of kens for sale; but it is a four-sawk [ศอก] (6 ft. 8 in.) instrument, and demands powerful lungs. A smaller size he maintained it was impossible to make of such compass.

The ken, it will be seen, has the major diatonic scale, and begins on the relative minor below, and goes to the fourth above; and considerably greater variation can be obtained than with the five- and six-reed instruments. It is probably the only instrument of Indo-China on which chords or combinations of notes are ever produced.



The notes are arranged thus in the ascending order: R1, L2, R2, L3, L4, L5, L6², R3², R4, R5, L1, R6, R7, L7.

 2 These two are the same note, used a good deal as a drone.

Abb.: The Ken reed

The reed may be reached by removing the fastenings and the beeswax round any particular pipe, and pushing it gently and firmly up through the air chamber. It is even more delicate than that of the six-reed instrument. And they stand the wear and tear of life on a jungle trail for years together.

The reed flute of Nan  [น่าน] depends, like the true flute or flageolet, on the varying length of the vibrations in the tube, which is shortened or lengthened by the fingers opening or filling the holes in it. The metal reed of the ken is however retained. Of three of these instruments, used for the trio-playing which is usual in Nan, only one, unfortunately, arrived with me uninjured, and it is consequently impossible to give their relation and relative pitch to one another.

It is the middle of the three, and has the whole octave:—


Owing to the breadth of the finger stretch it is a difficult instrument to play in tune, especially the base flute of the trio."

[a.a.O., Bd. 2, S. 289 - 295]

Appendix XV: Some airs of Siam:

[a.a.O., Bd 2, S. 301 - 307]


Es erscheint:

Young, Ernest <1869-1952>: The kingdom of the yellow robe. -- Westminster : Constable, 1898. -- 399 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm.

Abb.: Titelblatt

Abb.: Straßenkehrer
[a.a.O., S. 3]

Abb.: Essensverkäufer
[a.a.O., S. 6]

Abb.: Petroleum-Händler
[a.a.O., S. 10]

Abb.: Gharry
[a.a.O., S. 23]

Abb.: Leichter-Schiff
[a.a.O., S. 31]

Abb.: Chinesische Handelsdschunke
[a.a.O., S. 36]

Abb.: Chinesischer Händler
[a.a.O., S. 97]

Abb.: Rickscha-Kuli
[a.a.O., S. 135]

Abb.: Kampffisch-Wette
[a.a.O., S. 151]

Abb.: Lotterie-Verkäufer
[a.a.O., S. 155]

Abb.: Schauspieler
[a.a.O., S. 165]

Abb.: Nassreisfeld pflügen
[a.a.O., S. 203]

Abb.: Arme-Leute-Bestattung
[a.a.O., S. 245]

Abb.: Reis-Gabe an Mönche
[a.a.O., S. 264]

"As far as the casual observer can judge, in this capital of Siam there are no Siamese engaged in any hard manual labour at all. There are of course, many Siamese employed in various kinds of domestic or official work, but in the streets nearly every workman is Chinese. There are nearly as many Chinese in the country as there are Siamese. They marry Siamese women, and their children make excellent subjects, as they possess both the natural brightness  of the mother and the industry of the father. Unless they renounce their own nationality they are subject to a poll- tax of about five or six shillings, payable once every three years. At a date made known by proclamation, each Chinaman must present himself at the police-station and pay the tax. The receipt given is a small piece of bee’s-wax about the size of a three-penny piece. This bears a seal, and is worn on the wrist for a certain time, fastened by a piece of string. The police are very busy at this time, as there is nothing the Siamese policeman so much enjoys as leading some unfortunate Chinaman to pay the tax. Should the seal be lost, the alien is bound to buy another as soon as he is requested by some officer of the law.

Carpenters, blacksmiths, butchers, bakers and scavengers are all Chinese. It is a Chinaman who sits all through the heat of the day, under a tent made of an old sheet supported by a central bamboo pole, displaying an array of strange-looking liquids, placed in thick glass tumblers in a long row. Great lumps of vermicelli float in the blue, green, red, or yellow liquids, presenting the appearance of curious anatomical specimens preserved in coloured spirits. It is a Chinaman who hawks about great pails of slimy, black jelly having the consistency and colour of blacking, but said to be extremely palatable with coarse brown sugar. The men who are watering the roads with wooden buckets fitted with long bamboo spouts; the men who sweep the roads, and mend them; the coolies in the wharves; the clerks in the offices; the servants in the hotels and houses: are all subjects of "The Lord of the Vermilion Pencil."

No Siamese pulls a rickshaw, though he frequently rides in one. The Chinese are the beasts of burden as far as the Bangkok rickshaw is concerned. This vehicle, as seen in Siam is a very sorry-looking object, bearing only a distant resemblance to those met with in every Eastern port from Colombo to Yokohama. Nowhere do you ever find such dilapidated rickety structures as those that the coolies pull through the streets of this city. A new one would be a veritable curiosity. When the rickshaws of Singapore and Hong-kong have reached a condition of extreme old age, and are so broken down that the authorities in those ports refuse to grant them licences any longer, they are sent on to Bangkok, where no licences are required. There the poorer classes use them freely, and there too are they as often used for the removal of household furniture, or the transportation of pigs, as they are for the carriage of passengers. The coolies tear through the streets, regardless of anyone’s comfort or safety except their own; though, be it said, that they never resent the cut of a driver’s whip when some coachman thus forcibly reminds them which is the right side of the road.

[a.a.O., S. 9 - 12]

"In every street there will always be found a Chinaman, wearing big goggles, sitting at a table in the front of an open house or shop, wearing upon his wooden countenance a quiet and meditative smile. By his side is a small pile of thin sheets of yellow paper, and a quantity of writing material. He is an agent of the gambling farmer and deals in lottery tickets. The Government farms out the monopoly and derives a considerable revenue from it, as in some years as much as thirty thousand pounds sterling has been paid for the privilege of being allowed to gently ease other people of their superfluous cash. The lottery farmer chooses, every day, one out of thirty-four characters of the alphabet as the lucky one for that day. He keeps the secret of his choice to himself, and leaves those people who are of a speculative turn of mind to guess the particular letter he has chosen. Everyone is at liberty to try his luck. The gambler goes to one of the numerous writers of lottery tickets and names a letter. The writer slowly inscribes the letter upon one of the sheets of paper. He then folds it up, and on the back states his own name and address, the name and address of the purchaser of the ticket, and the amount paid for the same. He keeps possession of the paper till the close of the day. The city is divided into districts, over each of which the lottery farmer places a trustworthy overseer. Towards evening the overseer visits every ticket writer in his locality, collects all the papers, and the money paid for them. These he afterwards takes to the office of his chief. At a given hour the fanner declares the winning letter and the papers are opened. All those papers that do not bear the chosen character are thrown away and the money appropriated. Those who have been fortunate enough to guess correctly the letter for the day, receive back twenty-nine times their stake, so that the man who staked one pound receives twenty-nine as his reward. The chances in favour of the proprietor of the lottery are so great, and so many thousands of people patronise him every day that he can easily afford to award a prize of high value to the few winners. Some people endeavour to calculate their chances beforehand. In every writer’s house is placed a board divided into squares. Every day from the beginning to the end of the month, the letter chosen is written in one of these squares. The board is consulted by those about to try their luck, and they try to work out a system which shall guide them in their choice. Many gamblers, especially if they are Chinese, consult their gods about the matter. They go to the temples and stand in front of the altar. There they find a bamboo box containing thirty-four strips of bamboo, on each of which is printed one of the letters used by the lottery farmers. They address the presiding deity of the place and promise him abundance of fat pork and chickens if only he will be so kind as to help them in their venture. After having made this tempting offer, one stick is chosen from the bundle. The gambler looks at it, and then wonders if the gods are going to make sport of him. He proceeds to test the sincerity of the deity. He takes two pieces of bamboo root, which have been flattened on the one side and rounded on the other. He throws them into the air, exclaiming as he does so, "If I have chosen the right letter, let these two roots fall with the flat sides up. ” Suppose they fall as he desires, he repeats the experiment, saying, " If I have chosen the right letter, let these two roots fall with the round side up. ” Even if success again crowns his experiment, he still feels inclined to doubt the playful deity to whom he is appealing for counsel. So he throws the roots yet once again—" If I have chosen the right letter let these two roots fall, one with the flat side up, and one with the round side up. ” If they should fall in this way, he is practically certain the gods are with him. He pawns everything he possesses and stakes every farthing he can obtain on the letter of his choice. Thirty-three chances to one that he loses, and he may spend the rest of his life in extreme poverty, bewailing the fickleness of the god he supplicated. Anyone who can write can set up a stand, for it is the policy of the farmer to have his agents scattered all over the city. The overseers are not directly paid for their services, but on the contrary, actually pay to be allowed to hold the office. The writers of the tickets receive a commission of one shilling for every forty-four shillings they hand to the overseers. The overseer receives from the farmer the same proportion of the total amount he collects each day. Thirty times the sum actually staked is handed to the writer of a correct letter. He then hands over to the winner twenty-nine times the sum, so that he gets a further profit of one-thirtieth of all the winning money that passes through his hands.

A few years ago, the gambling farmer lost a considerable sum of money through his own indiscretion. He had obtained a new wife of great beauty, of whom he was passionately fond. One day she asked him what letter he had chosen for the winning one. “ Why do you wish to know? ” said he. Woman-like, she replied, " Oh, I merely asked you out of curiosity. ” “Well, ” said the infatuated adorer, “promise me that you will on no account reveal it to any single person you may meet. Remember, if people were to know what letter I had chosen, I should lose a tremendous sum of money. ” The new favourite answered, "I promise not to tell. ” He gave her the letter, and faithful to her promise, she kept the secret. But she went to one of the writers and staked all the money she had on what she knew was to be the lucky character. The writer knew who she was, and jokingly asked her why she had chosen that particular letter. She answered that she had simply selected it as any one else might have done in order try her luck. Several people standing by heard the conversation, and learning that the chief had been to see her the day before in her own quarters, they thought it extremely probable that she was in possession of that day's winning number. They
promptly followed her example, with the result that her confiding spouse lost several thousand dollars on the day’s transactions. He at once accused her of betraying his trust, and although she pleaded her innocence, he sold her within a few days to gratify his want of revenge, or perhaps, to recoup himself in part for the losses he had sustained as the result of his own folly.

In the small gambling houses that abound, various games of chance are played all day. They are open to the road, and are always fairly well filled. Idlers strolling by with an odd cent in their waistband, step in and lose it, and then pass on their way to give place to others who seek easily-made fortunes. The games played require no skill on the part of those who play. It is all pure chance, as the following descriptions will show."

[a.a.O., S. 153 - 158]

"The villagers in all parts of the country are very hospitable and kindly disposed towards travellers. They show their politeness in their extreme inquisitiveness. They poke their noses into everything, and beg old bottles and sardine tins from the cook, at the same time making little presents of eggs and fish. In very remote places the white skin of the European is a great curiosity, but they never molest any traveller whatever his colour, nor do they interfere with his personal liberty. On the other hand, every one, from the governor of the district down to the lowest slave, will do all they can to help the wanderer, provided he treats them with that courtesy and respect which they are prepared to show to him. Sometimes a native with a little mischief in his nature will attempt a practical joke, but it is usually of such a harmless character that only a very disagreeable person would be likely to experience any great annoyance. A fisherman one day visited a small party of Europeans who were encamped in his neighbourhood, and offered to sell them an animal for food. The creature had neither head, feet, nor tail, but their absence was explained by the vendor, who said he had removed them in order to save the white men trouble. He further stated that the animal was a hare that he had trapped in the jungle. None of the party knew very much about anatomy, but they felt rather dubious as to the truth of the man's statements. One of them, quite thoughtlessly and casually, observed, “Perhaps it is a dog.” A broad grin spread over the wily fisherman’s face, for the stray shot had hit the mark. He retired roaring with laughter, and exclaimed in the vernacular, “ Master very clever, very clever I"

They are generally frightened by a camera, but it is a strange thing that nowhere do the priests object to having their photographs taken and printed. In fact, as soon as they learn the nature of the apparatus they become a perfect nuisance by the eagerness they express to be photographed. They will come every morning to the tent or hut where the photographer is encamped, dressed in their best Sunday robes, and wait about all day, in the hope of being “taken." "

[a.a.O., S. 193f.]


Es erscheint:

American trade with Siam / The Philadelphia Commercial Museum. -- Philadelphia : The Museum, 1898. -- 31 S.

"Siam as a Market for America.

Commerce and industry in most of the East Asiatic countries are still in their infancy, and yet the foreign trade in 1897 represented the enormous value of over $600,000,000. When it is considered that there are about 400,000,000 people living in the East of Asia, it will readily be understood to what extent commercial transactions can be developed. The population and commerce of Japan alone exceed those of the whole of South America. No market of the Far East should be neglected; the entire field should be exploited from Siberia to Siam with the same energy that is displayed in the United States, but with ways and means suited to Asiatic characteristics and conditions.

. If we concentrate our attention on Siam, we will find that this country, although the volume of its present commerce is not as large as that of other Asiatic markets, offers many opportunities for American trade.

During the present year special effort should be made to increase the trade of the United States with this rich and prosperous kingdom of Southeastern Asia. A critical period is approaching, and the results thereof will determine the control of Siamese foreign trade.

Too little is known about this country in the United States, or perhaps there is too little respect for it as a factor in the Asiatic trade. True, it is small compared with our vast area and population, but it is deserving of far more attention than it receives. It is of more consequence in the political world at the present time than it has ever been before, and its commerce is growing. Exporters of Europe have fully awakened to the importance and possibilities of Siam’s market.

The independent countries of the Far East can be classed as primary and secondary. Under the first head are Japan and China; under the second, Siam and Korea. Siam is as far ahead of Korea in progress as Japan is of China, while in value of exports and imports and variety of resources Korea is far behind Siam. Bangkok does more business in four months than Seoul and Chemulpo do in twelve, while in life and activity it presents an appearance equaled by only one or two ports in all Japan and China.

Siam to-day is attracting more attention than ever before, especially in England, France and Germany; and the United States, as far as commercial relations are a measure of influence, should not overlook the field.

Siam is making marked progress, and, after Japan, is more open to new ideas than any other Asiatic nation. The King of Siam has recently returned from an extended trip to Europe, in which he must have seen and learned much that will assist him in improving his own kingdom. He is a man who has the respect of foreigners and natives alike. He is easily the ablest statesman of Siam, and well fitted to be its ruler."

[a.a.O. S. 6]


Es erscheint:

Pavie, Auguste <1847 - 1925>: Mission Pavie, Indo-Chine, 1879-1895. [2. sér.], Etudes diverses. -- Paris : Leroux,  1898 - 1906. -- 3 Bde

Abb.: Karte von Indochina
[a.a.O., Bd. 1]

Abb.: Dschunke
[a.a.O., Bd. 1, S. 87]

Abb.: Flotte
[a.a.O., Bd. 1, vor S. 129]

Abb.: Schiff mit Anker
[a.a.O., Bd. 1, vor S. 131]

Abb.. Haus
[a.a.O., Bd. 1, vor S. 105]

Abb.: Käfer
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 60]

Abb.: Käfer
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 76]

Abb.: Käfer
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 106]

Abb.: Käfer
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 174]

Abb.: Falter
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 178]

Abb.: Wegwespen
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 198]

Abb.: Spinnen
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 282]

Abb.: Tausendfüßler
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 298]

Abb.: Schnecken
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 352]

Abb.: Schnecken
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 360]

Abb.: Schnecken und Muscheln
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 374]

Abb.: Mekong-Riesenwels (Pangasianodon gigas)
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, S. 491]

Abb.: Klein-Gibbon
[a.a.O., Bd. 3, nach S. 512]


Es erscheint:

Coussot, Alfred ;  Ruel, Henri: Douze mois chez les sauvages du Laos. -- Paris : A. Challamel, 1898. -- 352 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm.

Abb.: Titelblatt

Abb.: a.a.O., S. 116


Es erscheint:

Dépierre,  Jean-Marie <1855 - 1898>: Situation du Christianisme en Cochinchine à la fin du XIXe siècle. -- Saïgon : Claude 1898. -- 40 S.

"The precise honor of our country is to place intellectual culture and moral progress above any other preoccupations. Instead of exploiting its subjects and pressuring them to death, as is still done in the Indies and to some extent throughout the Anglo-Saxon world, Frenchmen have always made it a point of honor to bring to the nations in which they establish themselves their ideas, their civilization, and their faith."

[Übersetzt in: Osborne, Milton E.: The French presence in Cochinchina and Cambodia : rule and response (1859-1905). -- Bangkok : white Lotus, 1997. -- 379 S. : Ill. ; 20 cm. -- ISBN 974-8434-00-1. -- "First published by Cornell Univ. in 1969". -- S. 42]

Abb.: Jean-Marie Dépierre

"Jean-Marie Dépierre MEP, né le 18 janvier 1855 à Thoiry en Savoie et mort le 17 octobre 1898 à Saïgon, est un évêque et missionnaire catholique français qui fut vicaire apostolique de la Cochinchine occidentale.


Jean-Marie Dépierre naît dans une famille paysanne et fait ses études au petit séminaire de Saint-Pierre-d'Albigny, puis quelques mois au grand séminaire de Chambéry avant de rejoindre le séminaire des Missions étrangères de Paris où il est ordonné prêtre le 20 septembre 1879 à l'âge de vingt-quatre ans. Il est envoyé le 26 novembre suivant pour la Cochinchine alors sous administration française.

Il est d'abord nommé professeur au séminaire de Saïgon, où il enseigne aux étudiants cochinchinois la rhétorique, la philosophie et la théologie dogmatique. Il publie en plus un manuel de philosophie et un manuel de théologie.

Le 12 avril 1895, Jean-Marie Dépierre est nommé par Rome évêque titulaire (in partibus) de Benda pour succéder à Mgr Colombert (1838 - 1894), mort le 31 décembre 1894, à la tête du vicariat apostolique de Cochinchine occidentale. Il reçoit la consécration épiscopale le 25 juillet 1895 à la cathédrale Notre-Dame de Saïgon. Devenu évêque, il s'intéresse à la formation des futurs prêtres indochinois, divise en deux le séminaire de Saïgon pour en faire un petit et un grand séminaires, ouvre un séminaire à An-Duc et compose des ouvrages de théologie.

Bruquement atteint de maladie, il meurt à Saïgon le 17 octobre 1898 à l'âge de quarante-trois ans. Il est enterré dans la cathédrale.

Mgr Mossard lui succède."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2014-12-16]


Es erscheint

La mission lyonnaise d'exploration commerciale en Chine 1895-1897 / Chambre de Commerce de Lyon. -- Lyon : Rey, 1898. -- 386 ; 473 S. : Ill. ; 27 cm. -- Der Bericht befeuert das französische Großmachtstreben in Ost- und Südostasien.

Abb.: Titelblatt

Abb.: Carte de L'Indo-Chine
[a.a.O., nach S. 126]

1898 - 1939

In den von Großbritannien abhängigen Teilen Südostasiens gilt der Straits Dollar.

Abb.: 50 Straits Dollar 1911
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1898 - 1899

Hans Hermann Eschke (1856 - 1904) ist deutscher Geschäftsträger in Bangkok.

"Hans Hermann Eschke (* 10. November 1856 in Berlin; † 19. Juli 1904 in Singapur) war erster deutscher Generalkonsul in Singapur.Hintergrund

Hans Hermann Eschke war Sohn des Landschafts- und Marinemalers Prof. Hermann Eschke (1832-1900) aus Berlin.[1][2] Die Verbindung seines Vaters zur Umgebung des Kaisers waren wahrscheinlich nicht unerheblich für Eschkes Karriere im Auswärtigen Dienst, die zu seiner Position in Singapur führte.


Nach dem Eintritt in das preußische Justizministerium wurde der Jurist Hans Hermann Eschke 1889 als Konsul und damit als erster hauptamtlicher deutscher Diplomat nach Singapur entsandt. Das Deutsche Reich hatte Interesse an einem Ausbau der Präsenz in der Region, insbesondere mit Blick auf Tsingtau ( 青島, China). Hier bewegte sich Eschke in den Kreisen der angesehenen deutschen Kaufleute und lernte gleich zu Beginn seines Aufenthalts Olga Sohst, die Tochter des in Singapur bekannten Kaufmanns und deutschen Honorarkonsuls Theodor Sohst, kennen. Nur drei Monate nach seiner Ankunft in Singapur heiratete er sie. Von Olgas Mitgift konnte sich das junge Paar ein Haus (Mount Rosie) kaufen. Mit den guten Verbindungen der angestammten Familie Sohst gelang es Eschke und seiner Frau Olga schnell, erfolgreich im Sinne der Deutschen Gemeinschaft vor Ort zu wirken.

Ende 1898 bis 1899 nahm Eschke die Ministerresidentengeschäfte in Bangkok wahr und wurde in der Zeit von seinem Schwiegervater Theodor Sohst vertreten, der vor ihm die Position eines deutschen Honorarkonsuls in Singapur wahrgenommen hatte. Im Januar 1902 wurde Eschke zusätzlich zum Konsul für den unter britischer Herrschaft stehenden Teil der Insel Borneo, die Kolonie Labuan und die vereinigten Schutzstaaten der Halbinsel Malakka mit Sitz in Singapur. 1903 erfolgte die Umwandlung des Konsularamts in Singapur in ein Generalkonsulat und Eschke erhielt die Ernennung zum Kaiserlichen Deutschen Generalkonsul. 1903 wurde der Amtsbezirk auf das Sultanat Johore ausgedehnt. Darüber hinaus verwaltete Eschke das österreich-ungarische, sowie ab Dezember 1903 auch das türkische Generalkonsulat.


Das hohe Ansehen, das Eschke in der Vertretung der Interessen Deutschlands in den Straits gefunden hat, wird in der dortigen Presse (Straits Times 1904) in einem Nachruf zu seinem Tode zum Ausdruck gebracht: „Alle Konsulate und großen Geschäftshäuser, sowie auch die deutschen Schiffe im Hafen hatten anlässlich seines Ablebens gestern auf Halbmast geflaggt, die Banken und einige andere Geschäfte schlossen übrigens zum Zeichen der Trauer bereits um 1 Uhr ihre Räume.“


Das Grab von Hans Hermann Eschke befand sich ursprünglich auf dem Alten Friedhof und wurde bei Aufhebung des Friedhofs in den Park des Fort Canning (National Park) am Canning Rise verlegt. In einem "19th Century Walk of History" wird dort an die frühen europäischen Bewohner Singapurs in Gestalt von zehn Stelen erinnert. Zwei Stelen erinnern an deutsche Einwohner, eine ist die von Hans Hermann Eschke."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2014-11-26]


Die deutsche Firma Mauser stellt das Gewehr Mauser Modell 98 her. Es gilt als beste handbediente Waffe mit Zylinderverschluss. Insgesamt werden von den verschiedenen Varianten dieses Gewehrs weltweit mehr als 100 Mio. Exemplare hergestellt.

Abb.: Mauser Karabiner 98K
[Bildquelle: Armémuseum (The Swedish Army Museum) / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Die Niederländer wenden in Aceh (Sumatra) erstmals die Korte Verklaring an.

Abb.: Unterzeichnung der Korte Verklaring durch den raja von Süd-Celebes, 1946-10-15
[Bildquelle: Tropenmuseum of the Royal Tropical Institute (KIT) / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"The Korte Verklaring ("Short Declaration") was a standard form of agreement whereby an Indonesian ruler recognised the authority of the colonial government of the Netherlands Indies and agreed to accept its orders."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-11-05]

1898 datiert

1898-01 - 1899

Kronprinz Vajiravudh (วชิราวุธ, 1881 - 1925) studiert an der Royal Military Academy in Sandhurst.

Abb.: Lage von Sandhurst
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, 2006
[Bildquelle: Antony McCallum / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]


Erstes Ehegesetz. Es gilt nur, wenn mindestens einer der Partner Ausländer ist, und soll Europäern eine rechtsgültige Ehe in Siam ermöglichen.

"A decree of some importance has been issued on the valid celebration of marriages in Siam and the proofs of such celebration by foreign residents. In the first section it sets forth what constitutes marriage, according to Siamese law. The translation, the original of which was published in the Government Gazette of January 9th, 1898. runs as follows:

We Chulalongkorn, etc.

Whereas it has been reported to Us by Our Minister for Foreign Affairs, that some foreign residents are encountering difficulties for the celebration and for the legal proof of their marriage, whenever they contracted, or intend to contract it according to the law of this country, and that therefore it appears to be desirable, on behalf of such residents, to declare and to explain, by way of authoritative interpretation, what are the conditions required for the valid celebration of marriages according to Siamese Law, and then to decree in what form the legal celebration of such marriages shall be proved when both parties or one of them are foreigners.

Do hereby declare as follows:

Sect. 1. Marriage, according to Siamese Law and custom, is a contract between man and wife, to which the ordinary principles which attach to other contracts are applicable, and it is consequently validly celebrated whenever it clearly results from the words exchanged or from the rites observed that both parties freely consent to take each other as man and wife provided he or she does not labour under some particular disability.

Sect. 2. Whenever both parties or one of them are resident in Siam, their mutual and simultaneous consent to take each other as man and wife may he legally proved, cither at the celebration of the marriage or at a later time, by a declaration to that effect made in the presence of at least four well-known witnesses before the Minister of Local Government or his substitute, if the marriage is or has been contracted in Bangkok, or before the Governor of the province where the parties or one of them are living at the time being, if the marriage is or has been contracted in any other part of Our Kingdom.

Sect. 3. A written deed of such declaration, as mentioned in Section 2, shall he drawn either in Siamese only or, if parties so require, in Siamese and English, both versions having the same meaning and intention, in two original documents, by the official before whom it is made, mentioning the date of the marriage, the respective names, age, and place of birth of each party, in confirmation of which data all satisfactory evidence shall be produced if so requested by the said official, and each of these copies shall be signed by the said official, by both parties, by the four witnesses, as also eventually by such of the parents, of one or both parties, who may be present. One of these two originals shall be carefully kept and registered in the archives of the officer where it has been drawn, and the other copy shall be forwarded without any delay to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, to be carefully kept and registered in the archives of his department.

Sect. 4. The certified extracts or full copies of the deed, as mentioned in Section 3, shall be delivered to any person applying for it, at the cost of four ticals for each extract or copy, if the document is executed in Siamese only, or of eight ticals if the document is executed in Siamese and English.

Done in Bangkok this 9th day of January, 1898."

[Quelle: Directory for Bangkok and Siam 1914. -- Bangkok : Bangkok Times, 1914. -- 380, 155 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- S. 37f.]


Abb.: Die Aufteilung Chinas unter den Großmächten: "Le gâteau des Rois et... des Empereurs (Die Torte der Könige und Kaiser)” / von Henri Meyer (1844–1899). -- In: Le Petit journal. Supplement illustré >Paris, Frankreich>. -- 1898-01-16


Bangkok Times zitiert den König:

"I have convinced myself in Europe of the great benefit which Asiatic nations may derive from the acquisition of European science, [but] I am convinced also that there exists no incompatibility between such acquisition and the maintenance of our individuality as an independent Asiatic nation."

[Zitiert in: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 232]


Einweihung des Dusit Palasts (พระราชวังดุสิต).

Abb.: Lage des Dusit Palasts (พระราชวังดุสิต)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Dusit Palast (พระราชวังดุสิต)
[Bildquelle: ©Google earth. -- Zugriff am 2012-03-28]

"Phra Ratchawang Dusit (Thai: พระราชวังดุสิต, Deutsch: Dusit-Palast) ist ein Ensemble von verschiedenen Palast-Gebäuden im Bangkoker Stadtteil Dusit (ดุสิต) in Thailand.

Er wurde Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts von König Chulalongkorn (Rama V.) als Alternative zum Grand Palace (พระบรมมหาราชวัง) angelegt.


Im Inneren Bereich des Grand Palace wurden bis zur Regierungszeit von König Chulalongkorn sehr viele Gebäude gebaut, so dass das Gebiet in den Sommertagen unerträglich heiß wurde, denn es fehlte an Luftzirkulation. Da es der König liebte, lange Spaziergänge außerhalb von Bangkok zu unternehmen, fühlte er sich zunehmend unwohl, wenn er den Sommer im Grand Palace verbrachte. Als er 1897 von seiner Europareise zurückgekehrt war, wo er großzügig angelegte Gärten der europäischen Königshäuser besichtigt hatte, beschloss er, ebenfalls einen Gartenpalast am Rand Bangkoks, nicht weit entfernt vom Stadtzentrum zu erbauen.

Aus seiner königliche Privatschatulle kaufte er mehrere zusammenhängende Grundstücke Ackerland und Obstgärten im Gebiet zwischen Khlong Phadung Krung Kasem (คลองผดุงกรุงเกษม) und Khlong Samsen (คลองสามเสน). Er nannte das Gebiet „Suan Dusit“ (สวนดุสิต, Himmlischer Garten). Am 16. Februar 1898 weihte er das neue Palastgelände feierlich ein, indem er einige Bäume fällte. In den folgenden Monaten wurden Kanäle gegraben, Brücken und Straßen gebaut und Gärten angelegt. Einige provisorische Holzhäuser wurden für die Königliche Familie errichtet, und in einer feierlichen Zeremonie am 1. März 1899 nahm der König seine Residenz im „Dusit Palast“ (วังสวนดุสิต, Wang Suan Dusit) ein. [1]

König Chulalongkorn versetzte am 1. Dezember 1899 den deutschen Architekten C. Sandreczki vom Bauministerium zum Schatzministerium, welchem die Konstruktion der neuen Palastgebäude unterlag. Herr Sandreczki war bereits beim Bau mehrerer Gebäude im Grand Palce verantwortlich, er sollte nun zusammen mit Prinz Naris (สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ เจ้าฟ้าจิตรเจริญ กรมพระยานริศรานุวัดติวงศ์, 1863 - 1947), dem Minister des Hofstaates, die weiteren Baumaßnahmen überwachen. Weitere ausländische Architekten wurden verpflichtet, darunter Mr. Dalvatore und Mr. Da Silva aus Italien. 1890 begann dann die Konstruktion der permanenten Gebäude.

Bald war auch ein Prachtboulevard angelegt, der in drei Abschnitten den Grand Palace und den Dusit-Palast verband: der „Thanon Ratchadamnoen Nai“ (ถนนราชดำเนินใน, Innerer Königlicher Prozessionsweg), der „Thanon Ratchadamnoen Glang“ (ถนนราชดำเนินกลาง, Mittlerer Königlicher Prozessionsweg) und der „Thanon Ratchadamnoen Nok“ (ถนนราชดำเนินนอก, Äußerer Königlicher Prozessionsweg). [2] Der „Thanon Ratchadamnoen Nai“ verbindet mit einer Länge von 525 und einer Breite von 28 Metern den Grand Palace mit der Phanphiphop-Lila-Brücke (สะพานผ่านพิภพลีลา) über den Khlong Lod. Der „Thanon Ratchadamnoen Glang“ führt dann in einer Länge von 1200 und einer Breite von 58 Metern von der Phanphiphop-Lila-Brücke bis zur Phanfa-Lilat-Brücke (สะพานผ่านฟ้าลีลาศ) über den Khlong Phadung Krung Kasem. Der „Thanon Ratchadamnoen Nok“ schließlich, das mit 1475 Metern längste Teilstück, ist ebenfalls 58 Meter breit. Er führt von der Phanfa-Lilat-Brücke bis zum Royal Plaza, einem großzügigen, rechteckigen Platz vor der Ananta Samakhom Thronhalle. [3]

König Vajiravudh (Rama VI.) erkannte die Bedeutung des Dusit Palastes, und gab ihm im Jahr 1916 den Namen „Phra Ratchawang Dusit“ (พระราชวังดุสิต). [4] Dieser Name wird noch heute benutzt.


Wie auch andere Königliche Paläste in Siam ist der Dusit-Palast in drei Bereiche eingeteilt: den Äußeren, den Mittleren und den Inneren Bereich. Während die Bereiche im Grand Palace noch klar durch Mauern abgetrennt waren, wurde hier Landschaftsarchitektur verwendet: die einzelnen Bereiche werden durch kleinere oder breitere Kanäle (คลอง - Khlongs) unterteilt. Diese Kanäle, der Khlong Mengseng, der Khlong Lamnak, der Khlong Rang Ngoen, der Khlong Khab Phaen Krachok und der Khlong Rom Maihong, waren wie ein Straßennetz, das die Gärten mit den Residenzen der Damen verband. Alle Kanäle münden in den größten Kanal, den Khlong Ang Yok, der die Grenze zwischen der Amphon Sathan Thronhalle, in der der König residierte, und der Wimanmek-Thronhalle, der Residenz der Hofdamen. Eine Brücke den Khlong Ang Yok verband die Wimanmek-Thronhalle mit der Ruen-Ton-Residenz, die aus mehreren einfachen Holzhäusern in traditionellem Thai-Stil bestand. Es gab auch Verbindungsstraßen zwischen den Bereichen, diese führten jedoch durch „Äußere“ und „Innere Tore“.


  • Phra Thinang Wimanmek (Thai: พระที่นั่งวิมานเมฆ, Deutsch: Wimanmek-Palast, Englisch auch: Vimanmek Teak Mansion)
  • Phra Thinang Ananta Samakhom พระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม, Ananta-Samakhom-Thronhalle)
  • Phra Thinang Aphisek Dusit (พระที่นั่งอภิเศกดุสิต, Aphisek Dusit Thronhalle) − heute SUPPORT-Museum
  • Phra Thinang Amphon Sathan (พระที่นั่งอัมพรสถาน, Amphon Sathan Thronhalle)
  • Phra Thinang Udonphak (Udonphak Thronhalle)
  • Ruen Ton − Ensemble von Holzhäusern in traditionellem Thai-Stil, in denen König Chulalongkorn seine Mußestunden zu verbringen pflegte
  • Nationalmuseum der Königlichen Weißen Elefanten − zwei Häuser, in denen ursprünglich die weißen Elefanten des Königs im Grand Palace untergebracht waren, gibt es neben einem lebensgroßen Modell eines weißen Elefanten zahlreiche Fotos und Kultgegenstände sowie Stoßzähne von verstorbenen Elefanten. Alle Beschreibungen sind in thailändischer Schrift.
  • Weitere Gebäude, heute als Museen genutzt:
    • Suan Hong Residenz (พระตำหนักสวนหงส์) − Museum der traditionellen Königlichen Zeremonien
    • Krom Luang Woraset Tha-suda Residenz (ตำหนักพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ กรมหลวงวรเสรฐสุดา) − Museum für Ban Chiang Gefäße
    • Königin Dararasmi Residenz (auch: Suan Farang Kangsai, ตำหนักสวนฝรั่งกังไส) − König Chulalongkorns Gemäldesammlung
    • Princessin Orathai Thep-kanya Residenz (ตำหนักพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าอรไทยเทพกัญญา) − Textil-Museum
    • Princessin Puang Soi Sa-ang Residenz (ตำหนักพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าพวงสร้อยสอางค์) − Uhren-Museum
    • Princessin Arun-wadi Residenz (ตำหนักพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าอรุณวดี) − König Bhumibols Fotografien
    • Princessin Bussaban Bua-phan Residenz (ตำหนักพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าบุษบันบัวผัน) − König Bhumibols Fotografien
    • Vier Jahreszeiten Residenz (พระตำหนักสวนสี่ฤดู) − Geschenke zu König Bhumibols 60. Thronjubiläum
    • Suan Bua Residenz (พระตำหนักสวนบัว) − Geschenke zu König Bhumibols 60. Thronjubiläum
    • Ho Residenz (ตำหนักหอ) − Hausrat von Königin Rambhaibani
    • Suan Bua Pleo (ตำหนักสวนบัวเปลว)
  • Naengnoi Suksri: Palaces of Bangkok: Royal Residences of the Chakri Dynasty. Thames & Hudson Ltd., London 1996, ISBN 978-0-500-97446-9
  • Clarence Aasen: Architecture of Siam. Oxford University Press 1998, ISBN 983-56-0027-9"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-03-28]


Unterzeichnung des Treaty of friendship, commerce and navigation between Siam and Japan. Japaner in Siam erhalten Extraterritorialität bis Siam ein neues Strafgesetz hat.


Das Deutsche Reich zwingt China mit militärischem Druck, die Kiautschou-Bucht (膠州) für 99 Jahre als deutsche Kolonie zu verpachten.

Abb.: Lage der Kiautschou-Bucht (膠州)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Deutsches Schutzgebiet Kiautschou-Bucht (膠州)
[Bildquelle: Sächsischer Schulatlas 1930 / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Einzug des Prinzen Heinrich von Preußen (1862 - 1929) in Peking (北京, Beijing) 1898
[Reklame-Sammelbild, ca. 1900]

Abb.: Annexion von Kiautschou (膠州) durch eine 700 Mann starke deutsche Landungstruppe, 1897-11-14
In der Mitte das Flaggschiff, Kreuzer I. Klasse SMS Kaiser. Die Signalisierung bedeutet: "Artillerie ist geladen".


Unterrichtsminister Phraya Phatsakorawong (Phon Bunnag) [พระยาภาสกรวงศ์ (พร บุนนาค), 1849–1920] an den König:

"Now I learn that it is His Majesty’s policy that education is important, as it is relevant to "administration" in every way. This will pose problems as well. I am a man with little influence, and my eloquence is not equal to the task of expressing my ideas: it is already exhausted. But I do have reservations . .. Education is not like the construction of buildings, which can quickly be accomplished. It is rather like the planting and felling of trees. Education is like the slow growth of the great tree of the forest. If it is properly nourished with funds, it will yield its fruit in due course. Thus its growth and expansion must depend upon time and the good will of His Majesty. . . . Hearing His Majesty’s thoughts on education I am excited and pleased that education in the towns and provinces is to be reformed so as to yield increasing benefits. Thus I write telling you of the state of education so that His Majesty may take this into consideration in reforming education."

[Übersetzung: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 213f.]


Als Gegenpol zum britischen Hong Kong (香港) schließt Frankreich mit China einen Pachtvertrag über das Territoire de Kouang-Tchéou-Wan (廣州灣) zu ähnlichen Bedingungen wie Hong Kong.

Abb.: Lage des Territoire de Kouang-Tchéou-Wan (廣州灣)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Detailkarte des Territoire de Kouang-Tchéou-Wan (廣州灣), 1909
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Ankunft des ersten Gesandten Russlands in Siam.

1898-04-25 - 1898-08-12

Spanisch-Amerikanischer Krieg. Endet mit der Besetzung Kubas, Puerto Ricos und der Philippinen durch die USA. Spanien verliert seine letzten bedeutsamen Kolonien.

Abb.: Zerfall des spanischen Weltreichs, mit Lage von Kuba, Puerto Rico und den Philippinen
[Bildquelle: Trasamundo / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

Abb.: Die USA sehen sich als Befreier: Karikatur 1914
[Bildquelle: Chicago Tribune, 1914 / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Rede des britischen Premierministers Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3. Marquess of Salisbury (1830 - 1903), vor der Primrose League (Ziel der League ist: "To Uphold and support God, Queen, and Country, and the Conservative cause"):

Abb.: Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3. Marquess of Salisbury
[Bildquelle: Leslie Ward (1851 - 1922). -- Vanity Fair. -- 1900-12-20]

"You may roughly divide the nations of the world as the living and the dying. On one side you have great countries of enormous power growing in power every year, growing in wealth, growing in dominion, growing in the perfection of their organisation. Railways have given to them the power to concentrate upon any one point the whole military force of their population, and to assemble armies of a magnitude and power never dreamt of in the generations gone by. Science has placed in the hands of those armies weapons ever growing in the efficacy of destruction, and therefore adding to the power—fearfully to the power—of those who have the opportunity of using them.

By the side of these splendid organisations, of which nothing seems to diminish the force, and which the present rival claims which the future may only be able by a bloody arbitrament to adjust—by the side of these there are numerous communities which I can only describe as dying, though the epithet applies to them, of course, in very different degrees, and with a very different amount of certain application. They are mainly communities that are not Christian, but I regret to say that it is not exclusively the case. And in these States disorganisation and decay are advancing almost as fast as concentration and increasing power are advancing in the living nations that stand opposite them. Decade after decade they are weaker, poorer, and less provided with leading men or institutions in whom they can trust, apparently drawing nearer and nearer to their fate, and yet clinging with strange tenacity to the life which they have got. In them mismanagement is not only not cured but is constantly on the increase. The society —and official society—the administration, is a mass of corruption, so that there is no firm ground on which any hope of reform or restoration could be based, and in their various degrees they present a terrible picture to the more enlightened portion of the world—a picture which unfortunately, the increase in the means of our information and the communication draws with brighter—I should say darker —and more conspicuous lineament, in the face of the eyes of all nations, and appeals to their feelings as well as to their interests, calling upon them to bring forward a remedy.

How long this state of things is likely to go on, of course, I do not attempt to prophesy. All I can indicate is that that process is proceeding, that weak States are getting weaker, and strong States are becoming stronger. It needs me to enter into no detail and to attempt no specialty of prophecy to point out to you what the inevitable result of that combined process must be. For one reason or for another—from the necessities of politics, or under the pretence of philanthropy—for one reason or another, the living nations will gradually encroach on the territory of the dying, and the seeds and causes of conflict amongst civilised nations will speedily appear. Of course, it is not to be supposed that any one nation of the living nations will be allowed to have the profitable monopoly of curing or cutting up these unfortunate patients—(laughter)—and the controversy as to who shall have the privilege of doing so, and in what manner he shall do it— these things may introduce causes of vital difference between the great nations whose armies stand opposite threatening each other.

These are the dangers, I think, which threaten us in the period that is coming on. It is a period which will tax our resolution, our tenacity, and Imperial instincts to the utmost. Undoubtedly we shall not allow England to be at a disadvantage in any rearrangement that may take place. (Cheers.) On the other hand we shall not be jealous if desolation and sterility is removed by the aggrandisement of a rival in regions to which our arms cannot extend.

But, be that as it may, it is only another ground for me to implore you not to imagine that because we have settled the affairs of Ireland, because our own internal politics seem calm, because we seem capable of dealing with any problem that may arise—not to imagine that the time has gone by when the spirit of the lesson preached by the Primrose League is less necessary to the health and security of the country. Do not abate your efforts because you think your task is done. Your task is ever living, and it never was more important, as is indicated by the threatening circumstances of the outside world, to which I have alluded. It will then be for the advantage of England, and for. the advantage of the world, that England should be animated by a spirit of courage, of resolution, and of justice, and if she is so she will owe it much to following the counsels and giving strength to the organisation which has been presented to her by the Primrose League."

[Quelle: Oamaru Mail. --  1898-06-24. -- S. 4]


Fünfzigstes Regierungsjubiläum von

Seine Kaiserliche und Königliche Apostolische Majestät
Franz Joseph
von Gottes Gnaden Kaiser von Österreich,
König von Ungarn und Böhmen, von Dalmatien, Kroatien, Slawonien, Galizien, Lodomerien und Illyrien;
König von Jerusalem etc.;
Erzherzog von Österreich;
Großherzog von Toskana und Krakau;
Herzog von Lothringen, von Salzburg, Steyer, Kärnten, Krain und der Bukowina;
Großfürst von Siebenbürgen, Markgraf von Mähren;
Herzog von Ober- und Niederschlesien, von Modena, Parma, Piacenza und Guastalla, von Auschwitz und Zator, von Teschen, Friaul, Ragusa und Zara;
Gefürsteter Graf von Habsburg und Tirol, von Kyburg, Görz und Gradisca;
Fürst von Trient und Brixen;
Markgraf von Ober- und Niederlausitz und in Istrien;
Graf von Hohenems, Feldkirch, Bregenz, Sonnenberg etc.;
Herr von Triest, von Cattaro und auf der Windischen Mark;
Großwojwode der Wojwodschaft Serbien
etc., etc.

Abb.: Erinnerungspostkarte


Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่): Britische Teakholzhändler und andere gründen den Chieng Mai Gymkhana Club. Der Zweck wird am 1898-08-19 so definiert:

"The object of the Club shall be the encouragement of sport in Northern Siam. For the Club to achieve this goal it should be managed so as to meet the needs of the members and their guests from time to time, and be run as a profitable enterprise where all profits are circulated back into the Club for continual improvement. "

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2015-04-16]

Abb.: ®Logo

Das erste Committee des Clubs besteht aus:


Regulation. Sanitary works to be carried out within the city [of Bangkok]

1898-06 - 1905-06-06

Théophile Pierre Delcassé (1852 - 1923) ist französischer Außenminister.

Abb.: Théophile Pierre Delcassé
[Bildquelle: Jean Baptiste Guth. -- Vanity Fair, 1899-02-09. -- Public domain]


Großbritannien erwirbt durch Pachtvertrag von China die New Territories (新界) in Hong Kong (香港)

Abb.: Karte des Pachtgebiets im Anhang des Pachtvertrags 1898-06-09
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Rama V. fordert in einem schroffen Brief Unterrichtsminister Phraya Phatsakorawong (Phon Bunnag) [พระยาภาสกรวงศ์ (พร บุนนาค), 1849–1920] auf, umgehend die Reform des Unterrichtswesens zu beginnen.

"'Reform' of education should begin now, in time for the R.S. [Rattanakosin Sakarat - รัตนโกสินทรศก - ร.ศ.] 118 [1899/1900] budget, which will have to be submitted in December. Don't waste any time."

[Übersetzung: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 206]


Großbritannien und Frankreich schließen die Niger Convention über ihre Grenzen im Niger-Tal und vermeiden so einen Krieg in Afrika, vor dem sie stehen.

Abb.: Lage des Niger-Tals
[Bildquelel: Wizardist / Wikimedia. --  Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Boston (USA): Gründung der American Anti-Imperialist League. Mitglieder sind prominente US-Bürger wie z.B. Mark Twain (1835 - 1910).

Abb.: US-Imperialismus: "The American flag has not been planted in foreign soil to acquire more territory but for humanity's sake" (zur US-Kuba-Politik), 1909


Außenminister Prinz Devawongse Varopakar (สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ กรม พระยาเทวะวงศ์วโรปการ, 1858 - 1923) an den belgischen Rechtsberater Robert Kirkpatrick de Closeburn (1865-1901)

"I can[not] hope for any result from my interviews with French Representatives who always [try] to force their views upon yours and any one who will have to talk to them, and the only result [is that] it becomes a polemic discussion in every case except where they gain something. To me personally it is the greatest bore I ever met...."

[Zitiert in: Tuck, Patrick J. N.: The French wolf and the Siamese lamb : the French threat to Siamese independence, 1858-1907. -- Bangkok : White Lotus, 1995. -- 434 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 974-8496-28-7. -- S. xviii]


Aufhebung zahlreicher Transitgebühren.


Mönchs-Prinz Vajirañāṇavarorasa (วชิรญาณวโรรส, 1880 - 1921) an Rama V.:

"It should be our cardinal principle to provide youth with knowledge of vocational and moral utility. If we do this, these youths will be of increasing utility to the country."

[Übersetzung: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 218]

"Secular and religious learning flow in the same channel. Each will sustain the burdens of the other so that both may move forward and progress."

[Übersetzung: Vajirañāṇavarorasa [วชิรญาณวโรรส] <1880 - 1921>: Autobiography : the life of Prince-Patriarch Vajirañāṇa of Siam, 1860-1921 / translated, edited, and introduced by Craig J. Reynolds. -- Athens : Ohio University Press, 1979. -- 86 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0821403761. -- Originaltitel: พระประวัติตรัสเล่า. -- S. XXXVII]


Eröffnung des Bangkok Nursing Home.

"BNH Hospital, formerly the Bangkok Nursing Home, is a hospital located in Bangkok, Thailand.

History Origins

In the latter years of the 19th century health care in Bangkok was rudimentary and based on traditional Chinese and Thai medicine. Yet Bangkok was growing as a base for British and other foreign companies and an increasing numbers of expatriate employees who demanded familiar western-type health care. Western style clinics and hospitals were unknown and doctors trained in contemporary western medicine were exceptional by their absence.

On the 20th of August 1897 Bangkok's British community met at the British Legation with Mr George Grenville the resident British Minister and Consul General; this group proposed the establishment of a hospital modelled on contemporary British practice. As was the custom their decision was proposed to the Siamese monarch, King Chulalongkorn, who endorsed it and instructed the Ministry of Education to supervise the establishment of a nursing home exclusively for the care of Bangkok's foreign residents.

The king stipulated that the nursing home should be a non-profit organisation and provided an annual grant of 960 baht.

In the middle of 1898, two British nurses Matron Cawley and the hospital's first nursing sister Miss Hitchens arrived from the UK and by August the hospital was ready to receive its first patients.

Teresa Lightwood contributed to the maternity services in Siam in the 1940s. For more information read Teresa of Siam published by Cassell in 1960.

Its first home was in temporary rented accommodation a little way from its present location. In the first few years the hospital faced many difficulties, not the least of them financial. There were times when salaries could not be paid, but nurses being what they are, continued their work.

In 1899 the Siamese economy faced a crisis of confidence resulting in an economic slump, making the hospital's precarious financial situation more insecure. But in the year between its opening and the financial crisis the Bangkok Nursing Home had proved its value to the expatriate community, it was clear that it had become a resource that was too valuable to lose.

However the haemorrhaging of funds was not easily stemmed, so in April 1901 another meeting was held at the Court House of the British Legation. The original founding group was wound up and a new association established in September of that year, under the wing of a certain Mr Halliday who took over the assets of 2000 baht. Mr Halliday also had the responsibility of paying the nurses' salaries.

Later in 1901 the Bangkok Nursing Home Association raised a loan of 50 000 baht and purchased a plot of land in Convent Road from the Crown Property Office. Just twelve months later a new hospital, built at a cost of 31 762 baht was opened.


With an average load of only 50 patients each year between 1902 and 1912 it cannot be said that the nursing staff were overworked. But from this small base the hospital's fortune and revenues grew steadily to such a point that in 1912 a new wing was built. The new building was funded partly by public subscription and by a 500 baht donation from Siam's Anglophile King Vajiravudh. The King Chulalongkorn Wing housed an operating theatre and a maternity ward and was opened by King Vajiravudh on 23 July 1912.

Just four years later further expansion was necessary and an 8 000 baht gift from the king facilitated further expansion. By 1922 the Bangkok Nursing Home's services were in such demand that it was necessary to build a new hospital.

It appears that money was still tight and the required funds were not readily available. The governing Committee examined a number of funding methods including public subscriptions and a lottery; a combination of a lottery and public subscriptions were considered the best means of raising funds.

The ambassadors of The Netherlands, Denmark, USA and Britain agreed to become patrons of the hospital. The king received a deputation and gave consent for the establishment of a lottery.

The lottery raised 89 354 baht and public subscriptions 40 000 baht allowing the Nursing Home to buy land for its new building which opened thirty years after the founding of the original hospital.

In the late 1980s early 90s the BNH was again stretched to its limit and in need of expansion. With its historical association with the Thai Royal Family, the management committee approached the Crown Property Bureau to become a partner in the building of a new international standard hospital.

And on the 14 February 1996 the new Bangkok Nursing Home was opened and a few years later it re-branded itself as the BNH Hospital.

 Present status

A measure of its success is, that in its 107th year it is initiating another upgrading of its services and facilities. George Grenville and the founding fathers would be proud that the little nursing home in rented accommodation, based on British principles, is now one of the leading international hospitals in South East Asia.

Because of its roots in the British community and more importantly as it was established as a charitable non-profit institution the BNH still values its role as a contributor to the well being of the people of Bangkok. To this end it organises a major semi-annual fund raising event in the form of a 'bed push'. Over the two years since the first bed push the BNH Hospital has raised over two million baht for a children's charity."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-11-13]


Eröffnung des Saint Louis General Hospital [โรงพยาบาลเซนต์หลุยส์]. Gegründet vom Apostolischen Vikar Erzbischof Jean-Louis Vey (1840 - 1909).

Abb.: Saint Louis General Hospital
[Bildquelle: Twentieth century impressions of Siam : its history, people, commerce, industries, and resources / ed. in chief: Arnold Wright. -- London [etc.] : Lloyds, 1908. -- S. 129.]

Abb.: Saint Louis General Hospital (โรงพยาบาลเซนต์หลุยส์): Patienten 1898 - 1929
[Datenquelle: Siam : general and medical features / by the Executive Committee of the 8th Congress of Far Eastern Association of Tropical Medicine. -- Bangkok : Bangkok Times, 1930. -- 332 S. : Ill ; 25 cm. -- S. 325.]

"Saint Louis Hospital - private non-profit general hospital in Bangkok, Thailand. It organizes inpatient and outpatient treatment in the majority of medical specializations. Situated in South Sathorn Road. Total area - about 32.000 square meters.


The Hospital was founded by Archbishop Jean-Louis Vey, Apostolic Vicar of Roman Catholic Mission in Siam in 1898 and since then managed by Sisters of Saint Paul de Chartres with their philosophy of "Where there's mercy, there's the God."

In 1975 and in middle seventies, two new inpatient buildings were opened. Saint Louis Hospital first successfully performed open heart surgery as a private facility in 1979.

Modern medical equipment, e.g. computerized X-ray machine, computerized haemodialysis system, computer data management system were applied in 1988. In 1994, the hospital was helped by CESO organization of Canada to introduce Total Quality Management (TQM). In 1997-1998 years, it was given ISO 9002 and ISO 14001 certificates.

 Present functions

It is well equipped with modern medical technique including Digital Catheterization Lab, Exercise Stress Test, Mammogram and Bone Densitometry. Inpatient rooms all have air-conditioning. Intensive Care Unit and Cardiac Care Unit are separated into private rooms. Operation rooms and surgical theaters have ready-made equipment from Germany with disease control sterilization.

Saint Louis Hospital declares its patient centered approach and provides 24 hour service for 500 inpatients and 2000 outpatients per day. It ensures emergency patient transport service by air.

The main divisions of the Hospital are:

  • Heart Institute
  • Dermatology and Skin Laser Center
  • Obstetric Gynecology
  • Nephrology Clinic
  • Health Check Up Center
  • Child Development Department

For help in gathering donations in the process of needy and poor patients treatment Saint Louis Hospital established its own charity organization - "Foundation for Saint Louis Hospital" in 1995."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-10-26]


Faschoda-Krise. Diese führt dazu, dass Frankreich in seinem Kolonialismus und Imperialismus gedämpft wird.

Abb.: Lage von Faschoda
[Bildquelel: Cambridge Modern History Atlas, 1912 / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: "Le petit chaperon rouge: Mêre-grand comme vous avez de grandes dents! - C'est pour manger ta galette mon enfant!"
[Bildquelle: Le petit journal : supplèment illustré. -- 1893-11-20. -- Public domain]

"Die Faschoda-Krise fand 1898 zwischen Großbritannien und Frankreich statt. Sie stellte den Höhepunkt der imperialistischen Rivalität beider Mächte während des Wettlaufs um Afrika dar. Für die III. Französische Republik war die Faschoda-Krise neben dem Panamaskandal und der Dreyfus-Affäre die dritte große Krise innerhalb von zehn Jahren.


Großbritannien hatte sich zum Ziel gesetzt, einen Nord-Süd-Gürtel von Kolonien in Afrika, vom Kap der Guten Hoffnung bis Kairo (Kap-Kairo-Plan), zu errichten. Frankreich wollte dagegen einen Ost-West-Gürtel, von Dakar (داكار) bis Dschibuti ( ‏جيبوتي‎). Die Ansprüche beider Staaten kollidierten schließlich in dem kleinen sudanesischen Ort Faschoda (seit 1905 Kodok - كودوك) am Weißen Nil (‏النيل).[1] Dort hatten die Ägypter 1820, zur Zeit Muhammad Ali Paschas (1770 - 1849) ( ‏محمد علی پاشا) , ein kleines Fort errichtet, das aber seit Jahren verlassen und verfallen war.

Der Weg nach Faschoda

Ägypten hatte den Sudan in den Jahren seit 1819 schrittweise erobert, durch den Mahdi-Aufstand (الثورة المهدية) aber ab 1885 die tatsächliche Kontrolle über das Land verloren. In der südlichen Provinz Äquatoria ( ‏الاستوائية) hatte sich noch bis 1888 der dortige Gouverneur Eduard Schnitzer (1840 - 1892), besser bekannt als Emin Pascha, gegen die Mahdisten behaupten können, bis ihn Henry Morton Stanley (1841 - 1904) zum Rückzug nach Ostafrika überredete. Der südliche Sudan wurde in den folgenden Jahren zum Ziel widerstreitender Interessen der europäischen Kolonialmächte. Unter anderem strebte der belgische König Leopold II. (1835 - 1909) danach, den faktisch in seinem Privatbesitz befindlichen Kongo-Freistaat (État Indépendant du Congo)bis zum Nil auszudehnen. Er beauftragte unter anderem den erfahrenen Baron Dhanis (Francis, Baron Dhanis, 1861–1909) mit einer Expedition in den Südsudan – offiziell zur Sicherung der Ladoenklave –, doch dieser scheiterte 1897 an einer Revolte seiner afrikanischen Hilfstruppen.

Eine weitere europäische Macht mit Ambitionen in Ostafrika war das Königreich Italien. Nach dem Sieg der Äthiopier unter Kaiser Menelik II. (ምኒልክ, 1844 - 1913) über die Italiener in der Schlacht von Adua (ዓድዋ) im März 1896 beschloss die britische Regierung unter Lord Salisbury (Robert Arthur Talbot Gascoyne-Cecil, 3. Marquess of Salisbury, 1830 - 1903), angeregt durch den deutschen Kaiser Wilhelm II. (1859 - 1941), den bedrängten Italienern zu Hilfe zu kommen. Der britische General Herbert Kitchener (Horatio Herbert Kitchener, 1. Earl Kitchener, 1850 - 1916), Sirdar (سردار‎) (Oberbefehlshaber) der ägyptischen Armee, erhielt den Auftrag, eine Expeditionsarmee auszurüsten, den Nil aufwärts zu marschieren und den Mahdi-Aufstand zu beenden. Als Sirdar vertrat Kitchener formal den ägyptischen Khediven (خديو), nicht die britische Regierung in London. Trotz seiner Position als „ägyptischer“ General war Kitchener de facto aber an die Anordnungen der britischen Regierung und ihres Generalkonsuls Sir Evelyn Baring (Evelyn Baring, 1. Earl of Cromer, 1841 - 1917) gebunden.

Frankreich hatte es 1882 versäumt, an der Niederschlagung der ägyptischen Urabi-Bewegung (الثورة العرابية) teilzunehmen, und seinen zuvor großen Einfluss dort zunehmend an die Briten verloren. Eine Expedition zum oberen Nil sollte Frankreichs Rolle in der Region wieder aufwerten und eine Landverbindung der französischen Kolonien in West- bzw. Zentralafrika zur Französischen Somaliküste (Côte française des Somalis) ermöglichen. Dieses französische Kongo-Nil-Projekt hätte gleichzeitig das Ende des britischen Kap-Kairo-Plans bedeutet.[2] Das Kontingent unter Major Jean-Baptiste Marchand (1863 - 1934) bestand aus zwölf französischen Offizieren und ungefähr 150 Afrikanern, hauptsächlich Tirailleurs sénégalais. Zum Zeitpunkt ihres Aufbruchs in Brazzaville Mitte 1896 hatte der anglo-ägyptische Feldzug in den Sudan gerade erst begonnen. Frankreich hatte Kaiser Menelik vorab über Marchands Mission informiert. Dieser schickte eine Kavallerieabteilung zur Begrüßung in die Gegend von Faschoda, die aber lange vor den Franzosen eintraf und die Region vor dem Eintreffen Marchands bereits wieder verlassen hatte. Zwei weitere französische Expeditionen, die von der Somaliküste aus über Abessinien nach Faschoda vorstoßen und sich mit Marchand vereinigen sollten, wurden von den Äthiopiern, die im Ostsudan ihre eigenen Ziele verfolgten, erfolgreich behindert.[3] Die Truppe Marchands erreichte, nachdem sie bereits an verschiedenen Orten der Region Bahr al-Ghazal (‏بحر الغزال) die französische Flagge zum Zeichen der Besitzergreifung gehisst hatte, nach ungefähr zweijähriger Reise am 10. Juli 1898 ihr Ziel Faschoda. Das Fort wurde in Fort Saint-Louis umbenannt. Am 25. August griff eine Abteilung der Mahdisten mit zwei Kanonenbooten das Fort erfolglos an.

Am 2. September 1898 besiegte Kitchener in der Schlacht von Omdurman (أم درمان) die Mahdisten entscheidend, deren Aufstand damit praktisch niedergeschlagen war. Kitchener erfuhr nach der Besetzung Khartums schnell von der Präsenz der Franzosen in Faschoda und schiffte sich umgehend mit einer Truppe von rund 1500 Mann und mehreren Kanonenbooten nach Süden ein.


Am 18. September erreichte ein britisches Kanonenboot mit Kitchener an Bord Faschoda. Die Franzosen wurden aufgefordert, ihr kleines Fort zu räumen. Die Gespräche zwischen beiden Seiten fanden in einer freundlichen Atmosphäre statt, Marchand erklärte aber, sich ohne Anweisungen seiner Regierung nicht zurückzuziehen.

Die Nachricht von der Situation in Faschoda erreichte schnell Europa und rief in der britischen und französischen Presse heftige Reaktionen hervor. Beide Regierungen reagierten besonnen. Die Franzosen waren sich der Gefahr eines Zweifrontenkriegs gegen Großbritannien und Deutschland bewusst und wünschten stattdessen eher ein Bündnis mit Großbritannien gegen Deutschland. London und Paris wollten keinen Krieg um ein abgelegenes Territorium führen und durch den formalen Anspruch Ägyptens auf den Sudan waren die Briten auch rechtlich in der besseren Lage. Der neue französische Außenminister Théophile Delcassé (1852 - 1923) gab in den Verhandlungen nach und Marchand erhielt den Befehl zum Abzug. Seine Gruppe erreichte im Mai 1899 den Indischen Ozean.


Im Sudanvertrag (1899-03-21) steckten beide Seiten kurz darauf ihre jeweiligen Interessengebiete ab. Die friedliche Lösung der Faschoda-Frage wird als wichtige Voraussetzung für die Entente cordiale von 1904 betrachtet. Der Sudanvertrag und die dadurch entstandenen Ängste in Deutschland waren Auslöser für die Erste Marokkokrise von 1905/1906."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2014-12-13]


Bangwek (บางแวก): Siamesische Polizei und Militär verwüsten eine französische katholische Kirche.

Abb.: Lage von Bangwek (บางแวก)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


One Party Headed by an English Officer Who Was Searching for Illicit Spirits.

Special Cable to The Call and the New York Herald. Copyrighted, 1898, by James Gordon Bennett.

SINGAPORE, Nov. s.— The French church near Bangkok was pillaged by Siamese police and soldiers, who were making search for illicit spirits on September 19 and 20. One expedition was headed by a British officer in the Siamese service. The tabernacle was broken by a bayonet and the sacrament, crucifix, pictures, ornaments and furnitures were smashed. Doors were forced and the bedroom of the French missionary was entered forcibly. The Siamese refuse to apologize and have stopped cablegrams. There is disorder in Bangkok and the provinces and the situation is grave. It is reported in official circles that the French would be given a free hand in Siam if they would evacuate Fashoda."

[Quelle: San Francisco Call. -- 1898-11-06. -- -- Zugriff am 2015-03-28]


Innenminister Prinz Damrong Rajanubhab (สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าดิศวรกุมาร กรมพระยาดำรงราชานุภาพ, 1862 -1943) sendet "Opinions on the organization of provincial education" an Rama V.:

"Education ... has two uses:
  • to allow the common people to be better educated and behaved, and
  • to obtain better-educated people for the use of the country in the public service.

I have here considered only the first of these two functions, public education in the provinces, its improvement and expansion. I think it necessary that this be accomplished without expending large amounts of government funds, for if much money is put into it, it will not be successful. We must consider only the possible for the time being, even though it may not be the best in quality. Gradual improvement can come in the future."

"We already have sufficient schools, dating from ancient times: the monasteries. The only reason that they are now so poor is that they have not kept up with the world. They do not lack public faith and value. These represent capital already invested, to many tens of thousands of baht which the government will not have to expend. They lack only ideas and the strength for improvement. If these can be provided, they will progress without difficulty."

"We do not yet have Thai textbooks to teach vocational subjects, and I have never seen one in a farang [ฝรั่ง] language which would meet our needs. It would have to be written from scratch. It should include explanations of the nature of life and the human body . . . clothing, the making of clothing and its care, foods and their preparation, etc. For moral instruction we have no textbook, nor is there any in a foreign language, so we will have to compile it from scratch, [to teach the pupils that] suffering and happiness are the lot of all life, that good behavior brings happiness and bad behavior brings suffering. [They should be taught a] knowledge of human life, of relations with others and with one’s self, of one’s duties to one’s country, to obey the law and the Dhamma [ธรรม].They should teach the value of national independence, of being unlike other countries."

[Zitiert in: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 222f.]


Mönchs-Prinz Vajirañāṇavarorasa [วชิรญาณวโรรส, 1880 - 1921] sendet "Opinions on education" an Rama V.:

"Prince Wachirayan presented his opinions in a manner which must closely have approximated his sermon style. He began,

"That education which gives the best results provides knowledge, capabilities [skills], and good behavior... All three of these benefits should be more widespread. They are fed and nourished by the study of reading and writing, science, and the Dhamma [ธรรม].

Both traditional monastery education and the modern schools of the Education Department, he argued, had failed to achieve these ends. The old system was too diffuse, too fragmented, and too independent-minded to meet the needs of the times, while the ministry had manifestly failed to make good use of the resources, both in funds and in existing institutions, available to it. Thus

"the fault for the lack of educational development lies both with the Education Department and with the monasteries."

To remedy this educational deficiency, Prince Wachirayan argued that

"we must get rid of the idea that monasteries have only a religious function, and consider all monasteries as schools, register them as such, and consider all their pupils as school students."

During their general education in the monasteries, boys should learn

"to use the writing system [akkhorawithi] [อักขระวิธี] of the country, arithmetic, to earn a living, and to know good from bad."

Each of these schools should itself hold annual or semiannual examinations. He advocated that in promoting monastery education the government extend only indirect support to these schools, providing them with a full range of textbooks at minimal prices and administering examinations so as to ensure that they would meet the minimal demands of the government curriculum. Schools that performed exceptionally well could be singled out for direct support, perhaps one school in each müang [เมือง]. Whatever methods were adopted it was essential that the Sangha [สังฆะ] become better organized, but this would have to be accomplished in such a manner that the traditional hierarchy be maintained and given their full powers, from the Supreme Patriarch on down: "Don’t let people think that the Sangha is under the control of the Ecclesiastical Department. This is very important. "

"When all this is done, " he concluded, the world will see that Siam has many schools and pupils, that education is progressing along traditional lines and will continue to do so. All the monasteries will be of benefit to the country. The drain on government funds will be lessened. Disrepair of the monasteries will be corrected, and the people will be more faithful to their religious duties. Finally, the Sangha will be better administered.""

[Quelle: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 220f.]


Der König beruft eine Sitzung zur Unterrichtspolitik ein. Seine Eröffnungsrede:

"We meet today to confer on how education might best be organized so as to be more securely established and widespread in the future. We all know that Thailand’s education cannot compete with that of other countries, for we began our work much later than all of them except Japan; and although Japan may be considered as having begun her modernization at about the same time as we did, our progress has been very dissimilar, inasmuch as Japan was a special case, as its educational system had come from China, and was already very well developed, and the Japanese have worked very hard to improve it. Our late development is due to the fact that we have not been able to find skilled people, and to the fact that those skilled people that we possess have not had the drive to do this work. In short, we have not found the skilled people for the job. It is important to realize that an educational system cannot be established quickly, and takes ten or twenty years. If we do not hurry now to lay down the basis of one, we will still not have it in another "generation,” and a great deal of time will have been wasted. The government will in the future require educated men for the public service. The education system established by Prince Damrong [สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าดิศวรกุมาร กรมพระยาดำรงราชานุภาพ, 1862 -1943] was very good, but it could not be taken as a basis for a general system for the entire kingdom. After the ministry of Prince Damrong, the officials [in the Ministry of Public Instruction] continued to follow Prince Damrong’s plan, but they misunderstood it and even deviated from it, or to their own self-deception they sought only to establish large numbers of schools, and by entering into their reports statistics as to the numbers of items of correspondence handled sought to convey the impression that these were an index of the respect with which their office was regarded. The present schools are only quantities, and as such are not meaningful. The work that the Education Department has accomplished to the present moment is only as good as that which preceded it, and represents no advances. The flowerpot plant has grown larger and filled the pot, but it is no more beautiful or healthy. In the future, we would like to make this work more like a tree planted firmly in the earth, growing up healthy and beautiful, extending further outward. It is no wonder that people say our present education is no good. There is only the Mahamakut Academy [มหามกุฏราชวิทยาลัย], which Prince Wachirayan [วชิรญาณวโรรส, 1880 - 1921] has organized and supported with all his vigor: it is good because of him. If Chaophraya Phat [Unterrichtsminister Phraya Phatsakorawong (Phon Bunnag) - พระยาภาสกรวงศ์ (พร บุนนาค), 1849–1920] has supported it, he can be credited with that, but it cannot be said that he has organized it. It is a good example of how education has been organized in conjunction with Buddhism. No education can be established which is not connected with the monastery, because to the teaching of reading and writing must be added instruction in religion. This is a goal of the first order, and if we meet without referring to it we ignore the fact that most of the Thai people do not know the Five Precepts [ปัญจสีล]. I have investigated in the provinces, and we have seen the great decay of a Thai people without religion, which has caused them to lose their "morals.” I would like to have the educational system connected with religion. Thus I ask you to organize education in such a manner that it will be as strong and wide spreading as a banyan tree, with a firm grounding, healthy, beautiful, and splendid, and not like a potted plant."

[Übersetzung: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 224f.]

Der Unterrichtsminister versucht sich zu verteidigen. Der König unterbricht die Diskussion mit:

"In the future, I wish education to be organized as follows: all education in the monasteries, however organized, shall be handed over to Prince Wachirayan to organize completely according to his proposals, and I will grant him full authority to supervise all monastery education throughout the kingdom."

[Übersetzung: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 226]

Der König fasst am Schluss der Sitzung seine Entscheidungen zusammen:

"Our discussion to this point has concluded that, as for education in the provincial monasteries, it is to be handed over to Prince Wachirayan to organize with the assistance of Prince Damrong and the monthon [มณฑล] commissioners in disbursing funds and distributing textbooks. Examinations will be the responsibility of Prince Wachirayan and the Ministry of Interior. Thus the provinces will have nothing to do with the Education Department. As for provincial monastery schools currently receiving support, this will cease from [the beginning of] R.S. 118 [1 April 1899]. This scheme of organization is based on the scheme of the Education Department which states that the Department will not be concerned with the monastery "alphabet" schools at all, other than including them as a category [in the system]. Therefore there is no cause to think that this arrangement concerns the Education Department in the least. This is a new program. As for the education which the Education Department controls at levels above these monastery schools, this it will continue to organize in  R.S. 118 , but it must specify just how much it intends to do."

[Übersetzung: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 227]

Damit erhält Mönchs-Prinz Vajirañāṇavarorasa (วชิรญาณวโรรส, 1880 - 1921) die Aufgabe, in allen Provinzen Thailands ein modernes Schulwesen zu organisieren. Ausgenommen sind die muslimischen Südprovinzen und malaiischen Vasallenstaaten.


Der britische Finanzberater Alfred Mitchell-Innes (1864 – 1950) an Unterstaatssekretär Gosselin im Foreign Office:

„The taxation of Siam must go through a long period of transition, and must slowly be changed as circumstances permit and experience teaches. If each change of detail is to be the subject of diplomatic negotiation, I cannot foresee the date at which the whole system could be brought to a moderate degree of excellence. It would not be in my lifetime."

[Zitiert in: Petersson, Niels P.: Imperialismus und Modernisierung : Siam, China und die europäischen Mächte 1895 - 1914. -- München : Oldenbourg, 2000. -- 492 S. ; 25 cm. -- (Studien zur internationalen Geschichte ; Bd. 11). -- ISBN 3-486-56506-0. -- Zugl.: Hagen, Fernuniv., Diss., 1999. -- S. 104]


Abb.: "The pigtail has got to go" / von Louis Dalrymple (1866 - 1905)
[Bildquelle: Puck. -- 1898-10-19]

1898-10-23 - 1902-02-28

Der belgische Rechtsberater èmile Jottrand und seine Frau leben in Siam und führen Tagebuch, das sie 1905 veröffentlichen.

Jottrand, Émile: Au Siam : journal de voyage de M. et Mme Émile Jottrand. -- Paris : Plon-Nourrit, 1905. -- 539 S. ; 19 cm.

Englische Übersetzung:

Jottrand, Émile: In Siam : the diary of a legal adviser of King Chulalongkorn's government / trans. and introd. by Walter E.J. Tips. -- Bangkok : White Lotus, 1996. -- 457 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 9748496392

Abb.: Einbandtitel


Der Brite W. G. Johnson (1871 - 1946) wird "Chief Inspector and Organizer of all schools under the Department's control". Johnson war 1895 nach Siam gekommen. Er spricht Thai. Bis zu seiner penisioonierun 1926 bleibt er in siamesischem Staatsdienst.


Der bitische Inspector-General am Unterrichtsministerium, W. G. Johnson  (1871 - 1946) , kompiliert fünf Schulbücher für Mathematik, Geographie Siams und Englisch. Sein Stellvertreter Sanan Thephatsadin na Ayudhya (สนั่น เทพหัสดิน ณ อยุธยา, 1876-1943) arbeitet an Schulbüchern über Hygiene, Moral und Mathematik, sowie einem Lehrerhandbuch für Standard I (Grundschule).


Decree on the organization of the provincial education (ประกาศจัดการเล่าเรียนในหัวเมือง). Damit werden die Provinzen ins moderne Erziehungswesen einbezogen.


Der Brite John Joseph Lillie in der Siam Free Press:

Abb.: Verlauf des Mekong (ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ / แม่น้ำโขง) im Grenzgebiet zu Siam
[Bildquelel: CIA. -- Public domain]

"Rivers are no boundary...that the Mekhong [ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ / แม่น้ำโขง] cannot stop the onward progress of the French, since rivers never constitute boundaries of nations. Mountain ranges can alone be looked upon as the true lines of demarcation. Both sides of a waterway are generally inhabited by the same race: the products, the cultivations, and the interests are the same. A river is not then a barrier; it is simply the best means of communication of a basis, that is to say, of a homogeneous whole. In virtue of this principle that a river is no boundary we ought to cross the Mekhong."

[Zitiert in: Manich Jumsai [มานิจ ชุมสาย] <1908 - 2009>:  History of Laos. -- 2. rev., enl. ed. -- Bangkok : Chalermnit, 1971. -- 325 S. : Ill. ; 27 cm. -- Einbandtitel: A new history of Laos. -- S. 227]


Der Reeder Sir Alfred Lewis Jones (1845 - 1909) gründet die Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine. Es ist weltweit das erste Institut für Tropenmedizin.

Abb.: Lage von Liverpool
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Denkmal für Sir Alfred Lewis Jones
[Bildquelle: Irate / Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Erstes Labor der Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine
[Bildquelle: Wellcome Images. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]


Paul Doumer, französischer Generalgouverneur in Indochina, gründet in Hanoi (Vietnam) La Mission archéologique d’Indochine, die 1900 umbenannt wird in École française d'Extrême-Orient.


Pierre Curie (1859 - 1906) und Marie Curie (1867 - 1934) entdecken das Element Radium.

Abb.: "Radium": Marie und Pierre Curie / von Julius Mendes Price (1857 - 1924)
[Bildquelle: Vanity Fair 1904-12-22 / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Bangkok Times über den eben erlassenen Decree on the organization of the provincial education (ประกาศจัดการเล่าเรียนในหัวเมือง):

"It is a formal adoption by the Government of the old system, which placed the education of the people in the hands of the priests . . . but the system is to be brought more into line with modern requirements. . . . the fact that one who is himself a priest has been entrusted with the direction of the work will no doubt have a good influence in securing the co-operation of those priests who are now devoting their time to the teaching of the young."

[Zitiert in: Wyatt, David K. <1937 - 2006>: The politics of reform in Thailand : education in the reign of King Chulalongkorn. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 1969. -- 425 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; 4). -- SBN 300-01156-3. -- S. 236, Anm. 7]


Brief des französischen Diplomaten Raphaël Réau (1872 - 1928):

"Pendant trois jours j'ai donc été délivré de la foule des indigènes qui m'assiègent chaque matin, et délivré aussi du fardeau des procès à régler. J'en ai profité pour faire moi aussi mon bilan, résumer les affaires en retard, mettre de l'ordre dans mon fouillis d'archives. Et je suis fort heureux d'avoir mené à bon terme ce travail d'Hercule dans ces nouvelles écuries d'Augias. Pour vous donner une idée saisissante de notre situation, j'ai compté pour 1895 132 affaires pendantes dont nous avons saisi les cours siamoises, qui se refusent à les examiner. Dans tout autre pays que le Siam qui jouit d'une grâce spéciale, une telle situation entraînerait une rupture des relations diplomatiques !"

[Quelle: Réau, Raphaël <1872 - 1928>: Jeune diplomate au Siam, 1894-1900 : lettres de mon grand-père Raphaël Réau / Philippe Marchat [1930 - ]. -- Paris : L'Harmattan, 2013. -- 246 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 978-2-336-29755-2. -- S. 197. -- Faire use]

Verwendete Ressourcen


Phongpaichit, Pasuk <ผาสุก พงษ์ไพจิตร, 1946 - > ; Baker, Chris <1948 - >: Thailand : economy and politics. -- Selangor : Oxford Univ. Pr., 1995. -- 449 S. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 983-56-0024-4. -- Beste Geschichte des modernen Thailand.

Ingram, James C.: Economic change in Thailand 1850 - 1870. -- Stanford : Stanford Univ. Pr., 1971. -- 352 S. ; 23 cm. -- "A new edition of Economic change in Thailand since 1850 with two new chapters on developments since 1950". --  Grundlegend.

Akira, Suehiro [末廣昭] <1951 - >: Capital accumulation in Thailand 1855 - 1985. -- Tokyo : Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, ©1989. -- 427 S. ; 23 cm.  -- ISBN 4896561058. -- Grundlegend.

Skinner, William <1925 - 2008>: Chinese society in Thailand : an analytical history. -- Ithaca, NY : Cornell Univ. Press, 1957. -- 459 S. ; 24 cm. -- Grundlegend.

Mitchell, B. R. (Brian R.): International historical statistics : Africa and Asia. -- London : Macmillan, 1982.  -- 761 S. ; 28 cm.  -- ISBN 0-333-3163-0

Kludas, Arnold <1929 - >: Die Seeschiffe des Norddeutschen Lloyd 1857 bis 1970. -- Augsburg : Bechtermünz, 1998. -- 165 + 168 S. : Ill ; 28 cm. -- ISB 3-86047-262-3. -- Standardwerk.

Ongsakul, Sarassawadee <สรัสวดี อ๋องสกุล>: History of Lan Na / translated by Chitraporn Tanratanakul. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 2005. -- 328 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN974-9575-84-9. -- Originaltitel: ประวัติศาสตร์ลัานนา (2001)

Barmé, Scot: Woman, man, Bangkok : love, sex, and popular culture in Thailand. --  Lanham : Rowman & Littlefield, 2002. -- 273 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. --  ISBN 0-7425-0157-4

Van Beek, Steve <1944 - >: Bangkok, then and now. -- 2. ed. -- Nonthaburi : AB Publications, 2001. -- 131 S. : Ill. 22 x 29 cm. -- ISBN: 974-87616-0-6

ศกดา ศิริพันธุ์ = Sakda Siripant: พระบาทสมเด็จพระจุลจอมเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัว พระบิดาแห่งการถ่ายภาพไทย = H.M. King Chulalongkorn : the father of Thai photography. --  กรุงเทพๆ : ด่านสุทธา, 2555 = 2012. -- 354 S. : Ill. ; 30 cm. -- ISBN 978-616-305-569-9

Israel, Ulrich ; Gebauer, Jürgen: Kriegsschiffe unter Segel und Dampf. -- 5. Aufl. -- Königswinter : Brandenburgisches Verlagshaus, 2010. -- 225 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-3-941557-43-7

De Quesada, Alejandro M.: The Spanish-American War and Philippine Insurrection, 1898-1902 / Alejandro de Quesada ; illustrated by Stephen Walsh. -- Oxford [u.a.] : Osprey Pub., 2007. -- 48 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- (Men-at-arms ; 437). -- ISBN 9781846031243

Zu Chronik 1899 (Rama V.)