Chronik Thailands



Alois Payer

Chronik 1977 / B. E. 2520

Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 1977 / B. E. 2520. -- Fassung vom 2017-03-18. -- URL:

Erstmals publiziert: 2012-10-04

Überarbeitungen: 2017-03-18 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-11-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-09-13 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-05-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-05-12 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-04-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-04-08 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-03-20 [Ergänzungen] ;  2016-02-12 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-01-03 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-11-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-10-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-08-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-07-04 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-05-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-04-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-11-03 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-10-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-10-09 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-09-16 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-08-20 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-04-09 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-02-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-11-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-09-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-06-11 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-06-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-05-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-05-02 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-03-18 [Ergänzungen]

©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Herausgebers.

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Thailand von Tüpfli's Global Village Library




Gewidmet meiner lieben Frau

Margarete Payer

die seit unserem ersten Besuch in Thailand 1974 mit mir die Liebe zu den und die Sorge um die Bewohner Thailands teilt.


Vorsicht bei den Statistikdiagrammen!

Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind:

Morgenstern, Oskar <1902 - 1977>: On the accuracy of economic observations. -- 2. ed. -- Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. -- 322 S. ; 20 cm.

Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.


2520 / 1977 undatiert

Statistische Daten 1977:
  • Einwohner: 44,27 Mio.
  • Flüchtlinge aus Indochina täglich: 500


Die World Health Organization (WHO) veröffentlicht erstmals die WHO Model List of Essential Medicines. Thailand wird nationale Listen (บัญชียาหลักแห่งชาติ) herausgeben.

Abb.: Einbandtitel von บัญชียาหลักแห่งชาติ .. ๒๕๕๖ = National list of essential medicines 2013

"Die Liste der unentbehrlichen Arzneimittel der Weltgesundheitsorganisation (WHO Model List of Essential Medicines) enthält Wirkstoffe und deren Zubereitungen, die als unentbehrliche Arzneimittel eingestuft werden. Mit diesen lassen sich nach der Definition der Weltgesundheitsorganisation (WHO) die dringlichsten Bedürfnisse einer Bevölkerung zur medizinischen Versorgung befriedigen. Die Modellliste ist als Empfehlung für Regierungen einzelner Staaten gedacht, um eigene Versorgungsstandards zu entwickeln, die an nationale Richtlinien und regionale Gegebenheiten angepasst sind. Bis Ende 2003 hatten 156 Staaten offizielle Listen von unentbehrlichen Arzneimitteln entwickelt."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-04-25]


Besitz von Konsumgütern

Abb.: Besitz ausgewählter Konsumgüter aufgrund einer Umfrage (in Prozent), 1977
Befragte: Bangkok: 1217; Provinzstädte: 962; Ländliche Orte: 1476
[Datenquelle: Karl Schönberg. -- In: Thailand : Geographie - Geschichte - Kultur - Religion - Staat - Gesellschaft - Politik - Wirtschaft / hrsg. von Jürgen Hohnholz [1938 - ]. -- Tübingen : Erdmann, 1980. -- 518 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. --  (Ländermonographien ; Bd. 13.) --  ISBN 3-7711-0337-1. -- S. 364]


Katherine A. Bowie  (1950 - ) nimmt an einer Initiationsfeier der Village Scouts (ลูกเสือชาวบ้าน) in einem Dorf von Amphoe San Patong (สันป่าตอง) teil.

Abb.: Lage von Amphoe San Patong (สันป่าตอง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Sie beschreibt die Zeremonie in

Bowie, Katherine A.  <1950 - >: Rituals of national loyalty : an anthropology of the state and the Village Scout movement in Thailand. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Press, 1997. -- 393 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-231-10391-3.

Abb.: Einbandtitel

"Thus one villager informed me that "rich people are communists; they are too lazy to work." Another villager saw communism as essentially an urban plot to increase rural taxation: "Communists want town people and workers to pay less taxes and villagers to pay more taxes. Villagers now pay eight baht per rai in taxes to the state, but under communism, villagers would have to pay everything to the state and then just be given what they needed to live on day by day.""

[a.a.O., S. 166. -- Fair use]

"As another middle-aged villager put it,

Communism is good for poor people since they would have work to do and enough food to eat, but rich people wouldn’t like it, or people that lived comfortably now. [He then paused, looked around and asked jokingly if any police were coming.] The soldiers are the hired forces (rapchang [รับจ้าง]) of people trying to keep themselves in power. In the communist areas there are no problems with thieves or drug addicts. And look at China. China is exporting food and doesn’t have all these loans from the World Bank.""

[a.a.O., S. 167. -- Fair use]

"One woman under pressure to join [die Initiation] angrily exclaimed to me,

"If the king thinks we should show our love to him by dancing and singing about, acting like drunken whores, then I want no part of it. If that means that people will say I am a communist, so be it!""

[a.a.O., S. 181. -- Fair use]

Rede des District officer in der 1. Nacht:

"Although Village Scouts are not to be involved in politics, politics comes to involve itself with Village Scouts. You probably know already from the newspaper headlines that Cambodia has been invading Thailand, killing Thai people, burning Thai villages located on the border, killing innocent children and old people unable to fight and defend themselves in great numbers. The reason that Cambodia is attacking our people is because Cambodia has changed its form of government from a democracy to communism. Cambodia does this because they do not have enough to eat. Cambodia has no water buffaloes or oxen to plow their fields; they use people to plow the fields instead. Cambodia is a country without moral principles. Cambodia has been receiving rice from other countries. Iran has sent sixty thousand bags of rice to Laos. But the Lao people have not been able to eat any of it, not a single grain. They go hungry as they must give all their rice to the Vietnamese soldiers who have taken over their country. The Cambodians are not only attacking Thailand, but they are also invading Vietnam on their other border. The Cambodian government is invading Thailand because they need food, so that their people will be satisfied with their new government. Thailand has never given in or retreated, so now Thailand must take arms and fight back. This is the reason for the headlines you have been reading. This is the result of the fall of a democratic government which had a king as head of state.

Other countries are watching us now. Once the change has happened, there is no turning back. Look at Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos. Before they lived in peace and quiet, now they live in turmoil. People are fleeing these three countries in great numbers, by the hundreds of thousands, coming across the Mekhong River. They tell us that people can’t live there—dogs can’t even live there. This is a fact that Thailand must face. Refugees now number more than one million people. If we were to become like Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam, where would we and our dogs and animals flee to for refuge?"

He concluded by saying that if the Village Scouts succeeded in unifying people from different backgrounds into a single force, they would help to ensure the survival of Thailand.

The theme of external threats to Thai security was repeated throughout the training session. On the last day the BPP [Border Patrol Police - ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน] instructor said that scouts and all citizens who loved their Nation, Religion, and King must unite to fight off those who sought to harm the country. He explained,

"Right now in Laos and Cambodia, they are giving Lao men a potion that reduces their sexual desire and are having Vietnamese troops breed with Lao women instead. Soon there will be nothing left of Lao and Cambodian cultural traits. Soon the words Cambodian and Lao will no longer exist. Already enemy troops are infiltrating Thailand. This is why it is so important that the Thai people unite."

He went on to suggest that the violence on October 6, 1976, was caused by Vietnamese communist commandos ("sappers") who were trying to destroy the Nation, Religion, and King. The scout instructors were clearly trying to portray Thailand as a nation whose cultural survival was being threatened by external enemies who were infiltrating the country. For Thailand to survive Thais had to unite and not allow internal divisions to occur."

[a.a.O., S. 189ff. -- Fair use]
Song eines Instructors in der 2. Nacht:

"How many wounds have been stabbed into the Thai nation?
How many generations of our forefathers have died before the Thais settled in this peninsula?
How many bones have been crushed and cremated?
How many heads decapitated until the Thais ruled this land?
How much blood has been shed?
How many times have hearts broken?
Tears fall in the eyes of all Thais each time we lose our land.
Why do we kill each other?
We are all Thais together.
If Thais kill each other, other nations will rule us.
Then the souls of our forefathers (winjan puu [
วิญญาณปู่]) will cry out,
"You descendants are damned (canraj [

[a.a.O., S. 199. -- Fair use]

Song des Border Patrol Police Instructors in der 2. Nacht:

"Whoever invades Thailand, Thais will fight on to the end of our abilities.
We are willing to sacrifice our blood and our lives because even if one dies, one’s names will live on in honor.
If Siam survives, we will also live.
If Siam collapses, how can we hope to live on?
It would be the end of our lineage."

[a.a.O., S. 201. -- Fair use]

Der Border Patrol Police Instructor am 3. Nachmittag nach einem inszenierten Streit zwischen zwei Instruktoren:

"Never in the five thousand or more scout training sessions in the country and never in all the sessions I have been involved with has anything like this ever happened. We are all brothers and sisters, whether we come from the North of Thailand or from the Northeast like the instructor who has just run away. Whatever part of the country we come from, we are all part of one big family under the king and queen. The king and queen are the father and mother of all Thais. How, since we are all members of the same family, can we get into fights with each other?"

[a.a.O., S. 208f. -- Fair use]

5. Nachmittag: nach der Initiation

"One Village Scout recounted years later,

"I had always loved the king, but never as intensely as I did that moment. That moment I felt it through the core of my being (saabsyyng)."

As the new scouts were returning to their seats, scout instructors somberly admonished some to get a haircut and helped others to tie their kerchiefs properly. Once all were back in their seats, the BPP instructor asked the initiates to

"think for a moment of the kindness and generosity of his majesty the king. Reflect on the importance of the Nation, Religion, and King. Think of the oath that you have taken and follow it."

Then he asked everyone to stand, salute, and repeat the threefold scout oath."

[a.a.O., S. 226. -- Fair use]

Abschlusszeremonie durch den Boder Patrol Police scoutmaster:

"He asked the other instructors to remove their caps, and then he led everyone in chanting the Three Refuges in Pali. He then invited

"the blessed spirit of each of the kings of Thailand, the ancestors and heroes of the Thai people, and all the sacred forces in the world to protect each of you from danger and misfortune. May the royal lineage continue into eternity."

Everyone saluted and the flag was lowered.

All the scouts and their instructors then crossed their arms across their chests and joined hands while they sang a song to the tune of "Auld Lang Syne." "

Clicken: Auld Lang Syne

[Quelle des ogg.-File: U.S. Navy Band Ceremonial Band / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

[a.a.O., S. 230f. -- Fair use]

"Muecke notes that the staff training manuals state that Village Scouting was intended as

"a means to strengthen Thai society against instability and political abuse" by, among other things, trying to "avoid and prevent labor disputes to preserve national security, to nourish peace and prosperity" (1980:423).

Scout instructors I interviewed confirmed their view that good citizens did not strike or demonstrate."

[a.a.O., S. 243. -- Fair use]

"Although the Village Scout initiation encouraged some scouts to ostracize and intimidate others in the community, many other new initiates voiced critical or skeptical comments. As one new scout remarked,

"The government makes all this big to-do about the scouts. It thinks that this way it will keep us from becoming communists. But really it is like tiger balm [camphor salve] on a wound—it doesn’t cure it, but it makes the hurt go away for a short time. All that you really get from the scouts is the scarf. And what good is that? You can’t eat it and you can’t sell it.""

[a.a.O., S. 247. -- Fair use]

"The villager who suggests that the government helps by building roads may well find the counterargument more persuasive:

Oh, do you have a truck? Do you have a car? Do you have a motorcycle? You sold your bicycle to buy medicine when your daughter was sick, you said. So why do you care if the road is wide or narrow, tar-topped or not? Aren’t roads built by the government to help rich people get richer? Don’t they just make it easier for middlemen to come? Then there is no surplus rice left in the village, and then there are rice shortages before the year is over. Don’t they just make it easier for soldiers and officials to come and demand your chickens?"

[a.a.O., S. 261. -- Fair use]

"Increasingly, as time passed with little improvement in their economic situation, more and more scouts came to share the view of a landless villager who never became a scout:

I wouldn’t become a scout even if I had the time. What good is there in it? All you get is a cloth scarf. Villagers are small fry (phuu noi). If the government is left, the people are left. If the government is right, the people are right. We are like trees that bend in the wind. That is the only way for us to survive. If I opened my mouth and talked too much and got myself arrested or killed, who would care for my family? It is better to say nothing and agree with everything, and just go on minding one’s own business. To say things, you have to have money. So there is no point in becoming a scout. It won’t change anything. Rich people are still rich and poor people are still poor."

[a.a.O., S. 263. -- Fair use]

"If in 1976 a gas station attendant could be arrested for criticizing the Village Scouts, by 1977 discontented moviegoers had no hesitation in urinating on a scout leader's van."

[a.a.O., S. 269. -- Fair use]

"The regional meetings appear to have been inconclusive. Participants at the northeastern regional meeting recommended ending all unnecessary extravagances, including holding beauty pageants, hosting lavish dinners, and sponsoring other expensive events in the name of the Village Scouts. They reiterated that Village Scouts should focus on activities for the common good, such as fostering health care, providing charitable assistance for those in need, and supporting government officials by being exemplary citizens (Tawansayam [ตะวันสยาม], February 11, 1977). They also reaffirmed that Village Scouts should make every effort to be thrifty and to buy goods made in Thailand rather than imported items (Baan Muang [บ้านเมือง], February 14, 1977). However, the broader problems of staffing, funding, and the movement’s susceptibility to partisan politics remained unresolved.

At the end of the fourth regional meeting Major General Charoenrit Chamrasromrun [เจริญฤทธิ์ จำรัสโรมรัน] of the BPP [Border Patrol Police - ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน], the national head of the Village Scouts, announced a few additional conclusions. To avoid infiltration villagers were to scrutinize the prospective candidates; this would now be easier because each initiation would draw solely from people of that area. He also announced that the initiation session program would be changed to include more vocational or occupational training or help in setting up agricultural cooperatives. To minimize the possibility of nonscouts’ wearing stolen kerchiefs, Charoenrit Chamrasromrun announced that a different company would make the scout insignia and that security would be beefed up at the factory that would be producing scout insignia. Furthermore any scouts who, after investigation, were found guilty of conduct unbecoming to a scout would have their scout insignia confiscated (Chaw Thai [ชาวไทย], April 8, 1977)."

[a.a.O., S. 329, Anm. 23. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Ökonomische Stellung der Village Scouts im von Bowie untersuchten Dorf im Vergleich zur Gesamtbevölkerung (in Anzahl Personen)
[Datenquelle: a.a.O., S. 256]


wohlhabende Landbesitzer: über 10 Rai Landeigentum, Geld auf Bank
mittelständische Landbesitzer: 5 bis 10 Rai Landeigentum, eventuell Geld auf Bank
arme Landbesitzer: 1 bis 5 Rai Landeigentum, keine Ersparnisse
Landlose: kein Landeigentum, keine Ersparnisse


Abbruch des Tambon Development Program (โครงการการปันเงิน) von 1975-03-19. Statt dessen müssen 7,5 Mio. Personen sechs Wochen Fronarbeit in einem "voluntary Labour project" oder "summer community development project" leisten. Der Wert der geleisteten Arbeit beträgt schätzungsweise 545 Mio. Baht.


Die Zahl der Bootsflüchtlinge (boat people) aus Vietnam nimmt dramatisch zu. Thailändische Piraten berauben und ermorden viele.

Abb.: Lage von Vietnam
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Vietnamesisches Flüchtlingsboot
[Bildquelle: PH2 Phil Eggman / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

"Der Vietnamkrieg endete am 30. April 1975 mit dem Sieg des kommunistischen Nordvietnam und der Wiedervereinigung Vietnams unter kommunistischer Herrschaft. Aus Angst vor Repressalien oder Hunger und sich verschlechternden Lebensbedingungen flohen zahlreiche Vietnamesen (insbesondere solche aus der ehemaligen Republik Vietnam) aus dem Land. An Land war Vietnam jedoch ausschließlich von Staaten umgeben, die sich kaum als Zuflucht eigneten (Kambodscha, Laos, Volksrepublik China). Aus diesem Grund versuchten viele die Flucht auf dem Seeweg. Über 1,6 Millionen Vietnamesen versuchten per Boot über das Südchinesische Meer (vietnamesisch: „Ostmeer“) ins Ausland zu gelangen. Man nannte diese Leute Boat People. Im ursprünglichen Sprachraum spricht man genauer von indochinese boat people (indochinesische Bootsflüchtlinge), da der Kriegsschauplatz auch Kambodscha betraf.

Die meisten Boote trugen zwischen 150 und 600 Personen, waren jedoch immer überladen und baufällig. Oft kenterten die Boote in den unberechenbaren Monsun-Winden oder sie wurden von Piraten angegriffen. Viele dieser Piraten hielten sich auf dem Meer vor Thailand auf, um die Boatpeople zu überfallen. Wegen dieser Umstände wählten die Flüchtlinge zunehmend den längeren Seeweg nach Malaysia, obwohl die Risiken dieser Reise größer waren. Häufig litten die Flüchtlinge unter Nahrungsmangel, Wasserknappheit und Krankheiten, oder die Sonne verbrannte ihnen den Rücken. Oft erreichten diese Boote die Küste jedoch nicht. Fast 250.000 Boatpeople fanden im Südchinesischen Meer den Tod. Immer wieder wurden Familien auseinander gerissen und diese fanden sich, wenn überhaupt, erst Jahre später in einer neuen Heimat wieder. Wer diese Strapazen überlebte und an eine Küste Südostasiens gespült wurde, hatte mit weiteren Schwierigkeiten zu kämpfen. Die meisten Boatpeople landeten in geschlossenen Lagern, wo sie um Asyl in anderen Ländern ersuchen konnten. Oftmals wurden sie ohne viel Aufsehen mit neuen Vorräten und Wasser wieder auf See geschickt, da die umliegenden Auffanglager hoffnungslos überfüllt waren. Erst Ende der achtziger Jahre ebbte der Flüchtlingsstrom ab, weil immer weniger Boatpeople Aufnahme in Drittländern fanden."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-11-23]


In Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่) hat sich die Bevölkerung seit 1960 nicht ganz verdoppelt, die Zahl der spiritistischen Medien aber verzehnfacht. Man schätzt ihre Zahl auf 250 bis 300, über 80% davon sind Frauen. Auf 1.000 Einwohner kommen 3 spiritistische Medien.

Abb.: Lage von Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Die Regierung beginnt, die Vermittlung von Gastarbeitern ins Ausland zu unterstützen und zu kontrollieren.


Gründung des Office of the Narcotics Control Board (สำนักงานคณะกรรมการป้องกันและปราบปรามยาเสพติด, ONCB)

Abb.: ®Logo


Weitere Personen schließen sich im Dschungel der Communist Party of Thailand (CPT, พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์ แห่งประเทศไทย) an

"Although most of the university students went to the hills between October 6 and the end of November right after the 1976 coup, quite a number of others joined the insurgents in the following months. In January 1977, for example, sixty-six lecturers from various teacher training colleges and ten nurses from several hospitals reportedly went to the hills.

In mid-1977, two former government officials announced that they had joined the CPT movement. Sri Intapathi had been a senior spokesman for the Public Relations Department in Bangkok. Vichai Bumrungrit was a twenty-five-year old deputy district officer in Khao Wong [เขาวง] district of Kalasin province [กาฬสินธุ์]. A graduate of the Thammasat University [มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์] Faculty of Political Science, Vichai was a member of the Sapha Na Dome [สภาหน้าโดม] and a close friend of Seksan Prasertkun [เสกสรรค์ ประเสริฐกุล, 1949 - ]. He was greatly upset by the October 1976 coup, and was arrested in late 1976 for having incited people in his district against the new government. After interrogation he was released from jail, and shortly thereafter disappeared. His joining the CPT was announced in June 1977. Vichai was the first Ministry of Interior official to join the party.

One leading writer to join the movement in the hills after the 1976 coup was Anut Apapirom [อนุช อาภาภิรม, 1940 - ], former editor of Withayasan Barithat weekly magazine. Anut was graduated from the Faculty of Arts, Chulalongkorn University [จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย], majoring in history. He was about thirty- seven in 1976 and had formerly worked at Thai Wattana Panich [ไทยวัฒนาพานิช], Thailand’s largest publishing company. A slight, bespectacled, quiet man, Anut was not active politically before the 1973 uprising. He became very involved later, organizing several small Marxist-Maoist discussion groups in various universities. The police alleged that Anut became a member of the CPT in 1975. He disappeared after the October 1976 events, but was charged in absentia by the military court in connection with the Thammasat incident.

Jaran Dittapichai [จรัล ดิษฐาภิชัย] was another student activist to go to the hills. About twenty-seven years old, Jaran is a native of Phattalung province [พัทลุง] in the south. He was graduated from the Faculty of Political Science of Thammasat University [มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์], where he was an active member of the Sapha Na Dome [สภาหน้าโดม] group. Arrested at the time of the attack on Thammasat, he was jailed at the headquarters of the police Criminal Investigation Division (CID), but escaped in April 1977. On September 25, 1977, the VOPT [Voice of the People of Thailand] radio station broadcast a tape-recorded interview with Jaran in which he told how he had been tortured by the military and the police.

Most of the nation’s leading intellectuals, although deeply disaffected from the military coup group and the October 6 incident, remained in Bangkok. However, a few prominent individuals did join the CPT; and a large number of Western-trained intellectuals, people considered the cream of the nation, decided to seek employment abroad.


Two prominent intellectuals who joined the CPT openly in early 1977 were Chonthira Kladyu [ชลธิรา กลัดอยู่], a brilliant young lecturer in Thai literature at Chulalongkorn University, and Boonyen Wothong, formerly a highly respected lecturer at the National Institute for Development Administration (NIDA) who was elected to the House from Ubon in 1969.

A slim, bespectacled woman, Chonthira (Satayawatana) Kladyu [ชลธิรา  (สัตยาวัฒนากลัดอยู่] comes from a middle-class family in Thonburi [ธนบุรี], Bangkok’s sister city across the Chao Phya River. Like other bright young women in the late 1960s, Chonthira was basically apolitical, interested only in her studies at Chulalongkorn University’s [จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย] Faculty of Arts. When she graduated with honors, Chonthira went straight to graduate school at Chula, further pursuing her studies of Thai literature. Her M.A. thesis, an analysis of the classic Khun Chang Khun Phae[n] [ขุนช้างขุนแผน], was both famous and controversial because of the Freudian approach she adopted to study the characters in the story.

In 1968, Chonthira became a lecturer in Thai literature at Chula, and by the mid-1970s she was considered the country’s top contemporary literary critic and authority on Thai literature. She published widely in several scholarly journals. At her urging a group of students in 1974 started a new journal, Aksornsat Phichan [อักษรศาสตร์พิจารณ์] (Literary Critique).

Chonthira’s political socialization came primarily from her work on a biography of Jit Phumisak [จิตร ภูมิศักดิ์, 1930 - 1966], a former Chula graduate and poet who had joined the CPT in 1965 and was killed by government suppression forces shortly thereafter. Chonthira’s interest in Jit’s life and writings emerged at first out of curiosity, then grew as she began to appreciate the poet’s brilliant use of the Thai language. Working closely with Jit’s revolutionary writings had an immediate and profound effect on Chonthira, changing her by 1975 from a politically uninvolved intellectual to a committed Thai Marxist. She worked arduously to collect Jit’s poems and other writings, which had been published in the 1950s and, in the 1970s, were basically unknown to university students. Her books about Jit and his writings, published after the October 1973 uprising, brought Jit to life again. He became a legendary figure and role model for many of the progressive students, who considered Jit a martyr who had chosen to reject a bright future in order to join the revolutionary force.

In 1973, Chonthira published her first book, Wannakhadi Khong Puengchon [วรรณคดีปวงชน] (Literature of the Masses). This became a best seller among university students. In 1975, Asnee Polachan (Nai Phi), the famous Thai poet who disappeared in 1957 and is now a member of the CPT central committee, praised Chonthira’s book in a review.

Abb.: Einbandtitel

After October 14, 1973, Chonthira became politically active for the first time. She supported the students in their protests and demonstrations, writing poems encouraging them to continue their struggle for justice. Her poems frequently were read during student demonstrations. In 1975, while speaking on a panel discussion, Chonthira criticized most university lecturers for being "liberal soft-minded bourgeois individuals." She urged them to became more concerned with the problems of workers and farmers. According to her, no lecturer could claim that he or she was a "pure academician," since no academician can be divorced from being a member of a social class. This speech marked her first open advocacy of the Marxist approach to social change.

Chonthira had just been divorced from her engineer husband in September 1976 when she suddenly disappeared from the university after the October 6 coup. At that time she was working on a Ph.D in Thai literature. In March 1977, Chonthira announced on the VOPT [Voice of the People of Thailand] that she had decided to join the CPT’s armed struggle "in order to achieve justice in Thai society."

Boonyen Wothong [บุญเย็น วอทอง] was among the youngest and brightest MPs elected in 1969. A poor Northeasterner who still speaks with a regional accent, Boonyen came to Bangkok from Ubon [อุบลราชธานี] to further his secondary education during the period when Sarit was in power. While studying, he rented a bicycle rickshaw, driving it to cover his expenses and get enough income to pay for his education. He then studied law at Thammasat University, getting an LL.B. and later an M.P.A. in public administration from the same institution. Graduating with honors, Boonyen was accepted as a lecturer at Thammasat’s Institute of Public Administration, from which he won a scholarship to Indiana University, where he earned his second master’s degree in public administration. He came back from Indiana to work at the Research Center of the National Institute for Development Administration (NIDA) [สถาบัน บัณฑิตพัฒนบริหารศาสตร์], the newly independent institution formed from the Institute of Public Administration.

Boonyen ran in the 1969 House election in his home province of Ubon and was elected. He could have chosen to remain in the bureaucracy instead, and surely would have become a full professor or a senior administrative official had he not entered electoral politics. However, Boonyen has always been conscious of his class background, and was convinced that he could serve the economically deprived Thai villagers more by leaving the university to work as an MP. As he often said to his friends at NIDA who also came from the Northeast:

Don’t forget that we are among the very few poor Northeasterners who have had the privilege of attending university. There are millions of people at home [in the Northeast] who need our help. One day we must go back and work for the betterment of their lives.

After the 1969 parliament was dissolved in the November 1971 coup, Boonyen chose not to return to NIDA. In hiding for a few weeks right after the coup, he then taught at a private college in Bangkok. Although he joined the Socialist party of Thailand [พรรคสังคมนิยมแห่งประเทศไทย] in 1974, serving on its central committee, Boonyen chose not to run for the House in the 1975 election. He gave as his reason his belief that the parliament would be dissolved soon after the election, and thus he preferred to help prepare for campaigning for the next election. However, he didn’t run in April 1976 either. Boonyen’s announcement in January 1977 that he had joined the revolutionary movement was another major gain for the CPT.

People such as Chonthira, Boonyen, Seksan, Thirayut, Therdphum, and Sithon, as well as the hundreds of other less-well-known young students, allowed the CPT to achieve a position from which to strengthen its activities. On December 1, 1976, the thirty-fourth anniversary of the party’s formation, the central committee broadcast a new ten-point policy program in which the highest priority was given to uniting all possible sectors of the Thai population against the present regime.

The remaining university students who did not go to the hills remained very quiet after the coup. Many of them, however, listened frequently to the clandestine VOPT radio broadcasts and read underground newsletters, relying on these media sources more than on the government’s radio stations and censored newspapers. Although they could not engage openly in any political activities under martial law, many of them were simply biding their time."

[Quelle: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. 299 - 303. -- Fair use]


Abb.: Wöchentliche Sendezeit (in Stunden) der staatlichen Thai National Broadcasting Station nach Sparten, 1977
[Datenquelle: Ingo-Eric M. Schmidt Braul. -- In: Thailand : Geographie - Geschichte - Kultur - Religion - Staat - Gesellschaft - Politik - Wirtschaft / hrsg. von Jürgen Hohnholz [1938 - ]. -- Tübingen : Erdmann, 1980. -- 518 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. --  (Ländermonographien ; Bd. 13.) --  ISBN 3-7711-0337-1. -- S. 334]


Auflagen von Zeitungen

Abb.: Auflage der wichtigsten Zeitungen (in Tausend), 1977
[Datenquelle: Ingo-Eric M. Schmidt Braul. -- In: Thailand : Geographie - Geschichte - Kultur - Religion - Staat - Gesellschaft - Politik - Wirtschaft / hrsg. von Jürgen Hohnholz [1938 - ]. -- Tübingen : Erdmann, 1980. -- 518 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. --  (Ländermonographien ; Bd. 13.) --  ISBN 3-7711-0337-1. -- S. 331]


Es erscheint:

Boonsong Lekagul [บุญส่ง เลขะกุล] <1907 - 1992> ; McNeely, Jeffrey A.: Mammals of Thailand / with a chapter on Muridae by Joe T. Marshall and a chapter on Sciuridae by Robert Askins . -- Bangkok : Association for the Conservation of Wildlife, ©1977. -- 758 S. : Ill. ; 29 cm

Abb.: Umschlagtitel


In der Folge der Massenproteste 1975-1976 in Pattani (ปัตตานี) gegen das brutale Vorgehen von Thai Marines erscheint:

ปัตานี อดีตและปัจจุบัน = Patani dahulu dan sekarang / Hrsg. Patani Forces Research Panel. -- 1977

Abb.: Lage von Pattani (ปัตตานี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Premiere des Films Plae Kao (แผลเก่า) von Cherd Songsri (เชิด ทรงศรี, 1931 – 2006).

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelel: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Plae Kao (Thai: แผลเก่า; RTGS: Phlae Kao; literally Old Wound) is a 1977 Thai romance-drama film directed by Cherd Songsri (เชิด ทรงศรี, 1931 - 2006) and starring Sorapong Chatree (สรพงษ์ ชาตรี, 1950 - ) and Nantana Ngaograjang (นันทนา เงากระจ่) as two peasants in rural Thailand in a tragic, romantic relationship. The film is also known as simply The Scar.

The film was one of the biggest box-office hits in Thailand at the time.[1] It gained international recognition at the 1981 Nantes Three Continents Festival, where it won the Golden Montgolfiere, sharing it with Eles Não Usam Black-Tie by Brazilian director Leon Hirszman.[2] It was also voted as one of the world's 360 classic movies by the Museum of the Moving Image in London, Sight & Sound magazine and film directors and critics worldwide in 1998.[1] It was remade in 2002 in Thailand as Kwan-Riam.

Cherd produced the film with the idea of showing it worldwide. The film's poster was designed by Chuang Moolpinit (ช่วง มูลพินิจ, 1940 - ).

"When I produced Plae Kao, I used the slogan 'We must show Thai traditional style to the world'," Cherd told the Thai website MovieSeer. "This produced a great deal of negative sentiment towards the picture, because some people believe that this is not a topic to be shown on film. I am a stubborn person though, and once I set my mind to including this in my films, well it's been in every film I have ever made. The press is always asking me when I will make a contemporary film, but now, no one is asking."[1]


The story is based on Thai folklore and was written by Mai Muengderm (ไม้ เมืองเดิม, 1905 - 1942) in novel form before being adapted to film.

In 1936 in rural Bang Kapi (บางกะปิ), at the time nothing but rice paddies and small farming villages, Kwan (ขวัญ) and Riam (เรียม) are the son and daughter of rival village chiefs. They both work in the rice fields with their water buffaloes. Riam at first resists the courtship of Kwan, but Kwan, a jolly young man who sings and plays bamboo flute, is persistent. Kwan pleads with Riam, telling her he wants to die in the river if he doesn't have her love. Riam gives in to Kwan's charms and the two pledge their love for each other at a spirit shrine on an island in the river.

Riam's father disapproves of the relationship. He wants Riam to marry Joi, the son of a wealthy local nobleman. Riam's father, Joi and some other men go to confront Kwan and find him on the spirit-house island with Riam. A brief swordfight ensues, and Kwan is struck by sword wielded by Riam's older brother, Roen. The cut on the side of Kwan's head eventually becomes a noticeable scar, which Kwan says is a mark of his love for Riam.

At home, Riam is chained up in a storage shed. Her father then decides to send Riam to Bangkok, where she will be sold into slavery as a maid for Mrs. Thongkham, a money lender who holds the deed to Riam's father's land. When the woman sees Riam's face, she is struck by Riam's resemblance for her dead daughter. Instead of being put to work as a servant, Riam is essentially adopted by the woman, who gives Riam Western clothes and introduces her to high-class Bangkok society, including the son of a wealthy nobleman, Somchai.

Kwan grows despondent. His father urges him to enter the monkhood to wash away his bad luck. Kwan then goes to take a drink of water, and sees blood in the drinking gourd. He then breaks down and apologizes to his father for being ungrateful, and promises to be ordained the next day "if I'm still alive".

After hearing that her mother is near death, Riam returns to the village on Somchai's boat. Riam arrives to see her mother die, and a funeral is held. Kwan comes to bid his last respects, and Riam agrees to meet him the next day at noon, on the spirit island.

The next day, Kwan sets fire to Somchai's boat, to prevent Riam from leaving without meeting him. Kwan is then hunted by Somchai, Riam's father and older brother, Roen. Somchai finds Kwan and shoots him in the chest with a pistol. The mortally wounded Kwan swims to the spirit island. Riam then jumps in after Kwan, and grabs the knife from his hands and stabs herself, dying with her true love in the river.

  • Sorapong Chatree (สรพงษ์ ชาตรี, 1950 - )  as Kwan (ขวัญ)
  • Nantana Ngaograjang (นันทนา เงากระจ่) as Riam (เรียม)
  • Setha Sirichaya (เศรษฐา ศิระฉายา,  1944 - ) as Joi"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-03-18]


Der Film Tongpan (ทองปาน) wird verboten.

Abb.: DVD-Cover
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Tongpan (Thai: ทองปาน) is a 1977 Thai 16 mm black-and-white docudrama that re-creates a seminar that took place in Northeast Thailand (อีสาน) in 1975 to discuss the proposed Pa-Mong Dam on the Mekong (แม่น้ำโขง / ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ). Interwoven are sequences depicting a poor farmer, Tongpan, who had lost his land to another dam some years before, and his struggles to make ends meet. Because of the film's socialist message and suspected communist sympathies of the filmmakers, it was banned by the Thai government. The 63-minute film was released on VCD in Thailand in 2006.


It is just after 1973 democracy movement and university students from Bangkok are going to rural Thailand to talk to farmers about their cause. Among the farmers the students meet is Tongpan, a father of two children with a wife, eaking out a living on rented farmland.

Years before, Tongpan had his own farm, but lost it when a dam was built. Now, a bigger dam is to be built on the Mekong. The students urge Tongpan to attend a seminar about the dam proposal and share his experience.

The seminar is attended by government officials, foreign experts, young intellectuals and local farmers. Various opinions are shared, both for and against the massive Pa-Mong Dam.

Tongpan, meanwhile, is struggling to earn a living on his small, rented patch of land. There is not enough water to grow a decent rice crop and fishstocks are dwindling. Tongpan and his wife have two boys, one still an infant. Food is so scarce, that Tongpan's wife falls ill with tuberculosis and cannot breastfeed the boy. He is paid a total of US$100 for a year of watching his landlord's chickens, and cannot hope to borrow more money to buy food for his family.

Tongpan attends the seminar, but the hardships at home weigh heavily on him, and when it comes time for him to speak, he has already gone home.

  • Ong-art Ponethon (องอาจ มณีวรรณ) as Tongpan (ทองปาน)
  • Khamsing Srinork (คำสิงห์ ศรีนอก, 1930 - ) as Academic at seminar (นักวิชาการ)
  • Peter Bell as Hydro-electricity expert at seminar
  • Surachai Jantimatorn (สุรชัย จันทิมาธร, 1948 - ) as Minstrel
  • Sulak Sivaraksa (สุลักษณ์ ศิวรักษ์, 1933 - )

The filmmakers were a group of such students involved in the 1973 democracy movement, and included folk musician Surachai Jantimatorn (สุรชัย จันทิมาธร, 1948 - ) of the songs-for-life (เพลงเพื่อชีวิต) band Caravan (คาราวาน) and director Euthana Mukdasanit (เพลงเพื่อชีวิต, 1952 - ).

The film was based on actual events that had occurred in 1975, and was made in Nakhon Ratchasima Province (นครราชสีมา). The actor who portrayed Tongpan, Ong-art Ponethon, was a farmer and former Muay Thai boxer (มวยไทย). He went on to act in the Vichit Kounavudhi (วิจิตร คุณาวุฒิ, 1922–1997) film Son of the Northeast (ลูกอีสาน)."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-06-15]


Gründung des Buchverlags Duang Kamol Publishing. Der Verlag widmet sich später u.a. moderner Thai-Literatur und der Aufgabe, das geistige Leben von  1973 - 1976 nicht vergessen zu lassen. Der Verlag veröffentlicht vorewiegend in Englisch, aber auch in Deutsch und Französisch.


In der Zeitschrift แปลก ["Kurioses"] erscheint der Fortsetzungsroman

คำพูน บุญทวี [Khamphun Bunthawi]<1928 - 2003>: นายฮ้อยทมิฬ ["Der brutale Wasserbüffel-Cowboy"]

Abb.: Einbandtitel der Buchausgabe


Der Fußballer Piyapong Piew-on (ปิยะพงษ์ ผิวอ่อน, 1959 - ) beginnt seine Karriere bei F.C. Royal Thai Airforce (สโมสรฟุตบอลทหารอากาศ). Er wird zu einem der erfolgreichsten Fußballspieler Thailands.

Abb.:  Piyapong Piew-on (ปิยะพงษ์ ผิวอ่อน), 2010
The Official Site of The Prime Minister of Thailand Photo by พีรพัฒน์ วิมลรังครัตน์. -- -- Zugriff am 2013-05-02. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

"Piyapong Piew-on (Thai: ปิยะพงษ์ ผิวอ่อน - Aussprache: [pìː-já-pʰoŋ pʰiu-ʡòːn], andere Schreibweise: Piyapong Pue-On; * 14. November 1959 in Prachuap Khiri Khan - ประจวบคีรีขันธ์) gilt als einer der berühmtesten thailändischen Fußballspieler. Er belegte bei der Wahl zu Asiens Spieler des Jahrhunderts den 19. Platz.

Piyapong spielte zwischen 1984 und 1986 in der südkoreanischen K-League (K리그) bei Lucky-Goldstar Hwangso. Zwischen 1981 und 1997 war er Stürmer der Thailändischen Fußballnationalmannschaft (ฟุตบอลทีมชาติไทย). Mit 103 Toren für die Nationalmannschaft ist er der Rekordtorschütze seines Landes. Viele Tore erzielte er aber bei von der FIFA nicht als A-Länderspiele anerkannten Spielen, beispielsweise im Rahmen der Olympiaqualifikation.

Piyapong spielte in dem thailändischen Film Born to Fight (เกิดมาลุย, 2004) eine Nebenrolle."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-05-02]


T.G. 'Cowboy' Edwards, ein schwarzer ehemaliger Angehöriger der US-Luftwaffe, eröffnet eine der ersten Bars in einer Soi, die als Soi Cowboy bekannt und berüchtigt wird.

Abb.: Lage von Soi Cowboy
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Soi Cowboy, 2005
[Bildquelle: moomoobloo. -- -- Zugriff am 2013-09-05. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: ©Whisky-Reklame, 1977
[Fair use]


Es erscheint das US New Journalism Buch über den Vietnamkrieg

Herr, Michael <1940 - >: Dispatches. -- New York : Knopf, 1977. -- 227 S. -- ISBN 0-679-73525-9


Herr, Michael <1940 - >: An die Hölle verraten = Dispatches / Aus d. Amerikan. von Benjamin Schwarz. --  München : Rogner und Bernhard, 1979. -- 283 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 3-8077-0101-X

Abb.: Einbandtitel

Dispatches is a New Journalism book by Michael Herr that describes the author's experiences in Vietnam as a war correspondent for Esquire magazine. First published in 1977, Dispatches was one of the first pieces of American literature that allowed Americans to understand the experiences of soldiers in the Vietnam War. At a time when many veterans would say little about their experiences during the war, Dispatches allowed for an experience and understanding of the war like no other source to date. The book is noted for a visceral, literary style which distinguishes it from more mundane and accurate historical accounts.

Featured in the book are fellow war correspondents Sean Flynn and Dana Stone and Dale Dye and the photojournalist Tim Page. Only at the end does Herr mention that the first two were captured and presumed dead.

Dispatches was reprinted in 2009 by Everyman's Library as a contemporary classic.


John le Carré described Dispatches as "the best book I have ever read on men and war in our time" and it featured in the journalism section of The Guardian's 100 greatest non-fiction book list in 2011.

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-10-25]


Premiere des Schweizer Sexfilms "Bangkok Porno" von Alain Payet (1947 - 2007)


Es erscheint

Kaysone Phomvihane [ໄກສອນ ພົມວິຫານ] <1920 - 1992>: Sieg des schöpferischen Marxismus-Leninismus in Laos. -- In: Probleme des Friedens und des Sozialismus : Zeitschrift der kommunistischen und Arbeiterparteien für Theorie und Information <Berlin>. -- 223, 3 (1977). -- S. 302 - 312

„Die nationaldemokratische Revolution in Laos befindet sich in ihrer Schlussphase. Unser Land schreitet auf dem Weg des sozialistischen Aufbaus voran, ohne das kapitalistische Entwicklungsstadium zu durchlaufen."

[a.a.O., S. 311. -- Zitiert in: Tappe, Oliver: Geschichte, Nationsbildung und Legitimationspolitik in Laos : Untersuchungen zur laotischen nationalen Historiographie und Ikonographie. -- Berlin : Lit, 2008. -- 393 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- (Comparative anthropological studies in society, cosmology and politics ; vol. 4.). --  ISBN 978-3-8258-1610-0. -- Zugl. Münster, Univ., Diss. 2007. -- S. 156]

2520 / 1977 datiert


Vorstellung des Heimcomputers (PC) Commodore PET 2001

Abb.: Commodore PET 2001
[Bildquelle: Rama & Musée Bolo / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Startbildschirm eines Commodore PET 2001
[Quelle des animated gif: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Neujahrsansprache des Königs. Zur brutalen Niederschlagung der Demokratie 1976-10-06 erklärt der König, dass sich darin zeige, was das Volk wirklich wolle:

"such a manifestation leads us to our mutual understanding and helps us to construct what we desire and surmount all obstacles that might arise."

[Zitiert in: Rosenberg, Klaus <1943 - 1988>: Sozialkritische Literatur in Thailand : Protest und Anklage in Romanen und Kurzgeschichten eines Landes der Dritten Welt. -- Hamburg : Ges. für Natur- u. Völkerkunde Ostasiens, 1986. -- 360 S. ; 21 cm. -- (Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens: Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens e.V. Hamburg ; Bd. 101). -- S. 55]


"In spite of the strict censorship, Dr Somchai Rakvijit [สมชาย รักษ์วิจิตร], (Chief of the Research Department of ISOC [Internal Security Operations Command - กองอำนวยการรักษาความมั่นคง ภายในราชอาณาจักร] and a former employee of the Pentagon) accused the government of indiscriminate repression and claimed that its excesses caused growing support for the communists."

[Quelle: Marian Mallet. -- In: Thailand, roots of conflict / edited by Andrew Turton, Jonathan Fast, Malcolm Caldwell. -- Nottingham : Spokesman Books, 1978. -- 196 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0851242383. -- S. 95. -- Fair use]

1977-01-03 8:30

Kronprinz Vajiralongkorn heiratet ML Soamsavali Kitiyakara (หม่อมหลวง โสมสวลี กิติยากร, 1957 - ). Die Hochzeit findet im Sra Pathum Palast (วังสระปทุม) statt, dem Palast der Mutter des Königs.

Abb.: Lage des  Sra Pathum Palace (วังสระปทุม)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Prinzessin Somasavali - โสมสวลี, 2010
[Bildquelle: Ernst Vikne. -- -- Zugriff am 2011-11-25. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Princess Soamsawali of Thailand (Thai: พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าโสมสวลี พระวรราชาทินัดดามาตุ; RTGS: —Som Sawali—; Literal: "Soamsawali, the Princess Mother of the King's First Grandchild"), née Mom Luang Soamsawali Kitiyakara (Thai: หม่อมหลวง โสมสวลี กิติยากร ; RTGS: —Somsawali Kitiyakon—; born 13 July 1957) is a member of Thai Royal Family, and is the former wife of her first cousin, Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn. She was titled "the Princess Mother of the King's First Grandchild" after her divorce with the Crown Prince in 1991. She is also niece of Queen Sirikit.


Princess Soamsawali was born on 13 July 1957 at Guy's Hospital in London, England, United Kingdom. She is the eldest child of Mom Rajawongse Adulyakit Kitiyakara (หม่อมราชวงศ์อดุลกิติ์ กิติยากร)) (Her father was a elder brother of Queen Sirikit of Thailand) and Thanpuying Bandhu Savali Kitiyakara (née Princess Bandhu Savali Yugala). She also has one younger sister Mom Luang Sarali Kitiyakara, born 8 April 1966.

Her father was the second child of Prince Nakkhatra Mangkala Kitiyakara, the Prince of Chanthaburi II (พระวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้านักขัตรมงคล กรมหมื่นจันทบุรีสุรนาถ) and Mom Luang Bua Sanidvongs. Her mother was daughter of Prince Bhanubandhu Yugala (พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าภาณุพันธุ์ยุคล) and Mom Luang Soiraya Sanidvongs.

She first attended the primary level at Chitralada School, then moved to Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่) with her father when he was a judge at the Chiang Mai Court. She moved to study at Regina Coeli College, the all-girls academy in Chiang Mai in 1967.


On January 3, 1977, at the age of 20, she married her first cousin, Maha Vajiralongkorn, the only son of King Bhumibol Adulyadej. After their marriage, her official title became Her Royal Highness Princess Soamsawali, Royal Consort of His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn of Thailand (th: พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าโสมสวลี พระวรชายาในสมเด็จพระบรมโอรสาธิราชฯ สยามมกุฎราชกุมาร). The couple had one daughter, Princess Bajrakitiyabha of Thailand, born on 7 December 1978. The marriage ended in divorce in 1991 after the citing of numerous inconsolable differences.

 The Princess Niece

After her divorce of the Crown Prince, the King, by virtue of a royal proclamation, gave her a new title on 12 August 1991. Her official full title became Phravararajatinuddamatu, meaning the mother of the king's first grandchild (translate in English as The Princess Mother of the King's First Grandchild).

Princess Soamsawali had adopted daughter, Siraphatchara Sophatcharamani or Bai Phlu.[1][2][3]


Since the divorce, Princess Soamsawali has been performing many functions on behalf of the Royal household. She has shown keen interests in public health and social welfare. The following Thai Red Cross Society programs are officially under her patronage:

  1. The "Reducing AIDS Infection from Mother to New-Born Baby" Programme.
  2. Medical Funding for AIDS patients.
  3. Funding for Reducing AIDS infection from Mother to the New-Born Baby.
  4. Milk funds for infants under the "Reduce AIDS effects from Mother to the New-Born Baby" Program.
  5. The Foundation of Professor Dr. Mom Rajawongse Galyanakit Kitiyakara.
  6. The Program of Life Giving to the Parents of AIDS-infected Babies.
  7. Funds for Cancer Treatment in Children
  8. The Princess Pa Foundation

Her titles since her birth to present:

  • The Honorable Soamsawali Kitiyakara: 13 July 1957 - 3 January 1977
  • Her Royal Highness Princess Soamsawali, Consort of the Crown Prince: 3 January 1977 - 12 August 1991
  • Her Royal Highness Princess Soamsawali: 12 August 1991 – present"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-11-25]


Tod von Acharn Fan Ajaro (อาจารย์ฝั้น อาจาโร, 1898 - 1977). Abt von Wat Pa Udom Somporn (วัดป่าอุดมสมพร), Amphoe Phanna Nikhom (พรรณานิคม), Provinz Sakon Nakhon (สกลนคร). Das Königspaar fliegt noch am nächsten Tag zum Todesort, um die Badezeremonie zu vollziehen. Obwohl normalerweise niemand mehr den Leichnam waschen darf, nachdem ihn der König gewaschen hat, erlaubt der König diesmal den Schülern und Anhängern des Verstorbenen, den Toten ebenfalls zu waschen.

Abb.: Acharn Fan Ajaro (อาจารย์ฝั้น อาจาโร)

Abb.: Luang Phu Fan Ajaro (หลวงปู่ฝั้น อาจาโร)

Abb.: Das Königspaar mit Luang Phu Fan Ajaro (หลวงปู่ฝั้น อาจาโร)

Abb.: Lage von Amphoe Phanna Nikhom (พรรณนานิคม)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Venerable Fan Ajaro was born on Sunday August 20, 1899, on the 14th waxing day in the ninth lunar month of the year of the Pig. He was born into the Suwanarong Family (สุวรรณรงค์), a ruling family of the former Phananikhom City (พรรณานิคม). He was the fourth child out of eight siblings. He was ordained as a novice at Wat Phon Thong (วัดโพนทอง) and as a monk at the age of 20 at Wat Sithibangkhom with Ven. Pong, Ven. Sang and Ven. Nuan as his mentors. In the third lunar month of 1920, Venerable Man Phurithato ( พระอาจารย์มั่น ภูริทัตโต, 1870 - 1949) came to preach at Wat Ban Muang Khai. After listening to his dharma talk, Ven. Fan was so appreciative that he asked the venerable if he could be his disciple and practiced insight meditation under his guidance. In 1944, he returned Wat Phon Thong and stayed at a cemetery near Nong Waeng (หนองแวง), which is the forest temple of today. On January 14, 1977 at 7.50 p.m., the venerable passed away peacefully and the royal cremation was held on January 21, 1978 with their Majesties the King and Queen presiding over the ceremony."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-07-05]


Laos beschuldigt Thailand provokativer Aktionen und der Kriegstreiberei.


Wichai Hinkaeo [วิชัย หินแก้ว], Mitglied des National Teacher's Rights Preservation Centre:

"If we still go on living as we always have, we’ll not be able to open our eyes and mouth (...) We lose money for nothing if we still pay homage to spirits and gods, because science has already proved that there are no gods or spirits in this world; no problem can be solved if we keep on thinking about committing suicide in order to escape from the wheel of fate. The reactionary ruling class will laugh at us and brutally oppress us more and more. If we dare not fight, we’ll be more oppressed."

[Zitiert in: Thailand, roots of conflict / edited by Andrew Turton, Jonathan Fast, Malcolm Caldwell. -- Nottingham : Spokesman Books, 1978. -- 196 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0851242383. -- S. 153. -- Fair use]


Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่): Empfang des neuvermählten Kronprinzenpaars durch Village Scouts [ลูกเสือชาวบ้าน]

"After the royal vehicle arrived, the royal anthem was played. The scouts weren’t sure how to act, whether they should get down on the ground or stand at attention; they all stood straight. The dancing girls were in position and before any music played, they bowed; many scouts weren’t sure whether this was part of the dance or not, and so many of them bowed as well. The crown prince made a speech, thanking people for coming and asking the people’s help in seeing that things went well for the country and religion. He also encouraged everyone to preserve their native customs and traditions.

After his speech the royal anthem was played again, and the crown prince and royal consort walked through the crowds, receiving everyone’s best wishes. After they made their way through the groups of scouts, the royal anthem was again played as the couple returned to their car and drove away. The rest of us tried to do the same but were caught up in the instant traffic jam created by hundreds of hot and thirsty scouts.

Scouts I knew were impressed with the friendliness of the consort, saying she had held her head and body in such a way as to indicate respect (khawrop) [เคารพ] for the people kneeling before her. The Village Scouts left this gathering full of best wishes for the young couple."

[Quelle: Bowie, Katherine A.  <1950 - >: Rituals of national loyalty : an anthropology of the state and the Village Scout movement in Thailand. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Press, 1997. -- 393 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-231-10391-3. -- S. 160f.]

1977-01-20 - 1981-01-20

Jimmy Carter (1924 - ) ist Präsident der USA.

Abb.: Jimmy Carter, 1976
[Bildquelle: OZinOH. -- -- Zugriff am 2013-05-21. --  Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]

1977-01-23 - 1980-04-28

Cyrus Vance (1977 - 2002) ist US Secretary of State (Außenminister). Damit muss der bisherige Amtsinhaber Henry Kissinger die politische Bühne verlassen.

Abb.: Cyrus Vance
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Neue Anreize für ausländische Investoren, darunter bis zu 10 Jahre Steuerbefreiung.


Erklärung der Communist Party of Thailand (พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย):

"Our new system is the bourgeois revolution, it is not yet the socialist revolution. Surely we’ll step into socialism, but we are not reaching communism yet. Our last aim is a communist system without classes and oppression. Our policy is not to do anything in hiding. Our revolution, which is called people’s revolution is essentially a peasants’ revolution."

[Zitiert in: Thailand, roots of conflict / edited by Andrew Turton, Jonathan Fast, Malcolm Caldwell. -- Nottingham : Spokesman Books, 1978. -- 196 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0851242383. -- S. 153. -- Fair use]


Rote Khmer (ខ្មែរក្រហម) überfallen drei Dörfer in Amphoe Aranyaprathet (อรัญประเทศ), Provinz Prachinburi (ปราจีนบุรี, heute in Provinz Sa Kaeo - สระแก้ว). Sie töten 36 Thais, vorwiegend Frauen und Kinder.

Abb.: Lage von  Aranyaprathet (อรัญประเทศ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Eröffnung einer Zweigstelle der australischen Bank Nugan Hand. Leiter ist der Brite John Owen, der ausführliche Berichte über kommunistische Truppenbewegungen an Michale Jon Hand liefert. Der US Bürger Michael Jon Hand (1941 - ) besitzt den halben Anteil an Nugan Hand und ist CIA Mitarbeiter.

"Michael Jon Hand (born December 8, 1941, New York) is a US ex-Green Beret known for co-founding the Nugan Hand Bank.[1][2]


Hand grew up in New York City, where he attended De Witt Clinton High School. After graduation, he attended Syracuse University, completing a year long course in the State Ranger School.[3] In May 1963, Hand enlisted in the United States Army, where he served in the Army Special Forces ("Green Berets"). After Special Forces training at Fort Bragg, Hand was posted to Vietnam, where he received a Purple Heart, a Silver Star, and the Distinguished Service Cross, the second highest military award in the United States. He received this for his actions on 9 June 1965 in defending the Special Forces camp at Dong Xoai against a Viet Cong attack during the Battle of Dong Xoai.[4]

Reporter Jonathan Kwitny, who wrote extensively on the Nugan Hand Bank, cites a passport document in which Hand claimed to have left the army in May 1966, and from 1966-67 "worked directly for the U.S. government."[5] According to other unnamed sources cited by Kwitny, Hand helped train guerrilla forces in Laos and worked with the Air America crews that supplied them.[6] The CIA Vientiane station chief Theodore Shackley (1927 - 2002) acknowledged meeting Hand during this period.[7]

In September 1967 Hand moved to Australia, where he found work in real estate, selling development lots.[8] He was a close associate of Bernie Houghton (1920 - 2000), the owner of the Bourbon and Beefsteak Bar in Sydney's Kings Cross, a nightspot notorious for drug use.[9] In 1969, Hand formed his own development company, which soon began doing business with Australian lawyer Francis John Nugan (1942 - 1980).[10] In 1973 Hand and Nugan founded the Nugan Hand Bank, with Hand concentrating on the international side of the bank. In January 1975 Hand spent over a year in southern Africa seeking to arrange arms deals, at a time when the CIA was providing support to groups such as UNITA (União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola) in Angola. Efforts to arrange deals included incorporating a company in Pretoria, South Africa, and sending Bernie Houghton with two Nugan Hand employees to the United States to meet Edwin P. Wilson (1928 - 2012).[11]

Returning to Sydney in March 1976, Hand developed "a close business and social relationship with [Murray] Riley" (1925 - ), a former policeman turned criminal patron of leading Australian criminals. Within a month of his arrival, Hand began transferring cash to Nugan Hand's Hong Kong branch on Riley's behalf. Australian police later concluded that "Throughout 1976 Hand was knowingly involved in drug activity with the 'Riley' group in that he permitted and even encouraged the use of Nugan Hand facilities for the movement of 'drug' money."[11] Following the June 1976 incorporation of a bank branch in the Cayman Islands, Hand moved to Hong Kong in October 1976 to develop the international side of the bank, developing a network of 12 branches across three continents.[11] In 1977-8, as the bank expanded dramatically, Houghton was able to use his connections to bring a range of US military and intelligence figures to the bank.[11] This expansion and influx of links coincided with the collapse of the CIA-linked Castle Bank & Trust in the Bahamas.[11] In August 1977 Hand moved from Hong Kong to Singapore, from where he managed Nugan Hand's international operations until its collapse in 1980.[12]

Nugan Hand collapsed in January 1980 following the apparent suicide of Frank Nugan. Subsequently, Hand shredded many of Nugan Hand's remaining records from both the office and the home of Nugan. He then fled Australia under a false identity, that of a Sydney butcher named Alan Glenn Winter, on a flight to Fiji in late June 1981. Hand wore a false beard and mustache to look like Winter and obtained a passport after getting Winter's birth certificate and having two photos taken. After a week in Fiji he made his way to Vancouver, British Columbia, and then on to New York City.[13]

News reports appeared in the 1980s that claimed Hand had been sighted in a number of different countries, but none of these were ever confirmed.[14] In March 1991, the Australian magazine The Eye reported that Hand was living in the United States, giving an address and other details,[15] but according to reporters following up on the story, Australian authorities indicated that there were no plans to pursue further actions against Hand.[16]

News reports in 2015 stated that a new book, Merchants of Menace by Peter Butt, identified Hand as living under the name of Michael Jon Fuller in Idaho Falls, Idaho."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-09-03]

Eine weitere Niederlassung eröffnet die Bank Nugan Hand in Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่). Die Niederlassung befindet sich im gleichen Gebäude wie das Büro der US Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA). Leiter der Niederlassung ist Neil Evans.

"Nugan Hand Bank was an Australian merchant bank that collapsed in 1980 after the suicide of one of its founders, Australian lawyer Francis John Nugan (1942 - 1980), resulting in a major scandal.[1] News stories suggested that the bank had been involved in illegal activities, including drug smuggling, arranging weapons deals, and providing a front for the United States Central Intelligence Agency. Speculation grew when it became known that the bank had employed a number of retired United States military and intelligence officers, including former CIA director William Colby (1920 - 1996).

Investors' losses and the speculation surrounding the bank's activities led to three major government investigations over the next five years. The bank's co-founder, American Michael Jon Hand (1941 - ), and two other bank employees were indicted for conspiring to "pervert the course of justice" by destroying or removing bank records. Hand fled abroad in June 1980. In 1985, a Royal Commission of Inquiry found that while the bank had committed numerous violations of banking laws, the allegations of drug-smuggling, arms dealing and involvement in CIA activities were not substantiated.[2][3] However, former bank employees including Brigadier General Erle Cocke (1921 - 2000),[4] and Douglas Sapper have confirmed that Nugan Hand Bank was a conduit for CIA money.[5]


Nugan Hand Ltd. was founded in Sydney in 1973 by Australian lawyer Francis John "Frank" Nugan and former U.S. Green Beret Michael Jon "Mike" Hand. According to writer Alfred W. McCoy (1945 - ), the bank was formed with a fraudulent claim of $1m in share capital: "With only $80 in the company's bank account and just $5 in paid-up capital, Frank Nugan wrote his own company a personal check for $980,000 to purchase 490,000 shares of its stock. He then covered his massive overdraft by writing himself a company check for the same amount."[6] Kings Cross restaurateur Bernie Houghton (1920 - 2000) was also involved in the bank from the beginning.[7]

The Nugan Hand Bank attracted investors with promises of up to 16% interest rates on their deposits and assurances of anonymity, tax-free accounts, specialist investment assistance, along with more surreptitious services such as money laundering. Nugan Hand rapidly gained business and expanded its offices from a single Sydney office to a global network that included branches (registered in the Cayman Islands) in Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่), Manila, Hawaii, Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Cayman Islands and Washington D.C..

According to a former employee speaking in 1980, the bank paid commission of up to 2.5% on unsecured investments of $1m or more, when the going rate was around 0.25%. Together with related costs, the bank was paying over 12% to access funds.[8] Yet the bank never became involved in traditional merchant banking activities like equity investment or mortgage financing; instead, its principals sought all manner of unconventional investment opportunities, including gun running and attempts to corner various commodities markets, such as Malaysian rubber and Indonesian oil.[8] Via its Cayman Islands subsidiary it also provided tax avoidance and evasion schemes.[8]

The Nugan Hand Bank gained respectability by the recruitment of a number of retired senior U.S. military and intelligence personnel, such as former Rear Admiral Earl P. Yates  (1923 - )as bank president and ex-CIA head William Colby as legal counsel.[9]

Australian trucking magnate Peter Abeles (1924 - 1999) was also connected with the bank.[10]

Bernie Houghton became the bank's Saudi Arabian representative;[11] but eventually had to flee that country in a hail of bullets, as depositors sought to recover their money.[12]

Michael Hand had formed a close business and social relationship with former Sydney police constable and underworld "patron", Murray Stewart Riley (1925 - ).[13] From April 1976, Hand initiated five cash transfers totaling $295,000 to the Hong Kong office. Riley’s subordinates used these funds to buy heroin that was then shipped to Australia. Upon Riley’s advice, Hand opened branches in Thailand “to attract drug money” and two years later, ordered the destruction of all incriminating records relating to Riley’s money transfers.[14]

Scandal and collapse

The bank's collapse was precipitated by the death of its founder Frank Nugan in the early hours of 27 January 1980. Nugan (who was facing charges of stock fraud) was found shot dead by a .30-calibre rifle in his Mercedes-Benz outside Lithgow, New South Wales. An inquest later returned a verdict of suicide. However, questions remain unanswered in regard to the lack of fingerprints on the weapon and the probability that the police who found Nugan had prior knowledge of his death.[15]

Suspicions about the bank's activities grew in subsequent days as details of the contents of Nugan's car emerged. Of special interest was the business card of William Colby. Furthermore, Nugan's office had been ransacked and Hand and Yates had ordered important company files destroyed or hidden elsewhere.[16] Peter Butt (1954 - ) states that Brian Alexander who was on bail, due to charges related to the Mr Asia drug syndicate, accompanied investigators when they searched the deceased Nugan's home. During the search, the investigators were interrupted by police officers who were responding to an anonymous phone caller who had claimed that police were in trouble at the residence. During this period, Alexander roamed freely and had the opportunity to remove incriminating documents.[17]

The official inquest into Nugan's death in April 1980 made front-page news amid testimony from Hand that Nugan Hand was insolvent, owing at least A$50 million (and as much as hundreds of millions), including $20,000 rent on their Sydney headquarters.

After destroying many of Nugan Hand's records, Hand fled Australia under a false identity in June 1980.[18]


Three major government investigations issued reports devoted to the activities of Nugan Hand. Two of these were from bodies specifically created to examine the scandal: the first, the Commonwealth-New South Wales Joint Task on Drug Trafficking, consisted of investigators from federal and state government, and lasted from 1980 to 1983; the second, the Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Activities of the Nugan Hand Group, was headed by Donald G. Stewart (1928 - 2016), and lasted from 1983 to 1985. In addition, the Corporate Affairs Commission of New South Wales, a state level organ charged with regular oversight of business activities in New South Wales, began looking into the bank almost immediately after Nugan's suicide[19] and issued seven interim reports from 1980 until 1983, when it completed its investigation.

A report by the New South Wales Corporate Affairs Committee linked former Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos (1917 - 1989) to the bank.[20] Melbourne and Manila businessman Ludwig Petre Rocka had an account at the bank, as did his wife Elizabeth E. Marcos, sister of Ferdinand. Rocka had helped set up the Manila branch of Nugan Hand and had his Manila office (International Development & Planning Corporation) in the same office as the bank.

The Royal Commission found that the Nugan Hand Bank was implicated in money-laundering, illegal tax avoidance schemes, and widespread violations of banking laws.[21] One witness, a former Nugan Hand director, stated that Hand threatened bank executives: "If we didn't do what we were told, and things weren't handled properly, our wives would be cut into pieces and put in boxes and sent back to us".[22] However, the Royal Commission did not find credible evidence of drug-smuggling, arms dealing, and CIA involvement.

The Royal Commission found that suggestions of "CIA connections" were widespread, stretching back to an apparent confirmation by a Taiwanese general in 1978. However, the Commission argued there was a lack of specific allegations, let alone evidence to substantiate them.[23] The Commission argued that the CIA would "shy away from having anything at all to do" with such a badly run bank.[24] The Commission dismissed claims that Houghton was a CIA agent, and that the bank was disseminating money for the CIA.[25] The Commission accepted Colby's evidence that he was merely giving legal advice to Nugan and Hand relating to either or both of them taking up residence in the United States.[26][27]

The Commission concluded that Yates, who had apparently been recruited by Hand, was responsible for the involvement of other retired military and intelligence personnel.[28] According to the Commission, Hand believed they would instil confidence in the bank, and their knowledge of South East Asia would be advantageous.[28] Stewart later commented that the involvement of these figures gave the impression that the bank had connections that it did not actually have.[29] Apart from the bank accepting deposits with no questions asked, the Royal Commission found no credible evidence of involvement in the drug trade.[30] However, Stewart stated in his memoirs that he had "no doubt" that Houghton, Nugan, and Hand played a part in drug trafficking at Houghton's Kings Cross establishments.[31]

The Royal Commission's findings conflict with the findings of the 1982 NSW Joint Task Force on Drug Trafficking which found that Hand had encouraged Murray Riley and his associates to use Nugan Hand facilities to move drug money.[32] Task Force investigator, Clive Small, concludes that the Stewart Royal Commission was a whitewash:

The royal commission was so dismissive of an American connection that many people who read it simply felt that it was a cover up, because it was in effect so superficial and so dismissive. It never attempted to put into context its findings with the findings of the Joint Task Force, which have not been found to be in any way, shape or form inaccurate or unreliable”.[33]

No one connected with Nugan Hand has ever been convicted of a crime.

CIA connection

Politician and jurist, John Dowd (1940 - ), states that Nugan Hand became the vehicle to quietly move drug industry money. Dowd advises that this led to dealing with corrupt governments and the CIA, but in Australia during the 1970-80s, the CIA was seen as "the good guys".[34] Similarly, former NSW Attorney General, Frank Walker (1942 - 2012), insists that from the government’s perspective, having good relations between ASIO (Australian Security Intelligence Organisation) and the CIA was more important than bringing criminals to justice.[35]

Investigative authors, Kwitney J. (1987) (1941 - 1998) and McCoy A.W. (1991) asserted that Nugan Hand Bank had facilitated the international movement of illegal funds for both drug smugglers and the CIA. The Stewart Royal Commission’s decision that there was no evidence to support these allegations astonished these early investigators.[36]

Revelations by American defence contractor, Christopher Boyce, initiated speculation that the CIA and Nugan Hand had also played some part in the dismissal of Australian Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam (1916 - 2014). For instance, William Blum (1999) (1933 - ) states inter alia, that the bank allegedly transferred $2.4 million to the Liberal Party of Australia which contested two forced elections in 1974 and 1975 to oust Whitlam's Labor government. He also states that the Governor General, Sir John Kerr (1914 - 1991), who was instrumental to the dismissal, was referred to by the CIA as “our man”.[37] The CIA responded to these allegations with an emphatic denial: “The CIA has not engaged in operations against the Australian Government, has no ties with Nugan Hand and does not involve itself in drug trafficking.”[38]

Cooperation from the American agencies did not extend to other Australian investigators. NSW Corporate Affairs investigators, Geoffrey Nicholson and Rick Porter, in association with the Nugan Hand liquidator, John O’Brien, requested documents from the FBI and also the CIA. They received documents from both agencies that were so heavily redacted that they were useless.[39] Joint Task Force investigators also made requests through ASIO to the CIA asking for information. Inexplicably, the requests were never passed on by ASIO.[40]

In 1981, Prime Minister Fraser, who had hoped the Nugan Hand controversy would fade away , stood before the parliament and told the Australian public that the CIA had no interest in the bank. However, Fraser’s assurances were challenged by journalist, Brian Toohey, who wrote that a former CIA agent had told him that Patry E Loomis had worked for the CIA and allegedly arranged for huge sums of money to pass through Nugan Hand for various intelligence operations around the world.[41] Details in Seymour Hersh’s (1981) (1937 - ) article ‘The Qaddafi Connection’ in The New York Times supported Toohey’s assertions.[42]

In 2000, Brigadier General Erle Cocke (1921 - 2000), former head of Nugan Hand’s Washington branch, gave a court deposition admitting that he carried out long-term, clandestine banking activities for numerous agencies including the CIA and FBI.[4] Michael Hand’s military colleague and Nugan Hand ‘fixer’, Douglas Sapper, also confirmed that Nugan Hand Bank had been a conduit for CIA money.[5]

Locating Hand

In March 1991, the Australian magazine The Eye reported that Michael Hand was living in the United States, giving an address and other details,[43] but Australian authorities declined to pursue an extradition.[44]

In November 2015, the Sydney Morning Herald reported that Peter Butt had located Hand living under the name Michael Jon Fuller in Idaho Falls, Idaho.[45] Peter Butt queried the failure of the FBI to find him, given that Fuller's social security numbers are identical to Hand's."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-09-03]


Thai-Truppen und burmesische Truppen machen in von den USA zur Verfügung gestellten Helikoptern eine Großrazzia gegen Opium-Anbau im Grenzgebiet des Goldenen Dreiecks.

Abb.: Lage des Goldenen Dreiecks
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Kronprinz Vajiralongkorn überlebt einen Anschlag von Guerillas in den Bergen der Provinz Phetchabun (เพชรบูรณ์) unverletzt.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Phetchabun (เพชรบูรณ์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Prinzessin Vibhavadi Rangsit (พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าวิภาวดีรังสิต, geb. 1920) wird bei einem Helikopterflug über Wiang Sa (เวียงสระ), Provinz Surat Thani (สุราษฎร์ธานี), von Guerillas beschossen. Sie stirbt auf dem Weg ins Krankenhaus. Die Prinzessin war im Auftrag der königlichen Familie unterwegs, der Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวณชายแดน) Versorgungsgüter zu bringen und sie moralisch in ihrer Tätigkeit zu unterstützen.

Abb.: Lage von Wiang Sa (เวียงสระ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Vibhavadi Rangsit  - พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าวิภาวดีรังสิต
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

"Her Royal Highness Princess Vibhavadi Rangsit (20 November 1920-16 February 1977, Thai: พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าวิภาวดีรังสิต; RTGS: Wiphawadi Rangsit) was a Thai royal well known for her fiction writing and her developmental work in rural Thailand.
Early life

HRH Princess Vibhavadi Rangsit was born Mom Chao (Her Serene Highness) Vibhavadi Rajani. The daughter of His Royal Highness Prince (Krom Muen) Bidyalongkorn (พระราชวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้ารัชนีแจ่มจรัส กรมหมื่นพิทยาลงกรณ์) and Mom Chao (HSH Princess) Pornpimolpan Rajani (Voravarn) (หม่อมเจ้าหญิงพรพิมลพรรณ รัชนี), she has one younger brother, HSH Prince Bhisatej Rajani. She was educated at the Mater Dei School, Bangkok. After graduation, she worked as a secretary for her father, who at the time was known as one of the most respected poets of the Ratanakosin era and wrote under the pseudonym “Nor. Mor. Sor.” (NMS). Princess Vibhavadi inherited her father’s gift for writing and displayed her ability at the early age of fourteen, when she began writing children's novels. She is well known by her pen-name V. na Pramuanmarg (Thai: ว. ณ ประมวญมารค). Her first famous novel, “Prisana”, was begun when she was eighteen years old and was followed by two sequels and many other novels, as well as historical novels.


Princess Vibhavadi Rangsit married Mom Chao (HSH Prince) Piyarangsit Rangsit (Prince Piya Rangsit), the eldest son of His Royal Highness Prince Rangsit Prayurasakdi, Prince of Chainat (สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้ารังสิตประยูรศักดิ์ กรมพระยาชัยนาทนเรนทร)), on May 6, 1946. They were the only couple to have been married by H.M. King Ananda Mahidol (Rama VIII).

 Service to the country

Besides a busy home life bringing up two daughters, and a full writing career, the Princess embarked on another course which would occupy her to the tragic ending of her life: that of serving their Majesties the King Bhumibol Adulyadej and Queen Sirikit of Thailand. In 1957, she began accompanying them when they toured the country and was appointed a Lady-in-waiting to Her Majesty the Queen when their Majesties went on their first State Visit abroad in 1960. Altogether, Princess Vibhavadi accompanied their Majesties on seven occasions, visiting a total of twenty-five countries.

The last ten years of her life were dedicated to rural development in Southern Thailand under the direction and sponsorship of His Majesty the King. Her involvement began when the King asked her to go to a remote area called Phrasaeng (พระแสง) in Surat Thani Province (สุราษฎร์ธานี). From that initial visit in 1967, she was committed to developing the hitherto neglected areas and to improving the living standards of the villagers. Sponsored by His Majesty, she led a medical team on countless missions to distribute medical supplies, schooling equipment, blankets and other necessities to villagers in neglected and inaccessible parts of the southern provinces.

Wherever she went, the grievances of the villagers were noted and subsequently rectified by the authorities. In this manner, rural development followed in Princess Vibhavadi’s path: roads were built, new health centres and schools established, and electricity brought to new destinations. At H.M. the Queen's request, she also promoted local handicrafts to enable women to earn extra income.


Princess Vibhavadi often visited soldiers and Border Patrol police stationed in areas where communist insurgency then existed. On the morning of February 16, 1977, she set off on what was to be a routine visit to villagers and to boost the morale of troops at Wiang Sa district (เวียงสระ)) of Surat Thani. Whilst travelling in an army helicopter to her destination, she heard a radio message that two Border Patrol policeman had been wounded by a landmine explosion. She immediately ordered the flight to divert to pick up the wounded men and rush them to hospital. As they were flying at low altitude over Ban Nua Khlong in Surat Thani, the helicopter was attacked from the ground by insurgents. A burst of heavy machine gun fire not only crippled the helicopter but also fatally wounded the Princess. She died an hour later.

Prior to her royally sponsored cremation at Ratchabophit temple, on April 4, 1977, in recognition of her services to the country and the people, H.M. the King elevated her to the rank of Phra Chao Worawongse Ther Phra Ong Chao (Her Royal Highness) and awarded her the highest level of the most Illustrious Order of the House of Chakri.


Today, February 16 is known in Surat Thani as Vibhavadi Day, when civil and religious ceremonies are held in her honour at monuments dedicated to her. Vibhavadi Rangsit Highway, in Bangkok which connects Don Muang with central Bangkok, was also named in her honour.

The Vibhavadi Rangsit Foundation was founded by her husband, HSH Prince Piya Rangsit, to ensure the continuity of her charitable work in the southern provinces.

Vibhavadi Rangsit Road (ถนนวิภาวดีรังสิต), which runs from Phrayathai (พญาไท) in Bangkok to Lam Luk Ka District (ลำลูกกา) in Pathum Thani (ปทุมธานี) is named in her honour.

 Titles and styles
  • 20 November 1920 – 6 May 1946 : Her Serene Highness Princess Vibhavadi Rajani
  • 6 May 1946 – 16 February 1977 : Her Serene Highness Princess Vibhavadi Rangsit
  • 4 April 1977 : Her Royal Highness Princess Vibhavadi Rangsit (Posthumous Name)"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-11-25]

Auf der Kranzschleife des königlichen Kranzes vor ihrem Sarkophag steht das vom König verfasste Gedicht:

"The Ultimate Dream

Determined to right the wrong
Devoted to the mother land 'till the end in ashes
Prepared for death that will be integrity outlasted
Remembered as gold leaves behind the Buddha"

[Übersetzung: Vasit Dejkunjorn (วสิษฐ เดชกุญชร) <1929 - >: In His Majesty's footsteps : a personal memoir. -- Bangkok : Heaven Lake Press, 2006. -- 307 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-974-94125-8-9 -- Originaltitel: รอยพระยุคลบาท (2001). -- S. 47]

Auf der Kranzschleife des Kranzes der Königin steht das Gedicht:

"Then came the day
When so much sadness and sorrow filled my heart
Enemies took away your breath
But not your bravery, Dearest Vibhavadi."

[Übersetzung: Vasit Dejkunjorn (วสิษฐ เดชกุญชร) <1929 - >: In His Majesty's footsteps : a personal memoir. -- Bangkok : Heaven Lake Press, 2006. -- 307 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-974-94125-8-9 -- Originaltitel: รอยพระยุคลบาท (2001). -- S. 47]

1977-03-02 - 1977-04-17

Köln: Musem für Ostasiatische Kunst: Ausstellung

Legende und Wirklichkeit : Frühe Keramiken aus Südostasien


Legende und Wirklichkeit : frühe Keramiken aus Südostasien : Ausstellung des Museums für Ostasiatische Kunst, Köln, vom 2. März bis 17. April 1977 / von Roxanna M. Brown <1946 - 2008> [u.a.]. -- Köln : Museen der Stadt Köln, 1977. -- 262 S. : Ill. ; 26 cm.

Abb.: Einbandtitel


Der malaysische Ministerpräsident Hussein bin Dato' Onn (1922 - 1990) kommt nach Bangkok und unterzeichnet ein Abkommen zur Terroristenbekämpfung im Grenzgebiet beider Staaten. Truppen beider Seiten dürfen ins jeweils andere Land soweit vordringen, dass ihre Guerillabekämpfung erfolgreich ist.

Abb.: Grenzgebiet zwischen Thailand und Malaysia
[Bildquelle: ©Google earth. -- Zugriff am 2012-04-21]

1977-03-09 - 1981-01-20

Stansfield Turner (1923 - ) ist Direktor des CIA.

Abb.: Stansfield Turner
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Langfristiger Plan der Dritten Armee (กองทัพภาคที่ 3 - ทภ.3; Hauptquartier in Phitsanulok -  พิษณุโลก) zur Befriedung von Khao Kho (เขาค้อ), dem Sitz des Hauptquartiers der Kommunistischen Partei Thailands (CPT, พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย - พคท). Der Plan heißt Royal Keg Basin Development Project (โครงการพัฒนาลุ่มแม่น้ำเข็ก), genannt nach dem Keg River (ลำน้ำเข็ก)

Abb.: Lage von Phitsanulok (พิษณุโลก) und Khao Kho (เขาค้อ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Khao Kho (เขาค้อ) und Umgebung
[©Google earth. -- Zugriff am 2014-08-20]


Erstflug des US-Mehrzweckhubschraubers Sikorsky S-76 Spirit. Die Royal Thai Navy wird solche Hubschrauber in Dienst stellen.

Abb.: Sikorsky S-76B der Royal Thai Navy, 2001
[Bildquelle: PH1 KEVIN H. TIERNEY, USN / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Innenminister Samak Sundaravej (สมัคร สุนทรเวช, 1935 - 2009) entgeht in Lampang (ลำปาง) einem Raketenanschlag unverletzt. Die Polizei schließt aus (!), dass Kommunisten hinter dem Anschlag stecken.

Abb.: Lage von Lampang (ลำปาง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Sithon Yotkantha (ศรีธน ยอดกันทา), Präsident der Nordsektion der Farmer's Federation of Thailand (FFT - สหพันธ์ชาวนาชาวไร่แห่งประเทศไทย) im kommunistischen Untergrundsender Voice of the People of Thailand (VOPT):

"We learned from our past struggle for justice that the reactionary ruling class never listens to reason. If the people are strong, the clique resorts to tricks. If the people are weak and divided, the clique—if it is strong enough—launches merciless suppression campaigns against the people. Its suppression efforts are becoming more and more merciless. Shall we remain idle and let the clique persecute us, although we farmers form the majority of the population. We have no other help and we have no other choice but to depend on our unity. We farmers must rise up in the struggle for justice. We will never be able to throw off our yoke if we accept defeat or plead for help. We will never have land for ourselves and never achieve a better standard of living if we accept defeat or plead for help. Since the enemy uses weapons against us, we too must use guns against them. Only in that way will we be able to to free ourselves and our farmer families from the yoke of oppression."

[Übersetzung zitiert in: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. 228f.]


Bei der Beschießung mit schwerer Artillerie von Karen in Burma verfehlt burmesisches Militär das Ziel und trifft das thailändische Dorf Ban Wang Kha in der Provinz Tak (ตาก). 50 Dorfbewohner werden getötet, viele verwundet. Über 1300 Karen (ကရင်လူမျိုး) fliehen nach Thailand.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Tak (ตาก)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Missglückter Putschversuch von Gen Chalard Hiranyasiri (พลเอกฉลาด หิรัญศิริ) und 300 Soldaten der 9th Army Division. Chalard war in Mönchsgewand. Chalard wird am 2. April standrechtlich erschossen. Chalard wird ohne Gerichtsverfahren 1977-04-20 hingerichtet. Die anderen Putschisten und ihre Unterstützer erhalten Haftstrafen und werden 1977-12 begnadigt.

1977-03-24 - 1979-07-28

Morarji Desai (मोरारजी देसाई, 1896 - 1995) ist Ministerpräsident Indiens.

Abb.: Morarji Desai (मोरारजी देसाई), 1958
[Bildquelle: White House Staff Photographers / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Chao Maneewong Sichalermsak, ein Neffe des ehemaligen laotischen Königs, flieht mit seiner Familie nach Thailand. Er sollte in Laos in ein Umerziehungslager in Viengsay, Provinz Houaphan (ຫົວພັນ), gebracht werden.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Houaphan (ຫົວພັນ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Aussagen von US Representative Lester Lionel Wolff (1919 - ) vor dem Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control:

"There was rampant corruption, but laundered drug money was reinvested in the local economy. In 1977, several names of prominent drug traffickers who were living in "palatial splendour" in Thailand were mentioned in a testimony given by Congressman Lester Wolff [1919 - ] before the Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control of the US Congress. One of them was Chang Kai-cheng, or Thawee Sakulthanapanich, who resided in Bangkok, Chiang Mai [เชียงใหม่] and Mae Sai [แม่สาย], opposite Tachilek [တာချီလိတ်]. He moved in high business circles, and owned or co-owned the Broadway Hotel and the Bai Cha-Hom Tea Company in Bangkok, a trucking and a hardware company in Chiang Rai [เชียงราย / เจียงฮาย]—and he had excellent narcotics connections in Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, the Netherlands and the United States.

Another was Chang Chen-ch'eng, aka Suthep Banjapokee,

who lived in Bangkok in a beautiful modern home which has an underground room used for gambling and smoking opium. ... he owns the Victory Hotel in Bangkok and a jewelry store at the rear of the hotel called Beauty Thai Silk. ... he began to make considerable amounts of money in 1968 when Thailand's armed forces participated in the Vietnam war. This effort gave him the opportunity to smuggle large quantities of heroin to Saigon for sale to American soldiers.15

Sha Ming, who ran a big heroin refinery near Chiang Rai and who had enjoyed a good relationship with Kokang [ကိုးကန့် / 果敢] KKY [Ka Kwe Ye] commander Lo Hsing-han [လော်စစ်ဟန် / 羅星漢, gest. 2013] before his arrest, was mentioned as another prime mover of narcotics from the Golden Triangle to the world market. Sha Ming had moved to Thailand from Burma in 1961. He ran a heroin refinery near Ban Houey Sai [ຫ້ວຍ ຊາຍ] in Laos, and in Tachilek [တာချီလိတ်] in Shan State, where he operated closely together with Lo Hsing-han, Yang Sang (Yang Shili) and other KKY home guard commanders.

Following Rangoon's order to disband the KKY, Sha converted his refinery into several mobile laboratories before establishing a new facility near Chiang Rai in Thailand. He was a kind of superintendent for Chang Chen-ch'eng's operation, managing the refineries, hiring chemists and organising distribution of the drugs.

Still another was Ma Xuefu, a Yunnanese [雲南 ] who had fled to Burma after the Communist takeover in China. He made his first fortune as an opium merchant in Shan State, and moved to Bangkok in 1964, where he ran the June Hotel and several tea companies. The June Hotel was popular with American Peace Corp volunteers in the 1960s. Many of them stayed there, and its coffee shop was a popular meeting place for the young Americans while on leave from their upcountry stations.16

Ma's Cha Mon Tea Company in Bangkok served as a front for the trans-shipment of large quantities of heroin into international markets. A member of the Triads [三合會], the Chinese secret societies, he was closely connected with ex-KMT [Kuomintang - 中國國民黨] Gen. Li [Li Mi - 李彌, 1902 – 1973].

Li's rival Khun Sa [ခွန်ဆာ / 張奇夫 / จันทร์ จางตระกูล, 1934 - 2007] was connected with other networks. Heroin, which had been refined in laboratories under Khun Sa's control, was marketed in northern Thailand by Ma Zhengwen, a Yunnanese Muslim (Panthay [ပန်းသေးလူမျိုး]) born in Burma. He came to Thailand in as early as 1963 and later became head of the SUA [Shan United Army] office in the border town of Mae Sai [แม่สาย], opposite Tachilek [တာချီလိတ်] in Burma, where one of his duties was to procure and distribute chemicals for the heroin refineries along the border. He operated behind the front of the I-Chin Mining Company in Chiang Mai.17

An important connection with Bangkok's Chiu Chao [潮州] Chinese was Lu Hsi-shui (Lu Xueshui), better known by his Thai name, Vichien Vajirakaphan [วิเชียร วชิรคพรรณ]. He owed the Lung Feng goldshop in the heart of Bangkok's bustling Chinatown. The shop, which was opened in 1971, was used to finance Lu's narcotics trafficking. Lu was born of a poor Chinese family in Bangkok, and made his start in the narcotics business by trading opium for gold with the KMT [Kuomintang] in northern Thailand. Some of Lu's profits were invested in the popular Chiang Inn Hotel next to the night bazaar in Chiang Mai.18

An anonymous "American living in Thailand" wrote in a letter to Wolff in July 1977:

There are several strong reasons for the Thais to unofficially countenance the presence of these groups [the SUA and the ex-KMT forces] along the northern border. Of practical importance is the valuable intelligence the Thais receive from them about communist activity in northeastern Burma. The Communist Party of Burma [ဗမာပြည်ကွန်မြူနစ်ပါတီ] has control of around half the opium harvest, and it disposes of the raw opium by selling it to traders. . . . the volume has become such that the northwestern Thai towns' economy has become an appendage of it. Profits from the sale of opium and heroin are generally reinvested in another illegal trade: basic dry goods and things like radios are brought from northern Thai merchants for shipment across the border and illegal sale in Burma. If the narcotics traffic is forcibly stopped, the economy in the area will be wrecked."

[Quelle: Lintner, Bertil <1953 - >: Burma in revolt : opium and insurgency since 1948. -- 2. ed. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 1999. -- 558 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 974-7100-78-9. -- S. 305ff. -- Fair use]


25tägige Operation Daoyai Musnah II: in einer gemeinsamen Operation thailändischer und malaysischer Truppen werden im Khao Namkhang Gebirge (เขาน้ำค้าง) in Amphoe Sadao (สะเดา) 15 kommunistische Lager erstürmt, eine Zinnmine der Kommunisten erobert und die Versorgungswege zerstört. Insgesamt werden 250 kommunistische Terroristen besiegt.

Abb.: Lage des Khao Namkhang Gebirges (เขาน้ำค้าง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Prinzessin Galyani Vadhana, die in Lausanne (Schweiz) wohnhafte Schwester des Königs, gründet die Association thaïlandaise des professeurs de français (สมาคมครูภาษาฝรั่งเศสแห่งประเทศไทย)

Abb.: ®Logo


München: Gründungsversammlung des Thailand Informations- und Solidaritätskomitees (TISK / ร่วน - ยู้รักกวามยุติธรรมทั้งลายจงรวมกันเข้าเป็นปึกแย่น). Es sind anwesend: 18 Gründungsmitglieder sowie 5 Gäste aus München, Darmstadt, Göttingen, Mannheim, Berlin, Frankfurt/M.

TISK beschließt als Vierteljahreszeitschrift herauszugeben

Thailand-Correspondenz / Hrsg. Thailand Informations- und Solidaritätskomitee München e.V. [1977 - ]

Abb.: Einbandtitel

"Die Beziehungen zwischen Deutschland und Thailand haben Tradition. König Chulalongkorn [พระบาทสมเด็จ พระจุลจอมเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัว, 1853 - 1910] versuchte in vergangener Zeit seine Leiden in den Bädern von Homburg im Taunus zu kurieren; ein siamesischer Tempel im dortigen Kurpark bezeugt des Königs Verbundenheit und Dankbarkeit. Umgekehrt lässt sich deutsche Baukunst aber auch in Thailand vorfinden: der Hafen von Bangkok ist Ergebnis alten deutschen Ingenieurkönnens.

Deutsche Rinder weiden in Chiengmai [เชียงใหม่] auf den Matten der Thai-Deutschen Milchfarm; gleich daneben produziert eine von Deutschen errichtete Großschlächterei Frankfurter Würstchen (für wen eigentlich?). Deutsche Industrieprodukte haben sich in Thailand einen geziemenden Marktanteil gesichert. Deutsche Autos sind im Straßenverkehr nicht mehr zu übersehen und das Investitionsklima hat sich für die deutsche Industrie nach dem Putsch ohnehin wieder verbessert.

Aber wir sollten die freundschaftlichen Gefühle des deutschen Volkes für das thailändische Volk nicht so vorrangig im technischen Austausch sehen, sondern die menschliche Seite dieser bilateralen Völkerfreundschaftlichen Beziehung stärker betonen.

Diese Freundschaft ist tief im Herzen der deutschen Menschen verankert - und zwar über alle sozialen, politischen, wirtschaftlichen und bildungsmäßigen Unterschiede hier bei uns im Lande hinweg.

"Wer erinnert sich denn nicht mehr an den Besuch des thailändischen Königspaares in der BRD? Der König mit dem melancholischen Blick und seine grazile und schöne Gattin eroberten Deutschland im Flug. Vor allem der Gemeinde der "Heim und Welt"-Leser wurde das Königspaar seit diesem Zeitpunkt zu liebvertrauten Menschen. Sogar Soraya [ثریا اسفندیاری بختیاری , 1932 - 2001] musste zeitweise um ihren Favoritinnenplatz im deutschen Gemütsleben bangen.

Wie sehr uns das Schicksal. des thailändischen Königspaares nahe geht, lässt sich an der angstvollen Balkenüberschrift der BILD-Zeitung während des Putsches vom 6. Oktober ablesen: "Schüsse vor Sirikits Palast". Wie musste man doch erschrecken, als eine Prinzessin, eine Verwandte des Königs, von Kommunisten getötet wurde, und der leibhaftige Sohn des Paares, Kronprinz Vajiralongkorn [มหาวชิราลงกรณ์, 1952 - ], einem ebensolchen Schicksal nur knapp entkam!

Glücklicherweise kommen nicht nur solche Schreckensmeldungen aus Thailand, denn Premierminister Thanin (übrigens ein alter Vertrauter des Königspaares) bemüht sich schließlich, die Lage voll in den Griff zu bekommen (was die FAZ auch schon lobend zu erwähnen wusste).

Thailand - unser Land des Lächelns darf nicht der nächste fallende Dominostein sein! Nicht auszudenken, was wäre, wenn dies dennoch, geschähe. Wohin sollten Fußball- und Schützenvereine ihre. wohlverdienten Erholungsreisen unternehmen, nachdem Bangkok und Pattaya [พัทยา] durch den Massenferntourismus erst vor kurzem erschwingliche Reiseziele wurden? Wo und wie sollte sich dann die rassenintegrative und völkerfreundschaftsfördernde sexuelle Neugier der deutschen Männer befriedigen lassen?

Abb.: Thailand-Correspondenz. 1 (1977). -- S. 47

Wo könnten wir dann noch die exotische Blaue Blume suchen und finden? Und wo könnten sich heiratssuchende Junggesellen, die hierzulande nicht einmal über den Anzeigenteil einer Zeitung zum Weibe kamen, sonst für wenige tausend Mark ( einschl. Urlaubsreise) eine Ehepartnerin kaufen?

Außerdem ist die Vorstellung kaum zu ertragen, dass auch die Thai - Mädchen eines Tages nur noch in geschlechtsverhüllender blauer Einheitskleidung zu sehen wären (von einigen modischen Ausnahmen a lá Chiang Ching [江青, 1914 - 1991] wohl abgesehen). Wir müssten uns nostalgisch dem jetzt vorhandenen Dokumentations- und Erinnerungsmaterial zuwenden und davon zehren. Immerhin, gibt es schon einige deutsche Filmprodukte, in denen das Leben in Thailand - so wie es jetzt noch ist und fürwahr bleiben soll - anschaulich geschildert wird. Eines dieser Produkte lief kürzlich in einem Münchner Kino und hatte den Titel "Bums-Bordell von Bangkok" (vermutlich werden unsere thailändischen Freunde diesen prächtigen germanischen Stabreim nur bedingt zu würdigen wissen).

Ein Dokument ähnlicher Art ist der Fotoroman, der zur Zeit als Folge in der Postille "Wochenend" erscheint. Darin wird eine dramatische Dreierbeziehung erzählt, das heißt natürlich, die Geschichte des Kampfes zweier Frauen um einen Mann. Eine dieser Frauen ist ein Thai-Mädchen namens Ding-Dong (mit dieser Namensgebung hat sich der Verfasser des Romans leider etwas vergriffen, weil Ding-Dong im vulgären Thai das gleiche bedeutet wie das juristische Kürzel GV [Geschlechtsverkehr]).

Abb.: Thailand-Correspondenz. 1 (1977). -- S. 48

Aber malen wir den Teufel nicht an die Wand. Noch sind Patpong [พัฒน์พงษ์] und Pattaya nicht verloren. Noch ist der vielberufene Individualismus der Thais ein starker Damm gegen kommunistische Gleichmacherei. Noch dürfen deutsche (und sogar linke) Poeten wie Peter Rühmkorf [1929 - 2008] in ihrem neuen Arkadien ihrem knäblichen Wunderhorn für harte D-Mark Glück zuteil werden lassen. Noch dürfen verklemmte Junggesellen auf dem Sklavenmarkt der in Not geratenen Frauen (als den schwächsten Gliedern der thailändischen Gesellschaft) sich kostengünstig versorgen. Und schließlich: noch darf die Sanftheit der thailändischen Frauen gepriesen werden, denn noch haben sie nicht getan, was ihre vietnamesischen, laotischen und kambodschanischen Schwestern taten."

[Quelle: Thailand-Correspondenz. 1 (1977). -- S. 47ff. -- Fair use]


Ministerpräsident Tanin löst die Bangkok Metropolitan Administration (BMA) und die Bangkok Metropolitan Assembly auf und besetzt sie neu. Zwischen beiden Institutionen war es immer wieder zu Reibereien gekommen.


Investment Promotion Act. Soll ausländische Investitionen in Thailand fördern


Der kommunistische Geheimsender Voice of the People of Thailand (VOPT - เสียงประชาชนแห่งประเทศไทย)

""People are major in the land" said an editorial (6/5/77), talking about Thai history and criticizing the official views on history. There are two ways of looking at history: "One considers people as subjects of a king who are only followers, and considers that history progresses because of the ability of a few kings or leaders. Another one considers people are real heroes who create history". "The record of Thai history which has been studied concerns only the story of kings and dynasties". ( . . . ) The feudalists have raised "good fortune and augustness due to the past" to oppress and cheat people for a long time. It is not fate which causes the people’s misery. It is not good fortune and augustness which makes feudal class to have palaces throughout the country. It is class oppression! (...) in fact, a dynasty sometimes starts with a traitor killing his friend and establishing himself as King". The allusion to the birth of the present Chakri dynasty is clear."

[Quelle: Patrice de Beer <1942 - >. -- In: Thailand, roots of conflict / edited by Andrew Turton <1938 - >, Jonathan Fast, Malcolm Caldwell. -- Nottingham : Spokesman Books, 1978. -- 196 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0851242383. -- S. 152-- Fair use]


Oklahoma (USA): State medical examiner, Jay Chapman, schlägt ein Giftgemisch als Spritze zur Hinrichtung vor. Das Giftgemisch ist als Chapman's Protocol bekannt: "An intravenous saline drip shall be started in the prisoner's arm, into which shall be introduced a lethal injection consisting of an ultra-short-acting barbiturate in combination with a chemical paralytic." 2003 übernimmt Thailand diese Methode der Todesstrafe.


Premiere des Films von ชีวิตบัดซบ ["Blödes Leben"] von Permphol Cheyaroon (เพิ่มพล เชยอรุณ, 1944 - 1991)

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Fair use]


3000 Matrosen der US-Marine besuchen während eines Freundschaftsbesuchs des Flugzeugträgers USS Constellation Pattaya (พัทยา). Es ist der erste Besuch von US-Truppen nach ihrem Rückzug aus Thailand. Es kommt zu keinen Zwischenfällen.

Abb.: Lage von Pattaya (พัทยา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: USS Constellation im Vietnamkrieg, 1971/72
[Bildquelle: USN / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Ölalarm auf dem Chao Phraya (แม่น้ำเจ้าพระยา). Nach dem Zusammenstoß zweier Schiffe verschmutzen 200 Tonnen Öl den Fluss.

Abb.: Lage des Chao Phraya (แม่น้ำเจ้าพระยา)
[Bildquelle: Kmusser / Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Rundfunkbotschaft der Pop-Musik-Band Kammachon (กรรมาชน):

Abb.: Kassettentitel der Kammchon Band (กรรมาชน)

"During the struggle, people’s culture has been growing rapidly and is supported by the people. The progressive culture which serves the people is developing. It started by protesting against old culture which intoxicates people and creating new culture which reflects the reality of miserable people, revealing decadent society and teaching with simple words struggle to the people, with bands made out of a few instruments, and easy plays to attract spectators, including various forms of drama and folk art. The people’s artists were born one after another and have increasingly developed their capacities. It has strengthened the cultural front to help the various forms of people’s struggle. Songs, poems plays and other arts created by our artists have become sharp weapons to stab the people’s enemy."

[Zitiert in: Thailand, roots of conflict / edited by Andrew Turton, Jonathan Fast, Malcolm Caldwell. -- Nottingham : Spokesman Books, 1978. -- 196 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0851242383. -- S. 156. -- Fair use]


Gründung der Thai News Agency (สำนักข่าวไทย). Sie gehört zur staatlichen Rundfunkgesellschaft MCOT Public Company Limited (บริษัท อสมท จำกัด (มหาชน - บมจ. อสมท)

1977-06-23 + 197706-30

Human rights in Thailand : hearings before the Subcommittee on International Organizations of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, Ninety-fifth Congress, first session, June 23 and 30, 1977.

Aus dem Zeugnis von Puey UngpakornE (ป๋วย อึ๊งภากรณ์ / 黃培謙, 1916 - 1999):

"Well, Mr. Chairman, sir, civil liberties is a funny thing (sic). It is only when you yourself are deprived that you feel the pinch. If you are a farmer and if your son had been taken away by the police without provocation, without anything, without charges, then you will feel very hard.

It is only the intelligentsia who can speak out. Farmers do not know how to speak out, but they feel strongly. I would like to remind you, sir, that the word "Thai" means free and we Thais, living in Thailand, must be free, whether we are poor, whether we are Third World, whether we are illiterate, I don’t see any way of living for my own compatriots except to be free."

[Zitiert in: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. 8]


Der Gouverneur von Phuket (ภูเก็ต), erklärt, dass er nichts von Billigtouristen hält, da diese kaum Geld ausgeben. Stattdessen soll Phuket ausgebaut werden für Reisegruppen und Luxustouristen.

Abb.: Lage von Phuket (ภูเก็ต)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Die Wirtschaftsminister der ASEAN beschließen eine 10- bis 30%ige Zollsenkung für 71 Warengruppen im gegenseitigen Warenverkehr.


Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) wird aufgelöst. Ihr Hauptquartier in Bangkok wird an das Innenministerium verkauft.


Militärputsch in Pakistan. Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq (محمد ضياء الحق‎; 1924 – t 1988) reißt die Macht an sich und bleibt an der Süpitze des Staats bis 1988-08-17.

Abb.: Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq (
محمد ضياء الحق‎) mit US-Präsident Ronald Reagan, 1982
[Bildquelle: US Government / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Hearings before the Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control, US House of Representatives:

"These men are the bankers of the narcotics trade. Operating behind legitimate business covers and using Thai names, the major Chao Chou [潮州] [Chiu Chao or Teochew] financiers in Thailand are regarded as respectable businessmen, and have been immune from arrest and prosecution, largely because they rarely, if ever, personally touch narcotics. Only fellow members of a Chao Chou [Chiu Chao] secret society know when and how a narcotics deal is being put together and who is involved."

[Zitiert in: Lintner, Bertil <1953 - >: Burma in revolt : opium and insurgency since 1948. -- 2. ed. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 1999. -- 558 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 974-7100-78-9. -- S. 311f.]

"Almost no foreigners had even tried to come to grips with the profound complexities of the Golden Triangle drug trade before US Congressman Lester Wolff [1919 - ] and Joseph Nellis [1916 - 2004], chief counsel of the Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control, proposed a radically new approach to the problem in the late 1970s. The Shan armies had decided to repeat their offer of 1973 to sell as much as possible of the opium harvest in the Golden Triangle to the US government. Lo [Lo Hsing-han / လော်စစ်ဟန် / 羅星漢, gest. 2013] was in jail, but Khun Sa [ခွန်ဆာ / 張奇夫 / จันทร์ จางตระกูล, 1934 - 1007] agreed to support the proposal.

In April 1977, Nellis boarded a Thai helicopter in Chiang Mai [เชียงใหม่] and took off for Ban Hin Taek [บ้านหินแตก], while Wolff stayed behind in Chiang Mai. They had decided to negotiate directly with the opium warlord to see whether it would be possible to cut the trade at the crucial stage along the border.

Abb.: Lage von Ban Hin Taek [บ้านหินแตก]
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Although Khun Sa, contrary to popular beliefs and myths spread by many Western narcotics agencies, was not the mastermind of the international drug trade, his troops did control an area along the Thai border where raw opium was being refined into heroin. The actual owners of these refineries were Bangkok, Hong Kong and Taiwan- based syndicates who paid tax to Khun Sa in exchange for enjoying the protection of his army. If he decided to throw the syndicates out, they would have nowhere to go; the refineries had been forced to move from Hong Kong [香港] to the safer havens in the Golden Triangle in the 1960s, when it became impossible to carry out such activities in the British Crown Colony.

A number of heavily armed Thai BPP [Border Patrol Police / ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน] policemen greeted the American visitors on their arrival, and they were escorted to Khun Sa's residence in the hills. As the warlord spoke no English, one of his men acted as the interpreter. Ironically, he was Sai Joe, a young Shan who had learnt English while serving as a mercenary with the CIA in Laos.33 The interview was full of Khun Sa platitudes—as usual, he emphasised his role as a "Shan freedom fighter", but the two Americans were nevertheless impressed. Nellis later testified:

[Khun Sa] is a very tough, aggressive and fearlessly ambitious man who has spent his lifetime escaping from efforts to capture him and coping with military problems. He would very much like to become a recognised political leader as well. He enjoys a joke, does not seem to mind his evil reputation as the biggest dope pusher in the world, and is an extremely pleasant and hospitable host.34

Referring to his discussions with Thai officials, Nellis concluded:

The affinity between the opium warlords and the Thai government has been explained in terms of the over-powering corruption prevalent in the Thai military and civilian society. . . . [but] when one considers that Thailand is completely surrounded by radical left-wing military dictatorships and has a major insurgent problem of its own, it does not take long to conclude that if I were responsible for Thai security, I would be very happy to have well-trained, armed men at my northwest borders who act as a buffer between me and those who seek to subvert my country.

Increased tools for enforcement of narcotics laws already breached by corruption and the doing of nothing more is not going to make any difference whatever, in my opinion. We must find a way to destroy this pestilence at the source.

After a heated debate in the US Congress, the proposal was rejected. Instead, the US authorities declared:

The Narcotics trade has long fostered a state of lawlessness over wide areas of Burma and northern Thailand. The rule of law in these areas has been replaced by depredations of warlord armies and bandits such as Chan Shee-fu's [Zhang Qifu; Khun Sa] so-called Shan United Army. We have, therefore, stressed the need for law enforcement.35

Dr. Peter Bourne [1939 - ], Director of the Office of Drug Abuse Policy, declared:

"It is unthinkable that any representative of this administration [that is, of then President Jimmy Carter] would negotiate with representatives of insurgent groups opposed to the legitimate government of Burma, much less use the American taxpayers' dollars for a programme that would, in effect, provide a subsidy for narcotics traffickers and arms for an insurrection.""

[Quelle: Lintner, Bertil <1953 - >: Burma in revolt : opium and insurgency since 1948. -- 2. ed. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 1999. -- 558 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 974-7100-78-9. -- S. 213ff. -- Fair use]


Prinzessin Sirindhorn (สิรินธร, 1955 - ) erhält das Diplom als Bachelor of Arts in History (First Class Honor) von der Chulalongkorn University (จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย). Am nächsten Tag erhält sie auch noch eine Gold Medaille für ihre außergewöhnliche Leistung.


Die Königin liegt im Phramongkutklao Hospital (โรงพยาบาลพระมงกุฏเกล้), wo Gewebe von ihrer linken Brust entfernt werden muss. Die Biopsie ergibt, dass es nur eine Zyste und kein Krebs ist.

Abb.: Lage des Phramongkutklao Hospital (โรงพยาบาลพระมงกุฏเกล้) (rotes Kreuzchen)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Unterzeichnung des Lao-Vietnamese Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation. Er gilt 25 Jahre und gestattet Vietnam die Stationierung von Truppen auf dem Territorium von Laos.


Le Monde <Paris> berichtet über Greueltaten in Thailand:

"The following are some examples of cases reported: On 3 or 4 March 1977, in Nakon Srithamarat province [นครศรีธรรมราช] in the South, three Buddhist monks and a novice were killed by "village volunteers" after they had been arrested by the army. In Phibun [อำเภอ พิบูลมังสาหาร], "communist suspects" were thrown off helicopters in flight. In Hadyai [หาดใหญ่], also in the South, Wek Surakumhaenge and Praphan Kawkrachang were found dead in January. The police also arrested them informing their families that they had been released. Three prisoners in Surin [สุรินทร์] were condemned to death by execution on charge of being "communist sympathizers". These atrocities by the government forces were cited by P. [Patrice de Beer], Le Monde, July 20, 1977."

[Quelle: Thailand, roots of conflict / edited by Andrew Turton, Jonathan Fast, Malcolm Caldwell. -- Nottingham : Spokesman Books, 1978. -- 196 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0851242383. -- S. 101, Anm. 41. -- Fair use]


Auf der 3. Plenarsitzung des Zentralkomitees der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas wird Deng Xiaoping ( 邓小平, 1904 - 1997) rehabilitiert. Damit ist der Machtkampf um die Nachfolge des am 1976-09-06 verstorbenen Mao Zedong's (毛泽东) entschieden. Das Zentralkomitee billigt die Zerschlagung der Viererbande (四人帮/四人幫) und erklärt die Kulturrevolution (无产阶级文化大革命) für beendigt.

Abb.: Deng Xiaoping ( 邓小平), 1979
[Bildquelle: Schumacher, Karl H. / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

"Deng Xiaoping (chinesisch 鄧小平 / 邓小平 Dèng Xiǎopíng, W.-G. Teng Hsiao-ping;  * 22. August 1904 in Guang'an (广安), Stadtbezirk Guang'an; † 19. Februar 1997 in Peking) führte die Volksrepublik China faktisch von 1979 bis 1997.

Während seiner Studien- und Arbeitsaufenthalte in Frankreich und in der Sowjetunion trat er der Kommunistischen Partei bei. Durch seine Verdienste in der Schlussphase des chinesischen Bürgerkrieges stieg er in der Partei schnell auf und wurde in der Folge zu einer der wichtigsten Machtstützen Mao Zedongs. Er unterstützte Mao unter anderem beim Großen Sprung nach vorn und wandelte sich dabei vom linken Hardliner zum marktorientierten Pragmatiker. Neben dem Slogan Ein Land, zwei Systeme für die Lösung des Konflikts um Hongkong und Taiwan zeigt sein berühmtes Zitat, Egal, ob die Katze schwarz oder weiß ist – Hauptsache, sie fängt Mäuse, diesen Pragmatismus ebenso wie die Fähigkeit Dengs, komplexe Zusammenhänge einfach auf den Punkt zu bringen.

Trotz zweier Strafdegradierungen (1968 und 1976) durch Mao gelang es Deng, nach Maos Tod die Führung der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas zu übernehmen. Ohne jemals die Spitzenämter persönlich einzunehmen, regierte er dann die Volksrepublik China faktisch von 1979 bis 1997. Er bildete den Kern der so genannten „Zweiten Führungsgeneration“ der KPCh und gehörte zur „Ersten Chinesischen Führungsgeneration“ der Reformära. Deng verstand es in den 1980er Jahren, mit großem politischem Geschick den aufkommenden Fraktionalismus innerhalb der chinesischen Führung für sein politisches Ziel, die Modernisierung Chinas, auszunutzen. Unter seiner Führung, die von wirtschaftlichem Pragmatismus bei gleichzeitigem politischem Führungsanspruch der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas gekennzeichnet war, entwickelte sich China zu einer der am schnellsten wachsenden Volkswirtschaften der Welt. Deng Xiaoping hat die Lebensumstände von hunderten Millionen Menschen erheblich verbessert. Ihm wird der größte Wohlfahrtsgewinn zugeschrieben, den ein einzelner Mensch zu Lebzeiten je zustande gebracht hat."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-11-23]


Thamsook Numnonda in Bangkok Post über die offizielel Erklärung von "Thai" mit h:

"Thai with an H is like a sophisticated girl with her hair set, her lips touched with lipstick and her brows arched with eyebrow pencil, while T’ai without an H is like a girl who is naturally beautiful without any added beautification."

[Zitiert in: Stowe, Judith A. <1934 - 2007>: Siam becomes Thailand : a story of intrigue. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawaii Pr., 1991. -- 394 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0-8248-1394-4. -- S. 110, Anm. 104]


Brief einer jungen Frau an ihre Eltern in Bangkok aus einem Trainingslager der Communist Party of Thailand (CPT - พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์ แห่งประเทศไทย):

"My dearest and respected Father and Mother:

I have learned that you have been worried about me and feel that my decision to leave home was responsible for father’s transfer. But, dear Father and Mother, had I remained at home perhaps you would have had reason to become even more worried. Because if I were still at home,

I would insist on continuing to work like this, carrying on secret urban activities. Since I am not accustomed to such a secret life, I probably would have been arrested by the ruling clique, and would now be in jail. . . .

Father and Mother, the struggle of the students and the masses is a just one. It is a struggle in opposition to the dictatorial power of Thanom [Kittikachorn - ถนอม กิตติขจร, 1911 -2004], Praphat [Charusathien - ประภาส จารุเสถียร, 1912 - 1997] and other tyrants, who have constantly oppressed us. Since this struggle is on the side of the people, we are not isolated from them. And the more we are suppressed', the more our numbers increase. Now a group of university lecturers and government officials are fighting in our movement. The path to the people’s victory is getting brighter, and victory is coming ever closer. . . .

Undoubtedly, you are blaming yourselves, feeling that you failed to raise your daughter in a good way, making me what I am today. But as I see it, you have raised me in the best way possible. You have given me a good education, and taught me not to be extravagant, not to be deceitful even with those who have lower status than I. You taught me to be sympathetic to the poor. . . . This is one of the factors which instilled in me the commitment to serve the majority of the people, who are poor, and to serve them to the best of my ability. You have given me a recognition of human dignity and a perception of the value of other human beings. Now I have gone to practice these principles in real life. I am proud and honored to have such virtuous parents, proud to have been taught by you to dare to make my own decisions, and proud to have left behind all personal pleasure to fight amidst hardship in the jungle. Dear Mother and Father, please stop blaming yourselves. Be proud of yourselves, and of the ideas which have persuaded your daughter to move forward to do great work by ceasing to be a selfish person and to sacrifice my life if necessary for the revolutionary liberation of our nation and our people.

You may be worried about my life in the jungle, wondering how hard it is. Father and Mother, life in the jungle is so different from that in the old society. All of us here are attached to each other, even more than real brothers and sisters. Each of us came here full of bitterness in our hearts about the same topic. Some lost a brother or sister during the October 6 [1976] incident, others lost their husband or lover... . Every one of us has promised to revenge our friends and loved ones. But how could we accomplish this objective with only our two bare hands, formerly used only for holding writing pads and textbooks, while the others are armed from head to toe? We didn’t have anyone from whom we could seek help except the people’s armed forces under the leadership of the Communist Party of Thailand. Now we are serving with the National Liberation Army of Thailand, and we have already applied with pride to become full members. I myself volunteered for this task five months ago. .. . Please do not worry how we kids, who had never touched weapons before, could be prepared to fight. Older comrades will not lead us to risk our lives as yet. Everyone here is undergoing training to be strong both physically and mentally.

We are exercising, running, and receiving military training every morning. Every one of us is participating, and it’s great fun. . . .

My life in the past was an undisciplined one, . . . but now it is much more organized. Rising very early in the morning we exercise, eat breakfast, work, eat lunch, rest briefly, work again, play indoor sports, have a bath, eat dinner, then attend classes at night, listen to the Voice of the People of Thailand and go to bed. My first job here was to dig a tunnel with my friends, as part of our protection from our enemies’ encirclement. Though as students we had never dug a tunnel before, we did it, making it quite wide and nice in a fairly brief period of time. I myself did not contribute too much because I am so small, not too strong, and not used to physical labor. Mostly I helped them remove the mud. We sang songs while we worked. . . .

The comrades here always think of others before themselves, and are especially concerned about the farmers. At first when we students came here the older comrades were very deferential (greng jai). When we did something wrong they never criticized us strongly, but forgave us and explained with good manners and fine modesty. I am very impressed with the comrades’ characteristics, and am trying to learn from them. ... I have faith in and truly believe in the leadership of the CPT. I want you, Father and Mother, to come to love the party and its warriors as I do. I want you to help us. I will be perfectly happy in sacrificing everything for the Party.

I salute at your feet, Father and Mother. I am waiting for news from home. Please give my best regards to both of my sisters.

With my highest respect and love,

August 1977"

[Übersetzt in: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. 298f. -- Fair use]


In Tübingen finden mit großem Aufwand die vom Erdmann-Verlag organisierten, von der Bundesrepublik finanzierten, Südostasienwochen statt

Abb.: Lage von Tübingen
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Rote Khmer (ខ្មែរក្រហម) überfallen drei Dörfer im Amphoe Ta Phraya (ตาพระยา), Provinz Prachinburi (ปราจีนบุรี, heute in Provinz Sa Kaeo - สระแก้ว). Sie töten 29 Personen, darunter 5 Frauen und 14 Kinder.

Abb.: Lage von Ta Phraya (ตาพระยา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Der philippinische Präsident Ferdinand Marcos erklärt, dass die Philippinen ihren Anspruch auf Sabah bedingungslos aufgeben.

Abb.: Lage der Philippinen und Sabahs
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Eröffnung der National Gallery of Thailand (พิพิธภัณฑสถานแห่งชาติ หอศิลป์)

Abb.: Lage der National Gallery of Thailand (พิพิธภัณฑสถานแห่งชาติ หอศิลป์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Die Nationalgalerie Bangkok (Thai: พิพิธภัณฑสถานแห่งชาติ หอศิลป์, engl. „The National Gallery“) ist die Nationale Kunstgalerie Thailands.


Die Nationalgalerie Bangkok befindet sich am nördlichen Ende des Sanam Luang (สนามหลวง) gegenüber dem Nationaltheater Bangkok. Sie liegt an der Thanon Chao Fa (Prinzen-Straße) im Bezirk (Khet) Phra Nakhon (พระนคร) von Bangkok.


Das heutige Gebäude der Nationalgalerie wurde in der Regierungszeit von König Chulalongkorn (Rama V.) (พระบาทสมเด็จ พระจุลจอมเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัว, 1853 - 1910) als Münzprägeanstalt errichtet, die bis dahin in einem Gebäude des Großen Palastes (พระบรมมหาราชวัง) untergebracht war. Das neue Gebäude wurde in Anwesenheit des Königs am 4. Februar 1902 eröffnet.

Die Münze wurde in einem westlichen Architektur-Stil aus Ziegelsteinen mit einem Satteldach erbaut. Der Architekt soll sich dabei an einem Fabrikgebäude in Birmingham orientiert haben. Das Gebäude hat zwei Flügel und einen Innenhof, es weist für ein Fabrikgebäude ungewöhnlich reichhaltige Verzierungen auf. Es wurde am 19. September 1978 als ein Nationaldenkmal registriert. [1]

Als 1974 die Königliche Münze zur Thanon Pradipat (Pradipat-Straße) verlegt wurde, erhielt das thailändische Fine Arts Department (กรมศิลปากร) das Nutzungsrecht. Nach einer Renovierung wurde es zur Nationalgalerie umgebaut, die am 8. August 1977 aus Anlass von Königin Sirikits (สมเด็จพระนางเจ้าสิริกิติ์ พระบรมราชินีนาถ, 1932 - ) Geburtstag von Prinzessin Maha Chakri Sirindhorn (มหาจักรีสิรินธร, 1955 - ) feierlich eröffnet wurde. [2]

  • „The King's Paintings“ - ein Raum ist Werken zweier thailändischer Könige mit künstlerischem Talent gewidmet, König Vajiravudh (Rama VI.) (พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรเมนทรมหาวชิราวุธฯ พระมงกุฎเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัว, 1880 - 1925) und König Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX.) (ภูมิพลอดุลยเดช, 1927 - ).
  • „The Senior Artists' Room“ - hier sind Werke aus den Anfangszeiten der Modernen Kunst in Thailand zu sehen, zum Beispiel Werke von Silpa Bhirasri (ศิลป์ พีระศรี = Corrado Feroci, 1892 - 1962), Khien Yimsiri (เขียน ยิ้มศิริ, 1922 - 1971), Fua (Tongyoo) Haripitak (เฟื้อ หริพิทักษ์, 1910 - 1993), Misiem Yipinsoi (มีเซียม ยิบอินซอย, 1906 - 1988) und Sawasdi Tantisuk (สวัสดิ์ ตันติสุข, 1925 - 2009).
  • „Contemporary Artists' Room“ - zeitgenössische Bilder der Periode seit 1967 von Künstlern wie Chakrabhand Posayakrit (จักรพันธุ์ โปษยกฤต, 1943 - ), Pratuang Emjaroen (ประเทือง เอมเจริญ, 1935 - ) und Nonthivathn Chandhaphalin (นนทิวรรธน์ จันทนะผะลิน , 1946 - ).
  • „Traditional Thai Art“ - der zweite Stock beherbergt eine Sammlung traditioneller Kunst aus der frühen Rattanakosin-Periode.
  • „Temporary Exhibition“ - der gesamte Südostflügel ist für wechselnde aktuelle Ausstellungen vorgesehen."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-05-28]


Tod des Rock'n'roll-Idols Elvis Presley (geb. 1935)

Künstlerlink auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:artist:43ZHCT0cAZBISjO8DG9PnE

Abb.: Elvis-Presley-Denkmal, Friedberg, Hessen, 2012
[Bildquelle: Neptuul / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]


Ministerpräsident Tanin setzt Drogen im Wert von 28 Mio. Baht theatralisch in Brand. Es sind 238 kg Heroin, 2500 kg Marihuana und 867 kg andere Drogen, die beschlagnahmt worden waren. Tanin sagt, dass bei der Jagd nach den Drogenhändlern Menschenrechte nicht beachtet werden können.


In Narathiwat (นราธิวาส): Die "weiße" Elefantenkuh Chitra (จิตรา) wird vom König entgegengenommen, erhält von ihm ihren riesenlangen Namen und wird zum Hauptelefanten ernannt. An den feierlichen Zeremonien sind Hofbrahmanen und Mönche beteiligt. Chitra ist der elfte weiße Elefant des Königs.

Abb.: Lage von Narathiwat (นราธิวาส)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Gründung des Committee for Coordinating Patriotic and Democratic Forces (CCPDF).

Abb.: Führende Mitglieder des Committee for Coordinating Patriotic and Democratic Forces (CCPDF)
[Bildquelle: The Road to victory : documents from the Communist Party of Thailand, 1978]

Abb.: Führende Mitglieder des Committee for Coordinating Patriotic and Democratic Forces (CCPDF)
[Bildquelle: The Road to victory : documents from the Communist Party of Thailand, 1978]

Abb.: Poster der Peoples Liberation Army of Thailand
[Bildquelle: The Road to victory : documents from the Communist Party of Thailand, 1978]

Abb.: Wandzeitung der Peoples Liberation Army of Thailand
Aufschrift in Thai: "Ihr habt uns wie Tiere behandelt. Die Zeit wird kommen, da wir über eure Verbrechen richten werden."
[Bildquelle: The Road to victory : documents from the Communist Party of Thailand, 1978]

Abb.: Milizionärinnen der Peoples Liberation Army of Thailand
[Bildquelle: The Road to victory : documents from the Communist Party of Thailand, 1978]


Bei der Produktion des Hollywood-Films The Deer Hunter dient Thailand als Aufnahmeort für die in Vietnam spielenden Szenen.

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Die durch die Hölle gehen (Originaltitel: The Deer Hunter) ist ein US-amerikanischer Spielfilm des Regisseurs Michael Cimino aus dem Jahr 1978.

Das drei Stunden lange Epos wird allgemein dem Genre „Kriegsfilm“ oder auch „Antikriegsfilm“ zugeordnet. Die Handlung: Drei Männer aus der amerikanischen Provinz ziehen in den Vietnamkrieg und kehren als Wracks in ihre Heimat zurück oder kommen in Vietnam ums Leben.

„Die durch die Hölle gehen“ ist in drei etwa gleich lange Akte aufgeteilt: vor Vietnam, in Vietnam und nach Vietnam. Dabei schildert Regisseur Michael Cimino, der nach seinen Worten nicht einen Film über Vietnam, sondern einen über die Vereinigten Staaten drehen wollte, den Einfluss des Krieges auf die USA und ihre Bürger.

Auf der Berlinale 1979 verursachte der Film einen Skandal: Die sowjetische Delegation bezeichnete den Film als „Beleidigung für das Volk von Vietnam“ und reiste demonstrativ ab.

Das musikalische Hauptthema des Films „Cavatina“ (The Theme From The Deer Hunter) des britischen Komponisten Stanley Myers ist auch abseits der Leinwand berühmt und wurde mit dem Ivor Novello Award ausgezeichnet."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-11-25]


In Marseille (Frankreich)  wird der tunesische Zuhälter Hamida Djandoubi (geb. 1946/1949) mit der Guillotine hingerichtet. Es ist der letzte Einsatz einer Guillotine in Frankreich. Die Guillotine war in Frankreich durch Beschluss der Nationalversammlung 1792-03-20 eingeführt worden. Thailand erschießt die zum Tode verurteilten immer noch auf höchst inhumane Weise.

Abb.: Eine humane Art der Hinrichtung: Nachbildungen französischer Guillotinen (links 1792, rechts 1872/1907)
[Bildquelle: Michael / Wikimedia]


Tausende von Dorfbewohnern in der Provinz Pathum Thani (ปทุมธานี) feiern eine erfolgreiche Rattenjagd. An einem Tag wurden 20.000 Ratten gefangen. Als Festschmaus werden Ratten gebraten.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Pathum Thani (ปทุมธานี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Geröstete Ratten, Kalasin (กาฬสินธุ์), 2007
[Bildquelle: Marshall Astor. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-04-21. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Provinzgouverneure erhalten mehr Entscheidungsbefugnisse. Dadurch soll die Verwirklichung von Projekten zur Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums beschleunigt werden.


Der neue Rektor der Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์), Dr. Pridi Kasemsap (ปรีดี เกษมทรัพย์, 1927 - ), behauptet, an der Universität sei die Freiheit von Forschung und Lehre nicht eingeschränkt.


Das Königspaar verteilt in Yala (ยะลา) Preise (je 4000 Baht) an 11 Leiter von muslimischen Pondok-Schulen, die sich unter staatliche Aufsicht gestellt haben und ihr Curriculum erweitern. Während der Zeremonie explodiert in der Nähe eine Bombe. Kein Mitglied des Königshauses wird verletzt. Der König führt unerschütterlich die Zeremonie bis zum Ende. Der Zeremonie wohnen ca. 10.000 Personen bei. In traditionellen pondok Schulen ist die Unterrichtssprache Malaiisch und Arabisch und der Schwerpunkt liegt auf dem Koran ("Koranschulen"). "pondok" = Hütte.

Abb.: Lage von Yala (ยะลา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Gegen 18 frühere Studierende der Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์), die während des Massakers vom 6. Oktober 1976 verhaftet worden waren, wird Anklage wegen Hochverrat, Mord u. ä. erhoben. Unter den 18 sind

  1. Sutham Saengprathum (สุธรรม แสงประทุม), früherer Generalsekretär des National Student Centre of Thailand

  2. Anupong Pongsuwan

  3. Aphinant Buahaphakdi

  4. Surachart Bamrungsuk

  5. Praphon Wangsiriphithak

  6. Viroj Thangbancih

  7. Mahint Tanbuberm

  8. Arom Pongphangan

  9. Suchila Tanchainant

  10. Atthakam Uppathumphakul

  11. Suchart Patcharasoravuth

  12. Thongchai Winichakul

  13. Kongsak Arsaphak

  14. Somsak Chiamchirasakul

  15. Seri Sirinupong


Jahrestag des Massakers von 1976 (เหตุการณ์ 6 ตุลา). In Chiang Mai versammeln sich Village Scouts (ลูกเสือชาวบ้าน) aus der ganzen Provinz um militärische Truppen zu begrüßen, die vom Dschungelkampf mit kommunistischen Guerrillas zurückkehren: Tausende von Scouts begrüßen zwei bis drei Tausend Soldaten.


Alix de Foresta (1914 - 1997), Princesse Napoléon, Gattin des französischen Thron-Anmaßers Louis Napoléon (1914 - 1997), ist Gast des Königspaars. Kurz vor ihrem Eintreffen zum Dinner um 18:00 im Chitralada-Palast findet der nächste Militärputsch statt. Die Königin allein empfängt darum die Prinzessin. Um 23:00 gesellen sich der König und der Kronprinz zum Dinner. Nicht beeinträchtigte der Putsch die Routine des Königshauses am Tag danach: der König joggt, die Königin macht Aerobic.


Spitzenmilitärs unter Leitung von Admiral Sangad Chaloryoo (สงัด ชลออยู่, 1915 - 1980) stürzen die Regierung von Tanin Kraivixien (ธานินทร์ กรัยวิเชียร). Neuer Ministerpräsident wird General Kriangsak Chomanan (พลเอกเกรียงศักดิ์ ชมะนันทน์, 1917 – 2003).

Abb.: Sangad Chaloryoo (สงัด ชลออยู่)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Sangad Chaloryu (Thai: สงัด ชลออยู่, Aussprache: [sa.ŋád tɕʰa.lɔː.jùː]; * 4. März 1915 in Amphoe Doem Bang Nang Buat (เดิมบางนางบวช), Provinz Suphanburi (สุพรรณบุรี); † 23. November 1980) war ein thailändischer Admiral und Politiker.


Sangad absolvierte nach der Schulausbildung ein Studium an der Bansomdejchaopraya Rajabhat University (มหาวิทยาลัยราชภัฏจันทรเกษม). Anschließend trat er in die Königlich-Thailändische Marine (กองทัพเรือไทย) ein und war zunächst Absolvent der Königlich-Thailändischen Marineakademie (โรงเรียนนายเรือ) und danach der Universität für nationale Verteidigung von Thailand (วิทยาลัยป้องกันราชอาณาจักร).

Am 19. November 1973 wurde er Admiral und Befehlshaber der Marine (Commander of the Royal Thai Navy) und behielt dieses Amt bis zum 30. September 1976.

Zugleich wurde er am 1. Oktober 1975 als erster Marineoffizier Commander of the Royal Thai Armed Forces Headquarters und damit Oberbefehlshaber der Streitkräfte (กำลังทหารไทย). Auch dieses Amt hatte er bis zum 30. September 1976 inne.

Am 23. September 1976 übernahm er in dieser Funktion wegen der unruhigen politischen Lage die Macht von Premierminister Seni Pramoj und wurde Vorsitzender des Administrativen Staatsrates (State Administration Council) bis zum 5. Oktober 1976.

Am 25. September 1976 wurde er auch Verteidigungsminister und gehörte den nachfolgenden Regierungen der Premierminister Seni Pramoj (เสนีย์ ปราโมช) und Tanin Kraivixien (ธานินทร์ กรัยวิเชียร) bis zum 12. November 1977 an. Zwischenzeitlich war er vom 8. bis zum 22. Oktober 1976 nach der erneuten Absetzung von Seni Pramoj amtierender Premierminister als Vorsitzender des Administrativen Staatsrates.[1]

Am 20. Oktober 1977 drängte er Premierminister Tanin aus dem Amt und übernahm vorübergehend als Vorsitzender des Administrativen Staatsrates wieder die Macht, die er letztlich am 12. November 1977 an Premierminister General Kriangsak Chomanan (พลเอกเกรียงศักดิ์ ชมะนันทน์) übergab. Im Hintergrund blieb er jedoch de Facto bis 1980 einer der eigentlichen Machthaber."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-11-25]

"Shortly after he assumed power on October 20, 1977, General Kriangsak Chomanan, the new prime minister, began to declaw the Village Tiger Cubs [ลูกเสือชาวบ้าน], as the name of the Village Scout movement is more literally translated. It was widely known that Kriangsak was not sympathetic to the Village Scout movement; he never appeared in more than a simple Boy Scout uniform."

[Quelle: Bowie, Katherine A.  <1950 - >: Rituals of national loyalty : an anthropology of the state and the Village Scout movement in Thailand. -- New York : Columbia Univ. Press, 1997. -- 393 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-231-10391-3. -- S. 270. -- Fair use]


Der Opium-Warlord Lao Su entkommt während einer Spitalbehandlung der Haft.


Die Communist Party of Thailand (CPT - พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์ แห่งประเทศไทย) bildet ein Coordinating Committee of Nation and Democracy Loving Forces (คณะกรรมการประสานงานกำลังรักชาติรักประชาธิปไตย). Seine Mitglieder:

  • "Udom Srisuwan [อุดม ศรีสุวรรณ, 1920 - 1993], chairman (member of the CPT Central Committee);
  • Boonyen Wothong [บุญเย็น วอทอง], vice chairman;
  • Mongkon Na Nakhon [มงคล ณ นคร], committee member;
  • Therdphum Chaidee [เทิดภูมิ ใจดี], committee member;
  • Sithon Yotkantha [ศรีธน ยอดกันทา], committee member;
  • Samak Chalikun, committee member;
  • Chamni Sakdiseth [ชำนิ ศักดิเศรษฐ์, 1947 - ], committee member;
  • Sri Inthapathi, committee member and spokesman; and
  • Thirayut Boonmi [ธีรยุทธ บุญมี, 1950 - ], committee member and secretary.

This group included representatives from the Socialist party [พรรคสังคมนิยมแห่งประเทศไทย] (Boonyen and Chamni), the Socialist Front party (Samak), the farmers movement (Sithon), the labor movement (Therdphum), the mass media (Sri, formerly of the government’s Public Relations Department), the student movement (Thirayut), as well as two long-time CPT members: Udom and Mongkon."

[Quelle: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. 297]


Newsweek <New York> über Kriangsak Chomanan (พลเอกเกรียงศักดิ์ ชมะนันทน์, 1917 – 2003):

"Kriangsak has had a long working experience with the Americans. He served as a key link in such overt activities as the expansion of US bases facilities in Thailand and also in CIA covert activities, such as the use of Thai mercenaries in the ‘secret war’ in Laos"

[Zitiert in: Thailand, roots of conflict / edited by Andrew Turton, Jonathan Fast, Malcolm Caldwell. -- Nottingham : Spokesman Books, 1978. -- 196 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0851242383. -- S. 97. -- Fair use]


Kukrit Pramoj [คึกฤทธิ์ ปราโมช, 1911 - 1995] laut Far Eastern Economic Review:

"The Thanim Government is completely neglectful of all the problems, the vital problems, the life and death of the farmers, they have now nowhere to turn except to the insurgents".

And referring specifically to the anti-insurgency campaign in the South he stated:

"Anybody who looks suspicious would be declared an insurgent, he would be arrested and disappear completely."

[Zitiert in: Luther, Hans Ulrich <1940 - >: Peasants and state in contemporary Thailand : from regional revolt to national revolution?. -- Hamburg : Institut für Asienkunde, 1978. -- 109 S. ; 21 cm. -- (Mitteilungen des Instituts für Asienkunde, Hamburg ; Nr. 98). -- ISBN 3-921469-49-X. -- S. 39. -- Fair use]


Der kommunistische Geheimsender Voice of the People of Thailand (เสียงประชาชนแห่งประเทศไทย):

"It is now the end of peaceful struggle with bare hands against armed political gangsters. It is now the end of the legitimate struggle with the laws fixed by a reactionary ruling class which places itself outside those laws. We, the people have no other choice but to unite forces to defeat the power of the reactionary state and establish a new and revolutionary state."

[BBC-Übersetzung, zitiert in: Thailand, roots of conflict / edited by Andrew Turton, Jonathan Fast, Malcolm Caldwell. -- Nottingham : Spokesman Books, 1978. -- 196 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0851242383. -- S. 93. -- Fair use]


Wegen politischer Unruhen in Kelantan (Malaysia) wird dort der Notstand ausgerufen.

Abb.: Lage von Kelantan
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


ธรรมนูญการปกครองราชอาณาจักร พุทธศักราช 2520 - Charter for Administration of the Kingdom 1977 (12. Verfassung)
Art: vorläufig
In Kraft: 1977-11-09 - 1978-12-22
Dauer: 1 Jahr 1 Monat 13 Tage
aufgehoben: legal

1977-11-11 - 1980-03-03

General Kriangsak Chomanan (พลเอก เกรียงศักดิ์ ชมะนันทน์, 1917 – 2003) ist Ministerpräsident (นายกรัฐมนตรีแห่งราชอาณาจักรไทย - Prime Minister)

Abb.: พลเอก เกรียงศักดิ์ ชมะนันทน์ - General Kriangsak Chomanan
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

"Kriangsak Jamanandana Chomanan (* 17. Dezember 1917 in Bangkok; † 23. Dezember 2003 ebenda) war General und zwischen 1977 und 1980 Premierminister von Thailand.

Kriangsak wurde als Sohn von Jaern und Jua Jamanandana in Bangkok geboren. Er heiratete später Khunying Wirat Jamanandana.

Seine Ausbildung erhielt Kriangsak an der Samut Sakorn Wittayalai- und an der Pathum Kongka-Schule. Er ging dann zur Kadettenakademie Chula Chom Klao und auf das Command and Staff College in den USA sowie an das Army College und das National Defense College (Class V).

Nach seiner Rückkehr diente Kriangsak während des Koreakrieges als Kommandeur des Infanteriebataillons III, das berühmte „Bataillon Kleine Tiger“. Später wurde er an das Oberste Hauptquartier berufen. Schließlich wurde er zum General ernannt.

General Kriangsak wurde am 11. November 1977 zum Premierminister ernannt, nachdem der Staatsverwaltungsrat (State Administration Council) unter Admiral Sangad Chaloryu die Macht übernahm und den vorigen Premierminister, Tanin Kraivixien aus dem Amt drängte.

Kriangsak sorgte während seiner Regierungszeit für verbesserte diplomatische Beziehungen mit den Staaten in Südostasien, insbesondere zu Vietnam, Laos, Kambodscha und Birma (Myanmar). Außerdem unternahm er Reisen nach China und in die Sowjetunion, um neue Bande mit den kommunistischen Supermächten zu knüpfen und auch die wirtschaftlichen Beziehungen zu verbessern.

Darüber hinaus sorgte Kriangsak für die Gründung der Petroleum Authority of Thailand, etablierte das Wissenschaftsministerium (Ministry of Science, Technology and Energy) und gründete die Offene Universität Sukhothai Thammathirat als offene Universität.

Am 29. Februar 1980 trat Kriangsak zurück und ging ins Privatleben. Er starb am 23. Dezember 2003 in Bangkok."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-10-06]

1977-11-11 - 1979-05-12

40. Kabinett: Kriangsak (เกรียงศักดิ์) I

Abb.: Prozentualer Anteil von Militärs und Polizisten im Kabinett, 1932 - 1977
[Bildquelle: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. 61. -- Fair use]

1960 - 1990


Abb.: Geschätzter Wert der Korruption durch Bürokraten in Mio. Baht
[Datenquelle: Phongpaicit / Piriyarangsan (1996), S. 38]

Abb.: Geschätzter Wert der Korruption durch Bürokraten in % des Budgets
[Datenquelle: Phongpaicit / Piriyarangsan (1996), S. 38]


Die Königsfamilie begibt sich nach Wat Pho Chai (วัดโพธิ์ชัย) in Nong Khai (หนองคาย), wo der König als Bauabschluss zeremoniell die Firstgabel des Ubosot (พระอุโบสถ) befestigt. Im Ubosot von Wat Pho Chai ist Luang Pho Phra Sai (หลวงพ่อพระใส), eine der wundertätigsten Buddhastatuen des Landes. Bei einem Flugzeugunfall vor Jahren in Amphoe Lam Luk Ka, Provinz Pathum Thani, überlebte unverletzt ein Passagier, der ein Amulett (พระ) mit der Darstellung von Luang Pho Phra Sai trug.

Wahlspruch von Nong Khai:
„Nong Khai ist die Stadt, in der an den Sieg über die Haw (ฮ่อ) gedacht wird,
Die Stadt des verehrten Buddha-Bildnisses Luang Pho Phra Sai (หลวงพ่อพระใส),
Die Provinz, in der die Brücke Thailand und Laos zusammenbringt (สะพานไทย-ลาว).“

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-07-09]

Abb.: Luang Pho Phra Sai (หลวงพ่อพระใส), Wat Pho Chai (วัดโพธิ์ชัย), Nong Khai (หนองคาย), 2009
[Bildquelle: ronan crowley. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-07-09. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine Bearbeitung)]

Abb.: Lage von Nong Khai (หนองคาย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Premiere des Films ทองพูนโคกโพ ราษฎรเต็มขั้น ("Taxi Driver" {"Citizen I"})von Chatrichalerm Yukol  (หม่อมเจ้าชาตรีเฉลิม ยุคล, 1942 - )

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Fair use]


Beim Versuch, bei Nong Khai (หนองคาย) über den Mekong (ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ / แม่น้ำโขง) nach Thailand zu fliehen, werden 25 Meo (แม้ว) erschossen.

Abb.: Lage von Nong Khai (หนองคาย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Mekong (ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ / แม่น้ำโขง) bei Nong Khai (หนองคาย)
[Bildquelle: Mrlosangeles777 / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Der Film Plae Kao (แผลเก่า, The Scar) kommt in die Kinos und wird sofort ein Hit.

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Plae Kao (Thai: แผลเก่า, literally Old Scar) is a 1977 Thai romance-drama film directed by Cherd Songsri (เชิด ทรงศรี, 1931 - 2006) and starring Sorapong Chatree (สรพงษ์ ชาตรี, 1950 - ) and Nantana Ngaograjang as two peasants in rural Thailand in a tragic, romantic relationship. The film is also known as simply The Scar.

The film was one of the biggest box-office hits in Thailand at the time.[1] It gained international recognition at the 1981 Nantes Three Continents Festival, where it won the Golden Montgolfiere, sharing it with Eles Não Usam Black-Tie by Brazilian director Leon Hirszman.[2] It was also voted as one of the world's 360 classic movies by the Museum of the Moving Image in London, Sight & Sound magazine and film directors and critics worldwide in 1998.[1] It was remade in 2002 in Thailand as Kwan-Riam.

Cherd produced the film with the idea of showing it worldwide.

"When I produced Plae Kao, I used the slogan 'We must show Thai traditional style to the world'," Cherd told the Thai website Movieseer. "This produced a great deal of negative sentiment towards the picture, because some people believe that this is not a topic to be shown on film. I am a stubborn person though, and once I set my mind to including this in my films, well it's been in every film I have ever made. The press is always asking me when I will make a contemporary film, but now, no one is asking."[1]


In 1936 in rural Bang Kapi (บางกะปิ), at the time nothing but rice paddies and small farming villages, Kwan (ไอ้ขวัญ) and Riam (อีเรียม) are the son and daughter of rival village chiefs. They both work in the rice fields with their water buffaloes. Riam at first resists the courtship of Kwan, but Kwan, a jolly young man who sings and plays bamboo flute, is persistent. Kwan pleads with Riam, telling her he wants to die in the river if he doesn't have her love. Riam gives in to Kwan's charms and the two pledge their love for each other at a spirit shrine on an island in the river.

Riam's father disapproves of the relationship. He wants Riam to marry Joi, the son of a wealthy local nobleman. Riam's father, Joi and some other men go to confront Kwan and find him on the spirit-house island with Riam. A brief swordfight ensues, and Kwan is struck by sword wielded by Riam's older brother, Roen. The cut on the side of Kwan's head eventually becomes a noticeable scar, which Kwan says is a mark of his love for Riam.

At home, Riam is chained up in a storage shed. Her father then decides to send Riam to Bangkok, where she will be sold into slavery as a maid for Mrs. Thongkham, a money lender who holds the deed to Riam's father's land. When the woman sees Riam's face, she is struck by Riam's resemblance for her dead daughter. Instead of being put to work as a servant, Riam is essentially adopted by the woman, who gives Riam Western clothes and introduces her to high-class Bangkok society, including the son of a wealthy nobleman, Somchai.

Kwan grows despondent. His father urges him to enter the monkhood to wash away his bad luck. Kwan then goes to take a drink of water, and sees blood in the drinking gourd. He then breaks down and apologizes to his father for being ungrateful, and promises to be ordained the next day "if I'm still alive".

After hearing that her mother is near death, Riam returns to the village on Somchai's boat. Riam arrives to see her mother die, and a funeral is held. Kwan comes to bid his last respects, and Riam agrees to meet him the next day at noon, on the spirit island.

The next day, Kwan sets fire to Somchai's boat, to prevent Riam from leaving without meeting him. Kwan is then hunted by Somchai, Riam's father and older brother, Roen. Somchai finds Kwan and shoots him in the chest with a pistol. The mortally wounded Kwan swims to the spirit island. Riam then jumps in after Kwan, and grabs the knife from his hands and stabs herself, dying with her true love in the river.

  • Sorapong Chatree (สรพงษ์ ชาตรี, 1950 - ) as Kwan (ไอ้ขวัญ)
  • Nantana Ngaograjang (นันทนา เงากระจ่าง) as Riam (อีเรียม)
  • Setha Sirichaya as Joi"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-11-25]


Thailand und Vietnam beschließen, diplomatische Beziehungen aufzunehmen.

Abb.: Lage von Vietnam
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


50. Geburtstag des Königs. Amnestie für 44.000 Häftlinge. 90 zu Tode Verurteilte erhalten statt dessen lebenslängliche Haftstrafe. 22 Militärs und Beamte, die wegen Putschversuchs inhaftiert sind, werden amnestiert. NICHT amnestiert werden Häftlinge, die wegen Majestätsbeleidigung verurteilt wurden, darunter 18 Studenten, die nach dem  Massaker an Studenten 1976-10-06 (เหตุการณ์ 6 ตุลา) wegen Majestätsbeleidigung verurteilt worden waren.

Anlässlich seines 50. Geburtstags verleiht König Bhumibol seiner Tochter Prinzessin Sirindhorn (สิรินธร, 1955 - ) die Titel "Somdej Phra (สมเด็จพระ)" und "Maha Chakri (มหาจักรี)".

Abb.: Prinzessin Sirindhorn (สิรินธร), 2009
[Bildquelle: Ford APA. -- -- Zugriff am 2011-11-25. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]

George McArthur schreibt in der  Los Angeles Times anlässlich dieses Geburtstags:

"The sudden immersion into democracy produced three years of bickering and dissatisfaction, however, and the king almost openly supported the generals when they came back to power a year ago. His known sentiments before and after the return of the military have led to a small but significant erosion in support for the once sacrosanct monarchy.

At the same time, many intellectuals in Bangkok criticize the monarchy in private conversations. They find the unbending court protocol, which makes ordinary citizens prostrate themselves during royal audiences, anachronistic, and they deplore the king’s present identification with the far right.

But dissent remains muted, in part because of the strictly enforced laws against criticizing the monarchy. For the most part, however, it is because the Thai people give the institution of the monarchy overwhelming support."


Schloss Gymnich bei Bonn, Deutschland: Gründung der "Unabhängigen Kommission für internationale Entwicklungsfragen" (Nord-Süd-Kommission). Vorsitzender: Willy Brandt (1913 - 1992). Die Kommssion arbeitet bis 1980-02-12 den sog. Brandt-Bericht aus. Mitglieder sind u.a. Khatijah Ahmad (Malaysia), Lakshmi Kant Jha (1913 - 1988, Indien), Adam Malik (1917 - 1984, Indonesien)


Feier der neuen Titel von Prinzessin Sirindhorn (สิรินธร, 1955 - ) mit 3400 Gästen im Regierungsgebäude (ทำเนียบรัฐบาลไทย). Zusätzlich zu dem Titel bekommt die Prinzessin ihre eigene Königliche Fahne und höchste Ehrenränge in Armee, Marine und Luftwaffe.

Abb.: Lage de Regierungsgebäudes (ทำเนียบรัฐบาลไทย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Flagge von Prinzessin Sirindhorn (สิรินธร)
Xiengyod / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

Verwendete Ressourcen


Zu Chronik 1978