Chronik Thailands



Alois Payer

Chronik 2006 / B. E. 2549

2. Januar bis Juni

Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 2006 / B. E. 2549. -- 2. Januar bis Juni.  -- Fassung vom 2017-03-21. -- URL:

Erstmals publiziert: 2012-11-09

Überarbeitungen: 2017-03-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-12-31 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-11-12 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-03-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-03-16 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-01-18 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-10-02 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-01-18 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-11-03 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-02-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-02-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-29 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-25 [Teilung des Jahrgangs]; 2013-04-21 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-04-10 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-03-30 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-03-24 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-03-09 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-03-07 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-03-02 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-02-13 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-02-13 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-01-13 [Ergänzungen]; 2012-11-13 [Ergänzungen]

©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Herausgebers.

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Thailand von Tüpfli's Global Village Library




Gewidmet meiner lieben Frau

Margarete Payer

die seit unserem ersten Besuch in Thailand 1974 mit mir die Liebe zu den und die Sorge um die Bewohner Thailands teilt.


Vorsicht bei den Statistikdiagrammen!

Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind:

Morgenstern, Oskar <1902 - 1977>: On the accuracy of economic observations. -- 2. ed. -- Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. -- 322 S. ; 20 cm.

Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.


2549 / 2006 Januar bis Juni


Schaffung der Website: der Patani United Liberation Organisation (PULO / Pertubuhan Pembebasan Patani Bersatu). Sitz der Website ist in Schweden.

2006-01-16 - 2006-01-20

Ministerpräsident Thaksin ist unterwegs bei den Bauern in der Provinz Roi Et (ร้อยเอ็ด). Seine Tour wird im Fernsehen in "Backstage Show: Prime Minister" übertragen.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Roi Et (ร้อยเอ็ด)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Die einzige objektive, gut recherchierte, wohlwollende Biographie König Bhumibols wird in Thailand verboten:

Abb.: Umschlagtitel

Handley, Paul M. <1955 - >: The king never smiles : a biography of Thailand’s Bhumibol Adulyadej. --  New Haven : Yale University Press, ©2006.  -- 499 S. ; 24 cm.  -- ISBN: 9780300106824

"The King Never Smiles is an unauthorized biography of Thailand's King Bhumibol Adulyadej (ภูมิพลอดุลยเดช) by Paul M. Handley, a freelance journalist who lived and worked as a foreign correspondent in Thailand. It is published by Yale University Press and was released in 2006. The book was banned in Thailand before publication, and the Thai authorities have blocked local access to websites advertising the book.

Book summary

The publicity materials at the Yale University Press website originally described the book as telling "the unexpected story of (King Bhumibol Adulyadej's) life and 60-year rule — how a Western-raised boy came to be seen by his people as a living Buddha, and how a king widely seen as beneficent and apolitical could in fact be so deeply political, autocratic, and even brutal... Blasting apart the widely accepted image of the king as egalitarian and virtuous, Handley convincingly portrays an anti-democratic monarch who, together with allies in big business and the murderous, corrupt Thai military, has protected a centuries-old, barely modified feudal dynasty."

The New York Times noted the book "presents a direct counterpoint to years of methodical royal image-making that projects a king beyond politics, a man of peace, good works and Buddhist humility." and, "The book describes [the King's only son], Vajiralongkorn (สมเด็จพระบรมโอรสาธิราช เจ้าฟ้ามหาวชิราลงกรณฯ สยามมกุฎราชกุมาร), as a willful man prone to violence, fast cars and dubious business deals."

 Censorship in Thailand

Well before its release, in January 2006, the Thai Information and Communications Ministry (กระทรวงเทคโนโลยีสารสนเทศและการสื่อสาร) banned access to the book and blocked access from Thailand to the book's page on the Yale University Press website and at In a statement dated 19 January 2006, Thai National Police Chief General Kowit Wattana (โกวิท วัฒนะ, 1947 - ) said the book has "contents which could affect national security and the good morality of the people."

On 19 July 2006, ThaiDay, an English-language Thai paper, reported that the Thai government made great efforts to suppress the book, even contacting former American president George H. Bush and the president of Yale University, Richard C. Levin, to enlist their help.

In February 2007, the Chula Book Centre, the main bookstore of state-run Chulalongkorn University, removed Chulalongkorn University (จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย) professor Giles Ungphakorn's (ใจ อึ๊งภากรณ์, 1953 - ) 2007 book A Coup for the Rich from its shelves after a manager of the book store found that it listed The King Never Smiles as a reference. State-run Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์) Bookstore quickly followed suit, refusing to sell the book on March 6. However, Thammasat University's rector later reversed this decision and ordered the university bookstore to sell the book.

In October 2011, Thai-born American Joe Gordon was sentenced to two and a half years in prison by a Bangkok judge for defaming the royal family by translating sections of the book into Thai and posting them online. The judgement caused international concern as Gordon had published the extracts several years previously while living in Colorado and was detained only after returning to Thailand in May 2011 to seek medical treatment.

 Dueling biographers

The Handley book was published six years after the first biography of King Bhumibol, The Revolutionary King by William Stevenson 1925- ). Handley commented on Stevenson's book, pages 437-439 of The King Never Smiles:

"Ten years earlier, Bhumibol had invited William Stevenson, the author of the original Intrepid, to write the book. Stevenson lodged in the princess mother's Srapathum Palace (วังสระปทุม) and was provided research support and unprecedented interviews with court staff and the king himself ... The result was a book that presents Bhumibol as truly inviolate, magical, and godly ... the book is chock-full of the standard Ninth Reign mythology, matching the view of the palace and royal family projected in Thai publications ... When it came out, the book proved a misadventure. Stevenson was liberal with style and careless with facts to the point of embarrassing the palace. His errors were legion. The book opened with a map that showed Thailand in possession of significant portions of Laos and Burma, and put the king's Hua Hin palace 300 kilometers and a sea away from where it should be. It ended with a genealogical chart naming Rama VII as the son of his brother Rama VI ... (But) Thousands of copies circulated in Thailand, and the general reaction was to castigate the author's failings while not questioning the essence of his story, the magical and sacral monarchy of Bhumibol Adulyadej."

—Paul M. Handley

Stevenson reviewed the Handley book in the Asian Wall Street Journal and the Wall Street Journal Online (June 16, 2006):

"Thais dislike seeing in print careless references to their king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, the reigning Ninth Rama of the Chakri dynasty. The king is venerated as a guardian of ancient traditions that are believed to have saved the Thai people from imperialists, communists and neocolonialists. They will disapprove of Paul Handley's gossipy, unfair account of this apotheosized man, the world's longest-reigning monarch. Mr. Handley casts the king as an enemy of democracy who, to solidify his once-shaky authority, allied himself with scheming generals and crooked politicians. None of this can be supported by the facts ... Mr. Handley focuses more upon the king's allegedly Machiavellian virtues than his spiritual ones. He writes, 'Bhumibol's restoration of the power and prestige of the throne was ... the fruit of a plodding, determined, and sometimes ruthless effort by diehard princes to reclaim their birthright, [and] Bhumibol's unquestioning commitment to the restoration under their tutelage.' ... Mr. Handley has largely turned King Bhumibol's story into a political screed to suit the prejudices of those with a stake in sidelining the monarch."
—William Stevenson
 Critical reception

International reception

The book has had a generally positive reception among international critics and scholars. The New York Review of Books called it, "one of the most important books on Thailand to appear in English." It further noted that, "The originality of Handley's book lies in his tough but I think fair-minded analysis of the revival of royal authority under King Bhumibol."

In a review in the New Left Review, Duncan McCargo (1963 - ), a lecturer from the University of Leeds who wrote several articles on the "network monarchy" of Bhumibol and his proxies, called The King Never Smiles an "important book," that was, "fluently written and grounded in very considerable research." McCargo said that while Handley's account, "draws on insights into the Thai monarchy from a range of scholars and writers, including Christine Gray, Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian (1944 - ) and MR Sukhumbhand Paripatra (สุขุมพันธุ์ บริพัตร, 1952 - )," his narrative, "moves far beyond the parameters of these precursors. It has a salience and an urgency well beyond that of any ordinary biography..." McCargo praised Handley's "understanding of Bhumibol as a political actor, as the primary architect of a lifelong project to transform an unpopular and marginalized monarchical institution—on the verge of abolition more than once—into the single most powerful component of the modern Thai state." McCargo also praised Handley's "brilliantly intuitive grasp of the seedy interplay between money and power," regarding the workings of the Crown Property Bureau (สำนักงานทรัพย์สินส่วนพระมหากษัตริย์). In addition, McCargo noted Handley's "evident empathy with his subject."

 Thai reception

Critical reception in Thailand varied. Royalist Thai media tycoon and talk-show host Sondhi Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล / 林明達, 1947 - ) informally criticized the book as "full of gossip" and called Paul Handley "aggressive", "highhanded", "sassy", "derogatory to Asians", and "insolent even to his own parents".

Chris Baker (1948 - ), an independent academic residing in Thailand who wrote a report praising Bhumibol's self-sufficient economy theories for the United Nations, reviewed the book in the Asia Sentinel. Baker praised the book, but said that in its later chapters, it ignored the role of the Thai elite and middle class in reimagining Bhumibol as a symbol of democracy. Baker said that the middle class was key in "rewriting history to cast the king as a peace-maker in 1973 and 1992, glossing over 1976 altogether, and ignoring the 1932 revolution to make democracy seem to be a gift from the throne." Baker also said that the section of the book covering the 2005-2006 political crisis (which was still occurring at the time of the book's publication) included unspecified errors and failed to explain why various groups seized on the monarchy as the focus of opposition to the government of Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร). Baker said that although the book introduced little that was new for experts, it did bring everything together, including many obscure sources, in a way that "connects the dots of a complex and important story with great narrative skill and very elegant prose." Furthermore, he said that the book did not "stray off to imagine what is going on in the king's mind." He noted that the book was "far from perfect," but was still "streets ahead of the competition, especially the hilariously error-prone effort of William Stevenson seven years ago."

Socialist activist and political scientist Giles Ungphakorn (ใจลส์ ใจ อึ๊งภากรณ์) reviewed the book for Prachatai (ประชาไท) online newspaper (his brother, Jon Ungpakorn - จอน อึ๊งภากรณ์ - was the Secretary General of the foundation that ran the online newspaper). In his review, he praised the book for its evidence-backed analysis while disagreeing with some major points in the book. He stated that Handley underestimated the historical importance of the popular movement in Thailand, for instance by writing that the 1932 revolution was led by a foreign educated elite that was not accompanied by a popular uprising among the rural population. Giles noted that this view was different from that of political scientist Nakharin Mekhtrairat (นครินทร์ เมฆไตรรัตน), who claimed there was strong pressure within the mainstream Thai society of the time to overthrow the absolute monarchy. Giles also said that the book's analysis of the weakening of the Thai military dictatorship during the late 1970s overemphasized the importance of Bhumibol, Army Commander Krit Srivara (, and Richard Nixon's diplomacy with Communist China, while not placing enough importance on the role of students and workers. Giles stated that Handley's view that dictator Sarit Thanarat (สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์) was a tool for King Bhumibol was not that of political scientist Thak Chaloemtiarana (ทักษ์ เฉลิมเตียรณ), who felt the opposite was true: Sarit used King Bhumibol as a tool to increase his own credibility.

Giles also disagreed regarding Bhumibol and the royalists' intended role for the monarchy. According to Giles, the book said that the royalists wanted to create a system whereby the state would be ruled by a traditional dhammaraja (monarch who rules with dharma) that would play a significant role in shaping policy. Giles said this view differed from that of political scientist Thongchai Winichakul (ธงชัย วินิจจะกูล). According to Giles, Thongchai found that after the 1945, the royalists were completely resigned to the loss of the absolute monarchy and focused on building a constitutional framework for the monarchy. Giles also said that Handley's view disagreed with Kullada Kesboonchoo-Mead's (กุลลดา เกษบุญชู-มี๊ด). Kullada held that the absolute monarchy had been completely discredited in Thailand as a viable political philosophy.

According to Giles, the book claimed that Bhumibol actively and consistently distrusted democracy and democratically elected leaders. However, Giles said Bhumibol was never powerful enough or independent enough to take a firm stand on the matter. Said Giles, the monarchy was not sufficiently powerful as an institution to prevent its interests from being sidelined by those of the military, the police, and the bureaucracy.

 Publication history

The book was commercially successful. By October 2006, the book went through three printings. Although the book was banned in Thailand, samizdat photocopies of the book were available for sale in the Tha Phrachan (ท่าพระจันทร์) area of Bangkok. Unauthorized translations of sections of the book appeared on several websites, although some sites were blocked by censors."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08]


Die Kinder von Ministerpräsident Thaksin verkaufen ihren Anteil an Shin Corp (ชิน คอร์ปอเรชั่น) für 73 Milliarden Baht an Temasek Holdings (淡马锡控股) in Singapur. Der Verkauf ist gemäß den geltenden Gesetzen steuerfrei.

Abb.: ®Logo

Abb.: Lage von Singapur
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"The 2006 sale of the Shinawatra family's share of Shin Corporation (ชิน คอร์ปอเรชั่น) to Temasek Holdings(淡马锡控股) caused great controversy in Thailand. The sale was in response to long-standing criticisms that the Shinawatra family's holdings created a conflict of interest for Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร). Criticisms of the sale focused on the allegations by Thaksin and a compliant government that the transaction was exempt from capital gains tax (as per Revenue Department and Stock Exchange of Thailand regulations - later determined by Thai courts not to be legal), the fact that the Thai company was sold to a Singaporean company, and the fact that the Thai law regarding foreign investments in the telecom sector had been amended just prior to the sale (although the amendment had been proposed since 2001). Thaksin's sale also impacted holdings, among other parties, of the Crown Property Bureau (สำนักงานทรัพย์สินส่วนพระมหากษัตริย์) that has investment in the Siam Commercial Bank (ธนาคารไทยพาณิชย์) that held ShinCorp stock.

The sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings

On 23 January 2006, the Thai Telecommunication Act (2006) became effective, raising the limit on foreign holdings in telecom companies to 49%. The Act replaced the Telecom Business Law, which took effect in November 2001, and put the foreign investment cap at 25%. At the time, AIS was the only company that actually complied with this provision. Competitors DTAC and TA Orange were 40% owned by Norway’s Telenor and 49%-owned by France's Orange. Although the law was not retroactive, DTAC and TA Orange criticized the government for discriminating against foreign investors and urged it to increase the cap.

On Monday January 23, 2006, the Shinawatra-family sold its remaining 49.6% stake in Shin Corporation, a leading Thai telecommunications company, to two nominees of Temasek Holdings (Cedar Holdings and Aspen Holdings). The Shinawatra (ชินวัตร) and Damapong (ดามาพงศ์) (Potjaman's maiden name) families netted about 73 billion baht (about $1.88 billion). Following Thai tax laws, they did not have to pay capital gains tax.

In an unrelated transaction, the two families had earlier not paid taxes when Thaksin transferred shares to his sister Yingluck Shinawatra (ยิ่งลักษณ์ ชินวัตร, 1967 - ) and his wife, Potjaman Shinawatra (พจมาน ชินวัตร, 1956 - ), transferred shares to her brother Bannapoj Damapong (บรรณพจน์ ดามาพงศ์). The tax exemption was granted on grounds that the transfer, at a par value of 10 baht, took place through the stock market.

Although the tax exemption was legal, the sale drew heavy criticism over Thaksin's ethics on the grounds that Shin Corp, a dominant player in Thailand's information technology sector, would be sold to an investment arm of the Government of Singapore.

The transaction was done via several holding companies, including Cypress Holdings, Kularb Kaew (กุหลาบแก้ว), and Cedar Holdings. Cypress Holdings, a unit of Temasek, owned 49% of the shares of Kularb Kaew, but had 90% of the voting rights. Kularb Kaew owned 41.1% of Cedar Holdings. Cedar Holdings held a 54.54% stake in Shin Corp. Indirectly, Kularb Kaew also directly owned another 22.4% of Shin Corp.

 Legal investigation

The Thailand Securities and Exchange Commission (สำนักงานคณะกรรมการกำกับหลักทรัพย์และตลาดหลักทรัพย์) investigated the transaction. "The investigation concluded that Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his daughter Pinthongta are clear from all wrongdoing," said SEC secretary-general Thirachai Phuvanatnaranubala (ธีระชัย ภูวนาถนรานุบาล, 1951 - ) on February 23, 2006. However, the SEC did find that Thaksin's son, Panthongtae (พานทองแท้ ชินวัตร, 1979 - ), violated rules with regard to information disclosure and public tender offers in transactions between 2000 and 2002. He was fined 6 million THB (about 150,000US-$). "The case is not severe because Panthongtae did inform the SEC but his report was not totally correct" said the SEC's deputy chief Prasong Vinaiphat.

Allegations of insider trading by the Shinawatra family, Shin Corporation Corp executives, and major shareholders were also investigated. No irregularities were found.


The transaction made the Prime Minister the target of accusations that he was selling an asset of national importance to a foreign entity, and hence selling out his nation. The Democrat party spokesman called Thaksin worse than Saddam (صدام حسين عبد المجيد التكريتي‎ ) for not protecting the Thai economy from foreigners: "Dictator Saddam, though a brutal tyrant, still fought the superpower for the Iraqi motherland."

Abb.: Saddam Hussein (صدام حسين عبد المجيد التكريتي‎ ) (1937 - 2006)
[Bildquelle: Saddam Hussein. 22 October, 2005.. Webb, Murray, 1947- :[Digital caricatures published from 29 July 2005 onwards (2006, 2007, 2008). Includes a selection of digital caricatures published from 2002 and up to July 2005.]. Ref: DCDL-0000333. Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. -- Zugriff am 2013-03-09. -- "You can copy this item for personal use, share it, and post it on a blog or website. It cannot be used commercially without permission"]

Supporters, however, counter that Thailand's mobile phone industry is highly competitive, and that little criticism was raised when the Norwegian firm Telenor acquired Total Access Communications (โทเทิ่ล แอ็คเซ็ส คอมมูนิเคชั่น), the country's second largest operator. Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva (อภิสิทธิ์ เวชชาชีวะ ) had criticized Thaksin earlier for not sufficiently opening up the Thai telecom sector to foreigners. Supporters further counter that the complete sale of Shin Corporation by the Shinawatra-Damapong families had been a long-standing demand of some public groups, as it would allow Thaksin to undertake his duties as Prime Minister without accusation of conflicts of interest.

The controversy surrounding the sale gave additional momentum to an already-planned anti-Thaksin rally, which took place during February 4-5th at the Royal Plaza (ลานพระราชวังดุสิต), near the parliament building and the royal palace. At least 20,000 protesters, led by media figure Sondhi Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล/林明達), gathered around demanding the resignation of the Prime Minister, and submitted a petition to the Privy Council (สภาองคมนตรีไทย) chairman General Prem Tinsulanonda (เปรม ติณสูลานนท์) and the Office of His Majesty's Principal Private Secretary, intended for His Majesty the King Bhumibol Adulyadej. Meanwhile, rallies also took places in several southern provinces.

The resulting political turmoil forced Thaksin to order the dissolution of the Lower House on February 24, 2006.

 Use of nominees

Kularb Kaew and Cedar Holdings were holding companies used to acquire Shin Corp. Kularb Kaew was, in turn owned by a small group of Thai nominee shareholders, including Pong Sarasin (พงส์สารสิน), a son of the former Thai Prime Minister and the brother of Arsa Sarasin (อาสา สารสิน), King Bhumibol's principle private secretary. Other owners of Cedar are Temasek and Siam Commercial Bank (ธนาคารไทยพาณิชย์), in which King Bhumibol's Crown Property Bureau (สำนักงานทรัพย์สินส่วนพระมหากษัตริย์) has a controlling stake. SCB also played a crucial role advising and providing financial support for the deal.

This use of local nominees of foreign owners was attacked by some anti-Thaksin groups as a method to get around laws limiting foreign ownership of Thai companies. Subsequent investigations found that Thai nominees owned 24.1% of all shares on the Thai stock exchange, and up to 36% of all shares in the technology sector. Efforts to clamp down on use of Thai nominees could potentially cause a significant outflow of capital from the Thailand. An official investigation of the use of nominees is currently in progress.

 After the coup

On 16 October 2006, nearly a month after a military junta overthrew the government of Thaksin Shinawatra in a coup, Temasek issued a statement to signal the eventual reduction in its holding in Shin Corp. However, the government said that it would continue with its legal action to follow up on its investigation on whether Kularb Kaew is a nominee of Temasek.

Chairman Pong Sarasin was later removed from the Board of Directors, and replaced by Mom Rajawongse Tongnoi Tongyai, the private secretary of Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn (สมเด็จพระบรมโอรสาธิราช เจ้าฟ้ามหาวชิราลงกรณฯ สยามมกุฎราชกุมาร). The Crown Prince Office, later, declared that Mom Rajawongse Tongnoi Tongyai has never been the secretary of the Crown Prince but was only a low ranking officer in the office.

The junta's interpretation of the Foreign Business Act of 1999, which defines nominees and limits foreign investment in Thai companies, could have far reaching consequences for foreign investment in Thailand.

 5th arrest warrant

Supreme Court Criminal Division for Holders of Political Positions judge Pongphet Vichitchonchai (of a 9-judge panel, with the concurrence of Justice Pornpetch), on October 15, 2008, issued a 5th arrest warrant against Thaksin, for failure to appear at the hearing of his "Sale of Shin Corporation to Temasek Holdings" case, due to self-imposed exile in London since last month."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08]


Premiere des Films Chai Lai (ไฉไล) von Poj Arnon (พจน์ อานนท์)

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Chai Lai (Thai: ไฉไล, English title: Dangerous Flowers and also known as Chai Lai's Angels) is a 2006 Thai action film about five female top-secret crimefighters, each with the codename of a flower, Lotus (ดอกบัว), Hibiscus (ดอกชบา), Rose (ดอกกุหลาบ), Spadix (ดอกหน้าวัว) and Crown of Thorns (ดอกโป๊ยเซียน). The premise is modelled after Charlie's Angels.


The films begins on a passenger plane, where a young girl named Miki (มิกิ) and her step-mother are taken hostage by a man and a cross-dressing woman. They call the father of Miki, but he has his own problems; another man is menacing him and when he tries to take the gun a fight breaks out and the father is shot. One of the Chai Lai (ไฉไล) members, Rose (ดอกกุหลาบ), enters the house and gets into a fight with another henchman.

Miki gets upset that her father is shot via the mobile phone and she stabs the man who has taken her hostage in the hand with a pipe, which sets off a fight on the plane. The members of Chai Lai are fighting along with a young police man named Chen (เฉิน). Meanwhile, Rose (Bongkoj Khongmalai) has gutted the henchman at the house with a machete and chases the man, who shot the father but crashes her car shortly after. When the man drives and misses her, she shoots the gasoline pouring out of the vehicle and it explodes.

A crime boss named Dragon (มังกร) yells at his henchman at a meeting for failing their mission to which the cross-dressing woman is named King Kong, whom she blames Chai Lai for their failures. Miki's step-mother barges in on the meeting, revealing that she works for them.

Chai Lai's boss tells the girls that it is alright that they failed their mission despite that the father is dead and the men escaped. The new plan is to protect Miki at school.

They fail to keep Miki safe at her school on the first day and she gets kidnpped by the henchman. Chai Lai chase them but when member Hibiscus ดอกชบา) (Jintara Poonlarp), after being freed from the van and saved by Rose, gets out a rocket launcher and fires but remembers that Miki is still inside.

Luckily for Miki, the van swerves and the rocket hits the tuk-tuk (ตุ๊กตุ๊ก) that Spadix (ดอกหน้าวัว) was driving instead with her and Lotus (ดอกบัว) (Supaksorn Chaimongkol) narrowly escaping. The van escapes as the train goes by, stopping them. Later, Miki attacks the henchman but is quickly stopped and tied. Miki's Step-mother, Ms. Mei Ling, pretends to be beaten up by King Kong so that she can reveal the secret location of the Andaman Pearl but it backfires.

The next day, the Chai Lai are getting a massage with Ms. Mei Ling and King Kong. Soon, a fight quickly breaks out with them wearing nothing but towels. Eventually, Ms. Mei Ling escapes and the henchman join in the fight. During the fight, Ms. Mei Ling gets into her car and menaces Chen in the car park until Hibiscus appears and tries to gun her but she quickly escapes.

Soon into the fight, a woman in a suit shows up and fights, King Kong escapes and Rose is about to chase after until she is pursued by two henchman outside. King-Kong runs into Spadix, who tries to gun her but fails. After Lotus, Rose and Pouy-Sian (โป๊ยเซียน) (Kessarin Ektawatkul) finish they meet Spadix outside just as she throws King Kong and she escapes.

King Kong hires the four-nation bounty hunters to finish the Chai Lai off, Rosen goes on a date with her boyfriend, Gud, who proposes to her. Dragon's henchman arrive with a beaten up Gud, the girls end up fighting their way into the swimming pool, and they escape through hatch that is in there. The exit is in a medieval castle, which is filled with weapons the girls stock up on, because King Kong is outside with the four-nation assassins.

Kathleen, who is a goofy cross-eyed assassin girl, who becomes King Kong’s sidekick. The girls are captured in a cage except Hibischus, who arrives in a tank and attacks as the girls escape but unfortunately Gud is still captured.

The Chai Lais have no clue how Dragon knew where their house was and also they decide not to love anyone again because of Gud, new orders are given to the girls from their boss by iPod. Dragon get the idea the Andaman Pearl is on an island called Thai Baht due to Miki and they travel there. The men find the Andaman Pearl and escape with it after being attacked by Lotus, Rose and Pouy-Sian.

At a party to sell the Andaman Pearl, Miki’s father arrives as a surprise bidder. The Chai Lais, soon enter the arena, where a fight starts.

Ms. Mei Ling shoots Gud in the back in cold blood with Rose upset and in her anger, she guns Ms. Mei Ling down and the SUV driver guy. Dragon is chases by Lotus, Spadix and Pouy-Sian as he has the pearl and Miki hostage, whom she escapes from. Dragon heads to the roof for a helicopter escape, with Lotus chasing after. Miki is pursued by King Kong and Kathleen in a park and the rest are with many henchman in another part of the park.

The henchman are all dead, Dragon shot in the head twice by Lotus and Kathleen shoots King Kong many times. Chai Lai's boss reveals that Kathleen was a spy and he has some kind of relationship with her. Miki is made as a member of Chai Lai. Chai Lai (including Kathleen and Miki) goes to battle; the members are dressed in white with machine guns fighting on the Afghan beaches near the Afghan jungles

  • Bongkoj Khongmalai (บงกช คงมาลัย, 1985 - ) as Kulap (กุหลาบ) (Rose )
  • Supaksorn Chaimongkol(ศุภักษร ไชยมงคล, 1982 - ) as Bua (บัว) (Lotus)
  • Jintara Poonlarp (จินตหรา พูนลาภ, 1971 - ) as Chaba (ชบา) (Hibiscus)
  • Kessarin Ektawatkul (เกศริน เอกธวัชกุล, 1981 - ) as Pouy-sian (โป๊ยเซียน) (Crown of Thorns)
  • Bunyawan Pongsuwan (บุญญาวัลย์ พงษ์สุวรรณ, 1967 - ) as Na-wua (หน้าวัว) (Spadix)
  • Krit Sripoomsed (กฤษณ์ ศรีภูมิเศรษฐ์, 1979 - ) as Chen (เฉิน)
  • Narawan Techaratanaprasert (นวรัตน์ เตชะรัตนประเสริฐ, 1996 - ) as Miki (มิกิ)
  • Nithichai Yotamornsunthorn (นิธิชัย ยศอมรสุนทร, 1981 - ) Dragon (มังกร)
  • Petchtai Wongkamlao (เพ็ชรทาย วงษ์คำเหลา, 1965 - ) as the Chai Lais' handler
  • Wanasak Srilar (วรรณศักดิ์ ศิริหล้า) as King Kong (ป้อม)



The closing-title song, "Chai Lai" ไฉไล , performed by Jintara Poonlarp (จินตหรา พูนลาภ, 1971 - ), is featured on Jintara's 2006 album, Mor lam sa on 12 (หมอลำสะออนชุดที่ 12)."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-03-23]


Abb.: ©Anti-Taksin-Poster, 2006-08
[Fair use]


US-Präsident George W. Bush ernennt Ben Shalom Bernanke (1953 - ) zum Vorsitzenden der Federal Reserve (Zentralbank der USA).

Abb.: Ben Shalom Bernanke
[Bildquelle: DonkeyHotey. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-01-05. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Premiere des Films Dek hor (เด็กหอ) von Songyos "Yong" Sugmakanan (ทรงยศ สุขมากอนันต์, 1973 - )

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

Dek hor (Thai: เด็กหอ, also Dorm or My School) is a 2006 Thai horror-drama film.


In Thailand, young Ton Chatree (ต้น ชาตรี) (Trairat) is sent to a boarding school by his father to get good grades and not tell his mother about his father having an affair. Once in the school, Ton feels like an outcast and misses his family and friends. His new schoolmates tell ghost stories about a boy who died in the school swimming pool and a young pregnant woman who committed suicide. The stories frighten him, thereby exacerbating Ton's difficulties adjusting to the school. However, Ton becomes close friends with another lonely boy, Vichien (วิเชียร) (Chienthaworn), who Ton later discovers is the boy who drowned, and his death repeats every night. Ton finds a way to help his friend rest in peace.

At the same time, Ms. Pranee (ครูปราณี) (Sukapatana), the school administrator, is deeply troubled by Vichien's death because she believes incorrectly that Vichien committed suicide and that it was partly her fault. At the end of the movie, Ton tells Pranee the truth, that Vichien's death was an accident and that Pranee should not blame herself.

  • Charlie Trairat (ชาลี ไตรรัตน์, 1993 - ) as Ton (ต้น)
  • Chintara Sukapatana (จินตหรา สุขพัฒน์, 1965 - ) as Ms. Pranee (ครูปราณี)
  • Sirachuch Chienthaworn (ศิรชัช เจียรถาวร, 1992 - ) as Vichien (วิเชียร)
  • Suttipong Tudpitakkul (สุทธิพงษ์ ทัดพิทักษ์กุล) as Ton's father (คุณพ่อต้น)
  • Jirat Sukchaloen (จิรัฏฐ์ สุขเจริญ) as Peng (เพ้ง)
  • Thanabodin Sukserisup (ธนบดินทร์ สุขเสรีทรัพย์) as Doc Nui (หมอหนุ่ย)
  • Pakasit Pantural (ปกาสิต พันธุรัตน์) as Pok (ป๊อก)
  • Nipawan Taweepornsawan (นิภาวรรณ ทวีพรสวรรค์) as Ton's mother (คุณแม่ต้น)

Box office, critical reception

The film was screened at the 2006 Bangkok International Film Festival. It opened in wide release in Thailand on February 23, 2006, and was the No. 1 film that weekend, earning nearly US$544,000.[1] The film has had theatrical releases in Singapore and Malaysia and at other film festivals, including the Pusan International Film Festival (부산국제영화제).

It received praise from critics for the performances of the child actors and Chintara Sukapatana, as well as for its color-drained photography and the production design of the old boarding school.[2][3]


The film was co-written and directed by Songyos Sugmakanan (ทรงยศ สุขมากอนันต์, 1973 - ), one of the six directors of the 2003 hit Thai film Fan Chan (แฟนฉัน), which also starred Charlie Trairat. The film was critically acclaimed in Thailand, where it won more honors than any other film, including best picture from the Bangkok Critics Assembly."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-03-23]


50.000 Demonstranten fordern in Bangkok den Rücktritt von Ministerpräsident Thaksin. Der Rädelsführer, Medien-Mogul Sondhi Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล / 林明達, 1947 - ) gründet die Peoples Alliance for Democracy (PAD, พันธมิตรประชาชนเพื่อประชาธิปไตย).

Eine der lautstärksten Unterstützerinnen der PAD ist Prof. Chontira Satyawadhana (ชลธิรา สัตยาวัฒนา). Sie war einst Maoistische Sprecherin der Radiostation der Communist Party of Thailand (พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย), Voice of the People -เสียงประชาชน, in Yunnan ( 云南, China).

Abb.: Prof. Chontira Satyawadhana (ชลธิรา สัตยาวัฒนา)
[Fair use]

Abb.: "Gelbhemd" (เสื้อเหลือง), 2006
Slogans: "We will fight for the King" and "Liberate the nation"
[Bildquelle: Xkmasada / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

Abb.: Bühne für eine Anti-Thaksin-Veranstaltung, Bangkok, 2006-03-05
[Bildquelle: Lerdsuwa / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

"Die People’s Alliance for Democracy (Thai: พันธมิตรประชาชนเพื่อประชาธิปไตย – „Volksallianz für Demokratie“, kurz PAD, auch National Liberation Alliance - กลุ่มพันธมิตรกู้ชาติ oder einfach Gelbhemden - เสื้อเหลือง) ist eine thailändische Gruppe von Widerständlern, die 2005/2006 als Protest gegen den damaligen Ministerpräsidenten von Thailand Thaksin Shinawatra  (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร) mit dem Ziel gegründet worden war, den Ministerpräsidenten abzusetzen und unter anderem wegen Korruption anzuklagen.[1

Die PAD rekrutierte vor allem Menschen aus der Ober- und Mittelschicht. Sie bestand aus mehreren Gruppen von Menschenrechts- und Polit-Aktivisten, die Thaksin vorwarfen, seine Regierung sei ein undemokratisches Machtmonopol, das die Menschenrechte verletze, die Pressefreiheit unterdrücke und im Krieg gegen Drogen („War on Drugs“) vor „außergerichtlichen Tötungen“ (extrajudicial killing) nicht zurückgeschreckt habe.

Treibende Kraft war anfangs unter anderem Sondhi Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล / 林明達, 1947 - ), ein Medienmogul, der ursprünglich zu Thaksins Unterstützern gehörte. Weiterhin zählen zur PAD bekannte Wissenschaftler und auch Royalisten. Letztere gaben an, Thaksin habe König Bhumibol Adulyadej mehrfach beleidigt. Außerdem schlossen sich Bürgerrechtsgruppen der Bewegung an, die Thaksin vorwarfen, er habe für den Verkauf seiner Shin Corporation (ชิน คอร์ปอเรชั่น) an Temasek Holdings keine Steuern bezahlt. Insgesamt wurde die PAD sehr kontrovers diskutiert.

Die Proteste gipfelten am Abend des 25. November 2008 mit der Besetzung des Flughafens Bangkok-Suvarnabhumi (ท่าอากาศยานสุวรรณภูมิ). Einen Tag später wurde auch das Domestic Terminal des Flughafens Bangkok-Don Mueang (ท่าอากาศยานดอนเมือง) besetzt. Die Blockaden endeten erst, als im Parlament Abhisit Vejjajiva (อภิสิทธิ์ เวชชาชีวะ) von der Demokratischen Partei (พรรค ประชาธิปัตย์) zum Ministerpräsidenten gewählt wurde.

Die „Gelbhemden“ forderten eine Änderung des Wahlsystems. Wie Sondhi Limthongkul in einem Interview bemerkte, sei Demokratie nämlich „ein westlicher Exportartikel“ und „für Thailand nicht die richtige Antwort“, es sollen 70 % der Abgeordneten ernannt werden.


Gelb als Farbe wählte die Bewegung und die in ihr zusammengeschlossenen Parteien in Anlehnung an die Farbe des Wochentages, an dem der thailändische König geboren wurde."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08]


Trotz Protesten von Tierschützern eröffnet Chiang Mai Night Safari (เชียงใหม่ไนท์ซาฟารี). Baukosten: 1,15 Milliarden Baht. Viele Tiere - vor allem afrikanische - sterben wegen der ungeeigneten Lebensumstände. Der Zoo macht wochenlang negative Schlagzeilen in der Thai-Presse. Manger ist Plodprasop Suraswadi (ปลอดประสพ สุรัสวดี, 1945 - ), ein Parteigenosse von Ministerpräsident Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร, 1949 - ).

Abb.: Lage von Chiang Mai Night Safari (เชียงใหม่ไนท์ซาฟารี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Chiang Mai Night Safari (เชียงใหม่ไนท์ซาฟารี), 2009
[Bildquelle: KungDekZa / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

"Chiang Mai Night Safari (Thai: เชียงใหม่ไนท์ซาฟารี) is the world's third nocturnal zoo and is a government nature theme park which is built to promote Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่) tourism regarding to the government's policy apart from arts, cultures, traditions, and the beauty of nature which are the main fascinating tourist attractions.

Chiang Mai Night Safari was established after Night Safari in Singapore and China Night Safari in Guangzhou (广州). Chiang Mai Night Safari is 2 times larger than Singapore's Night Safari.


Chiang Mai Night Safari was unofficially opened on November 18, 2005 and it was officially opened on February 6, 2006.

  1. Savanna Safari Zone is the exhibit zone mostly for animals whose habitat is in African savanna. This zone includes about 34 species and over 320 animals such as wildebeests, giraffes, white rhinoceroses, zebras etc.
  2. Predator Prowl Zone is the carnivorous animal zone which has approximately 27 species and over 200 animals such as tigers, lions, asiatic black bears, crocodiles etc.
  3. Jaguar Trail Zone is a walking trail around the 1.2 km Swan Lake. This zone has over 400 animals of beautiful and rare 50 species of smaller animals in an environment of enchanting flower gardens. Animals in this zone include white tigers, jaguars, capybaras, clouded leopards, fishing cats, Brazilian tapirs, squirrel monkeys, miniature horses, crowned cranes etc."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08]


Premiere des Films Krasue Valentine (กระสือวาเลนไทน์) von Yuthlert Sippapak (ยุทธเลิศ สิปปภาค, 1966 - )

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

Krasue Valentine (Thai: กระสือวาเลนไทน์, also Ghost of Valentine) is a 2006 Thai romance-horror film written and directed by Yuthlert Sippapak (ยุทธเลิศ สิปปภาค, 1966 - ). The film concerns the krasue (กระสือ) ghost legend that is common in Southeast Asian countries.


Sao (สาว) is a nurse who comes to work at an older, rundown hospital in Bangkok. Witnessing her arrival is Num (หนุ่ม), a disabled orderly. Num is shy, but a little girl selling roses convinces him to buy one. He gives her money and the girl in turn gives the rose to Sao, forming a bond between the two. Sao takes room in an old house behind the hospital, near a disused gymnasium and the old morgue. She is getting over a breakup with an old boyfriend who left her because she turns into a ghost. And, indeed, unbeknownst to her, she does turn into the krasue กระสือ) ghost that very night, scaring the hospital's security guard.

  • Pitisak Yaowananon (ปิติศักดิ์ เยาวนานนท์, 1982 - ) as Num (หนุ่ม)
  • Ploy Jindachote (พลอย จินดาโชติ, 1982 - ) as Sao (สาว)
  • Kowit Wattanakul (โกวิท วัฒนกุล, 1954 - ) as Doctor (หมอใหญ่)
  • Viyada Umarin (วิยะดา อุมารินทร์, 1955 - ) as Paoun (ผอูญ)

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-03-24]


Thailand-Premiere des Films Invisible Waves (คำพิพากษาของมหาสมุทร) von Pen-Ek Ratanaruang (เป็นเอก รัตนเรือง, 1962 - )

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Invisible Waves (Thai: คำพิพากษาของมหาสมุทร) is a 2006 crime film by Thai director Pen-Ek Ratanaruang (เป็นเอก รัตนเรือง, 1962 - ), with screenplay by Prabda Yoon (ปราบดา หยุ่น, 1973 - ), cinematography by Christopher Doyle ( 1952 - ), and starring Tadanobu Asano 浅野 忠信, 1973 - ) – all people that Pen-Ek had worked with on his previous film, Last Life in the Universe (เรื่องรัก น้อยนิด มหาศาล, 2003). It had its world premiere at the Berlin Film Festival and was also shown at the 2006 Bangkok International Film Festival and the 2006 Toronto International Film Festival.[1]


Kyoji (恭司) is a cook living in Macau (澳門). He works for a Thai restaurant in Hong Kong and has been having an affair with Seiko (聖子), the wife of his boss, Wiwat (วิวัฒน์), who orders Kyoji to poison her. After the deed is done, Kyoji is ordered to leave Hong Kong. He consults with the mysterious Monk, who gives him money and advice to contact Lizard. Kyoji then boards a cruise ship, and is given a small, dreary cabin belowdecks, where nothing seems to work properly. In trying to find his way back topside, he gets lost. Finally, up on deck, he meets Noi. Noi has a baby named Nid, whom Kyoji finds hanging on the deck rail in a harness, where Noi left the child while she was swimming. Eventually, the ship reaches its destination, Phuket (ภูเก็ต), Thailand, where real life-or-death adventures begin for Kyoji as he starts to put the pieces together about what he's done.

  • Tadanobu Asano (浅野 忠信, 1973 - ) as Kyoji (恭司)
  • Maria Cordero (肥媽瑪俐亞, 1954 - ) as Maria (มาเรีย)
  • Toon Hiranyasap (ทูน หิรัญทรัพย์, 1954 - ) as Wiwat (วิวัฒน์)
  • Kang Hye-jung (강혜정, 1982 - ) as Noi (น้อย)
  • Ken Mitsuishi (光石 研, 1961 - ) as Lizard
  • Eric Tsang (曾志偉, 1953 - ) as Monk (มั๊งค์)
  • Tomono Kuga (久我朋乃) as Seiko (聖子)
Awards and nominations
  • 2006 Berlin International Film Festival – world premiere, nominated for Golden Bear.
  • 2006 Bangkok International Film Festival – in competition and opening film."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-03-23]


Angesichts der Proteste gegen seine Regierung löst Ministerpräsident Thaksin das Parlament auf und schreibt Neuwahlen für den 2. April aus. Die Democrat Party (พรรคประชาธิปัตย์), Chart Thai (พรรคชาติไทย) und  Mahachon Party (พรรคมหาชน) beschließen, die Wahlen zu boykottieren.


Zu National Artists (ศิลปินแห่งชาติ) werden ernannt:

Abb.: Einbandtitel eines Buchs von Manee Payomyong (ศาสตราจารย์เกียรติคุณ มณี พยอมยงค์)
[Fair use]

Abb.: Einbandtitel eines Buchs von Rawee Pawilai (ศาสตราจารย์ ดร.ระวี ภาวิไล)
[Fair use]

Abb.: Plakat zu einer Ausstellung von Kiettisak Chanonnart (ศ. เกียรติศักดิ์ ชานนนารถ), 2011
[Fair use]

Abb.: Einbandtitel eines Buchs von Decha Boonkham (ศ. กิตติคุณ เดชา บุญค้)
[Fair use]

Abb.: CD-Titel von Kalong Peunghongkham (ร.ต.ต. กาหลง พึ่งทองคำ)
[Fair use]

Abb.: Plakat für das Schattenfigurenmuseum von Suchart Subsin (นายสุชาติ ทรัพย์สิน)
[Fair use]


Abb.: Protestkonzert der Gruppe Caravan (
คาราวาน) gegen Ministerpräsident Thaksin, 2006-02-27
[Bildquelle: Don Sambandaraksa. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-10-17. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Die Gruppe auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:artist:04jYFrScdfjeB9KtUuNSdb


Caravan of the Poor (คาราวานคนจน): Bauern aus Nord- und Nordostthailand ziehen mit landwirtschaftlichen Kleinfahrzeugen (rot e-tan - รถอีแต๋น) nach Bangkok. Organisator: Kamtha Kanboonjan (คำตา แคนบุญจันทร์) sowie das Netzwerk von Newin Chidchob (เนวิน ชิดชอบ, 1958 - )

Abb.: rot e-tan - รถอีแต๋น, 2008
[Bildquelle: Pawyi Lee / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Es erscheint der Anti-Thaksin Song

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม [Mieses Quadratgesicht]

Abb.: ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม [Mieses Quadratgesicht]
[Bildquelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-01-18. -- Fair use]

Er wird ein Hit.


สี่เหลี่ยมก็มีสี่ด้าน ไอ้คนหน้าด้าน คือไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม
ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก มันจะตกนรก กะลาหัวไม่เจียม

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม ไอ้ลูกกระจ๊อกหน้าเหลี่ยม มันเลียแข้งเลียขา
ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยมมันเป็นคนพันธุ์ทาง พูดไทยปนฝรั่งยังกับโก้ตายห่า(เฮ้ย)
ฝ่ายค้านก็รวมหัวบอยคอต ประชาชนก่อหวอดมันก็ยังตากหน้า
มันหน้าด้านไม่เป็นลูกผู้ชาย มันกลัวจะโดนลากไส้ มันเลยยุบสภา(หุย)
ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม มันแจกแบงค์ใหม่เอี่ยมให้คนเข้าคูหา
เอาบัตรปลอมปนๆไปมั่ง มันก็ได้รับเลือกตั้งมาตั้ง 19 ล้านกว่า
โดนไล่มันก็ไม่ยอมลาออก ใครถามก็บอกว่าสายๆชาติหน้า
มันขายชินฯ ขายชาติเบ็ดเสร็จ มันฮุบประเทศให้โคตรอาเตี่ยโคตรอาม่า

โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม
โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม อำนาจหน้าเหลี่ยมมันซื้อด้วยเงินตรา
มันรวมหัวลอยค่าเงินบาท ป่วนเศรษฐกิจชาติเพราะมันตุนดอลลาร์
กฏหมายถ้ามันมีช่องโหว่ มันก็เอาหัวโผล่ออกไปทำการค้า
พอเรื่องปูดมันก็จ้างทนาย แต่มันลืมมอบหมายให้พูดเรื่องจรรยา
มันซื้อที่ดินเก็งกำไร มันรู้ข้อมูลภายใน ว่าจะมีรถไฟฟ้า
นโยบายมันเอื้อประโยชน์ มันรวยกันทั้งโคตรไปจนถึงขี้ข้า
ของนอกมาตีตลาดในประเทศ เพราะมันเปิดฟรีเทรดแลกกับไอพีสตาร์
มันทำตัวเป็นมาเฟียร์ธุรกิจ รึดไถทุจริต แล้วมันยังสั่งอุ้มฆ่า(หุย)

สี่เหลี่ยมก็มีสี่ด้าน ไอ้คนหน้าด้าน คือไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม
ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก มันจะตกนรก กะลาหัวไม่เจียม

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม มันคิดแต่หาเล่ห์เหลี่ยมไม่กินข้าวกินปลา
เวลาหิวกินคลื่นความถี่ ไม่ก็ไปรษณีย์ ไม่ก็การไฟฟ้า
ของว่างมันก็กินลำไย แกล้มกับทีพีไอ ไม่ก็กินต้นกล้า
มันเทคโฮมหุ้น ปตท. ไปฝากโอ้คฝากอ้อที่บ้านจ้นทร์ส่องหมา

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม มันคิดแต่หาเล่ห์เหลี่ยม นอนก็ไม่เต็มตา
มันหมกมุ่นเรื่อง CTX จนลืมเรื่องเซ็กซ์ ที่มันชอบนักหนา
มันกังวลเรื่องแอมเพิลริช จนมันลืมรูดซิปตอนไปเยี่ยวออกมา
มันเป็นห่วงกลัวดวงจะดับ กลัวโดนยึดทรัพย์ กลัวสหบาทา

โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม
โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม ประชานิยมหน้าเหลี่ยมมันเป็นพระคุณตายห่า
มันให้กู้กองทุนหมู่บ้าน จนเป็นหนี้หัวบานจนไปถึงรากหญ้า (เฮ้ย)
พักชำระหนี้ ธกส. แต่เหลือเงินพอซื้อมือถือถ้วนหน้า
บ้านเอื้ออาทรหลอกแดก คุณภาพห่วยแตก ปลูกเองถูกกว่า (หุย)
ค้ายามันให้ฆ่าตัดตอน เพราะมันกลัวเดือดร้อนไปถึงตัวหัวหน้า
มันเอาหวยขึ้นมาไว้บนดิน 3 ส่วนโกงกิน อีก 1 ส่วนการศึกษา
30 บาทรักษาทุกโรค เบาหวานหวัดนก มันก็ให้แดกพารา
พอขาลงมันก็เล่นละครเป็นกะหรี่ กอดคนนู้นกอดคนนี้ มันทำเป็นบีบน้ำตา(หุย)

สี่เหลี่ยมก็มีสี่ด้าน ไอ้คนหน้าด้าน คือไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม
ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก มันจะตกนรก กะลาหัวไม่เจียม

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม ไอ้อย่างหนาหน้าเหลี่ยมมันขี้โกงเป็นบ้า
เอาเงินยัดศาลรัฐธรรมนูญ สั่งคดีซุกหุ้นไม่ให้พิจารณา (เฮ้ย)
องค์กรอิสระอัปรีย์ มันให้พวกขันทีไปจัดซื้อจัดหา
มันติดสินบนข้าราชการ ใครที่ซูฮกมันได้เลื่อนขั้นทะเล่อทะล่า

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม ไอ้ทรราชหน้าเหลี่ยม มันทำตัวอหังการ์
มันอยากเป็นรัฐบุรุษ ไอ้หมาหัวเน่าหางกุด จะชูคอเทียบป๋า
มันไม่รู้ที่สูงที่ต่ำ มันพูดจา จาบจ้วงราชา
มันอวดดีแต่งตั้งสังฆราช ที่หน้าตาประหลาดเพราะมันเป็นมารศาสนา

โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม
โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม ไอ้นาซีหน้าเหลี่ยมมันมีแต่คำมุสา
มันขี้ฮกว่ามันจับโจรใต้ คนดีๆต้องตาย ยังโดนยัดข้อหา (เฮ้ย)
มันบอกว่ามันเป็นคนดี แต่มันโกงภาษี มันให้ลูกรับหน้า
มันบอกว่าทำตามระเบียบ แต่ถ้ามันเสียเปรียบ มันก็แก้กติกา
มันจะซื้อลิเวอร์พูล ฟูแล่ม มันกุข่าวหน่อมแน้ม มากลบความชั่วช้า
มันดูถูกเรื่องสัตยาบัน แต่มันเขียนอีกอัน มันบอกว่ามันเตรียมมา
มันบอกจะปราบคอร์รัปชั่น ปราบภาษาพ่อ.แดกกันยิ่งกว่า
มันคุยว่ามันมีธรรมะ พอจับได้จะๆ มันบอก"ตถตา"

สี่เหลี่ยมก็มีสี่ด้าน ไอ้คนหน้าด้าน คือไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม
ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก มันจะตกนรก กะลาหัวไม่เจียม

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม มันหน้าตาสี่เหลี่ยมยิ่งกว่าทรงเรขา
น้องมันก็พุงป่องสมองฝ่อ ปลอมวุฒิ ปวช.ไปเรียนต่อปริญญา
ลูกสาวมันก็โง่ฉิบหาย ขนาดโกงแทบตายยังได้แค่ 2กว่าๆ
ลูกชายมันก็ไอคิวต่ำ มันต้องใส่แว่นดำ ก็เพราะมันติดยา
เมียมันโกงแล้วก็ไม่เจียม เดินเอ็มโพเรียมก็เลยโดนเขาด่า
ความผิดมันอีกหลายกระทง ตั้งแต่ธรณีสงฆ์ ไปถึงโปรเจ็คเมกก้า (เฮ้ย)
กลางคืนคงเอาตีนกุมขมับ อยากจะนอนให้หลับ มันยังต้องฉีดยา
อีกหน่อยมันคงเป็นโรคประสาท ไปแก้ผ้าอาละวาดอยู่บนป้ายโฆษณา (หุย)

โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม
โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม ถ้าขืนให้มันหน้าเหลี่ยมไปจนถึงสมัยหน้า
เมืองไทยคงกลายเป็นคุกลับๆ เป็นที่ตั้งฐานทัพพวกอเมริกา (เฮ้ย)
สิงคโปร์มันจะเข้านอกออกใน วางมาดเส้นใหญ่ ไม่ต้องปั๊มวีซ่า
หมอผีเขมรจะร่ำรวย ร่ายเวทย์ล้างซวยเวลาเหี้ยเข้าสภา (หุย)
มันคงจะแฮบเงินกองทุน ไปปล่อยกู้อุดหนุนเศรษฐกิจพม่า
ประเทศไทยมันคงเอาเข้าตลาด ขายหุ้นละ 1 บาท บอกว่าราคาพาร์ (เฮ้ย)
ให้อากู๋เปลี่ยนเนื้อเพลงชาติ ลิขสิทธิ์ผูกขาดทั้งชาตินี้ชาติหน้า
ฮิตเล่อร์กลับชาติมาเกิดใหม่ เป็นลูกคนสุดท้ายชื่อเด็กชายพวงทองทา

สี่เหลี่ยมก็มีสี่ด้าน ไอ้คนหน้าด้าน คือไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม
ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก ไอ้ลิ่วล้อสิงคโปร์โตก มันจะตกนรก กะลาหัวไม่เจียม

ไอ้หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม หน้าเหลี่ยม ไอ้คนที่รักหน้าเหลี่ยมมันมีแต่รวยอื้อซ่า
สุริยะ จึงรุ่งเรืองกิจ-สุรเกียรติ์-สมคิด-คงศักดิ์ วัฒนา(เฮ้ย) ชิดชัย วรรณสถิตย์-ไอ้สมัคร-ดุสิต-วิษณุ-วาสนา-สุวรรณ วลัยสถุล-ธรรมรักษ์ อิศรางกูร ณ อยุธยา (หุย) สุนีย์ สินธุเดชะ-ทนง พิทยะ-ยงยุทธ-เยวภา-สุรนันท์-สุขวิช-สุนัย-สุภาพ คลี่กระจาย-สุธรรม-ศิธา (เฮ้ย)
สุชาติ-สุวิทย์-สุวัจน์-เจ๊หน่อยสุดารัตน์-สุชน-สนธยา คุณปลื้ม แต่ว่าผมไม่ปลื้ม เพราะว่าผมไม่ลืมว่า ฆ่าใครมา

โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม
โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม

อดิสร-อดิสัย-อริสมันต์-เนวิน-ยุรนันท์-ลัดดาวัลย์-วัฒนา-ปองพล-จาตุรนต์ ฉายแสง-นายรุ่งแก้วแดง-สมชาย-สุชาดา (เฮ้ย) นายผดุง ลิ้มเจริญรัตน์-นาทยวันมูหะมัด นอร์ มะทา-ภูมิธรรม-พงษ์ศักดิ์-พรหมินทร์-โภคิน-พงษ์เทพ เทพกาญจนา (หุย) สุรพงษ์ สืบวงศ์ลี
( -ธงทอง-กันตธีร์-กุเทพ-กรรณิการ์-อรทัย ฐานะจาโร-บวรศักดิ์ อุวรรณโน-ประพัฒน์-ประชาเฮ้ย)ระเบียบรัตน์-เสริมศักดิ์-สมศักดิ์-เพรียว พันธุ์-ชัยภักดิ์-จักรภพ-ปวีณา-พินิจ จารุสมบัติ-สรอรรธ-สรยุทธ สุทัศนะจินดา

โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม
โอ้ย เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม เหลี่ยม

วราเทพ รัตนากร-วีระ-ดนุพร-ประยุทธ์-ปริญญา-มิ่งขวัญ แสงสุบรรณ-พันศักดิ์-จักรพันธุ์-ศันสนีย์-ปรีชา-ปุระ ได้แต่หวังอ้อกลาง โสภณ เพชรสว่าง-บุญคลี-ลลิตา-ปลอดประสพ สุรัสวดี-ที่เปิดไนท์ซาฟารี เป็นสุสานสัตว์ป่า-ณหทัย-ชัยสิทธิ์-อิทธิพล-สุขุม-กมล-สุมิตา-สุจินดา-จำลอง ครุฑขุนทด-สิริกร-บรรพต-วิชัย-วิทยา (เฮ้ย)

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-01-18. -- Fair use]


Petition an den König gegen Ministerpräsident Thaksin, dem Korruption und Machtmissbrauch vorgeworfen wird.

Zu den Unterzeichnern gehören u.a. folgende Oktobristen (คนเดือนตุลา):

Abb.: Unterschriftensammlung für eine Petition gegen Ministerpräsident Thaksin, Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์), Bangkok, 2006-03-05
[Bildquelle: Lerdsuwa / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Der chinesische Volkskongress beschließt den neuen Fünfjahresplan: das Wirtschaftswachstum wird auf 7,5% pro Jahr begrenzt, ein Investitionsprogramm soll das Gefälle zwischen Stadt und Land verringern.


Die US-Firma amazon startet amazon web services. Damit beginnt das Zeitalter des Cloud-Computing im großen Stil.

Abb.: Konferenzankündigung 2013
[Fair use]


Ein Strafgericht lehnt die Anklage der Shin Corp (ชิน คอร์ปอเรชั่น) wegen Verleumdung gegen Supinya Klangnarong (สุภิญญา กลางณรงค์) zurück. Supinya war in einer Zeitung mit der Aussage zitiert worden, dass Ministerpräsident Shinawatra durch seine Gesetzgebung den Verkauf der Shin Corp begünstigt habe. Das Gericht sagte, dass Supinyas Aussage durch die Pressefreiheit geschützt sei.


Kundgebung der Gelbhemden (เสื้อเหลือง).

Abb.: Führer der Gelbhemden (เสื้อเหลือง): von links: Somsak Kosaisuk (สมศักดิ์ โกศัยสุข, 1945 - ), Pipop Thongchai (พิภพ ธงชัย), Sondhi Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล / 林明達, 1947 - ), Somkeit Phongpaibul (สมเกียรติ พงษ์ไพบูลย์, 1950 - ), Chamlong Srimuang (จำลอง ศรีเมือง, 1935 - )
[Bildquelle: Don Sambandaraksa. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-10-18. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Banjerd Singkaneti (บรรเจิด สิงคะเนติ), Assistant Professor of Law at Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์), Dr. jur. der Ruhr-Universität Bochum disqualifiziert sich mit folgender Aussage:

"What makes Mr. Thaksin different from Adolf Hitler was that Hitler did not do things for his own benefit. Hitler killed Jews, but he did several things for his country. He was more useful for the country than Mr Thaksin ever was." (Bangkok Post 2006-03-20)

Die Isralische Botschaft in Thailand protestiert zu Recht in einem Leserbrief (Bangkok Post, 2006-03-23):

"Comparing Thaksin to Hitler shows ignorance or lack of knowledge of history. After World War Two, it took years for many countries to recover from the devastation caused by the Nazis. Several others have not yet recovered. It is also to ignore the actual fact that millions of people were murdered and suffered under the hands of the Nazi regime. There is no similarity between Hitler’s dictatorship leading his country to World War Two, and Thaksinomics."


Ein wohl geistesgestörter, 27jähriger Mann zerstört die Statue im Erawan-Schrein (ศาลพระพรหม) Bangkoks. Zwei Straßenreiniger erschlagen ihn. Ministerpräsident Thaksin ersetzt die Statue durch eine Metallstatue in einer feierlichen Hindu-buddhistischen Zeremonie am 21. Mai.

Abb.: Lage des Erawan-Schreins (ศาลพระพรหม)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Erawan-Schrein (ศาลพระพรหม): die zerstörte Statue wird provisorisch durch Abbildungen ersetzt, 2006-05-20
[Bildquelle: Mica Monkey. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

"Am frühen Morgen des 21. März 2006 gegen halb zwei Uhr wurde die Statue des Erawan Brahma von einem angeblich geistig gestörten thailändischen Moslem mit einem Hammer zerstört. Der 27-jährige, dessen Name mit Thanakorn Phakdipon angegeben ist, wurde nur Minuten später von zwei wütenden Passanten erschlagen. Die Polizei stellte die beiden Passanten unter Mordanklage, sie wurden am folgenden Tag auf Kaution aus dem Polizei-Gewahrsam entlassen.

Die Überreste der Statue wurden mit einem weißen Tuch abgedeckt. Offizielle Stellen beklagten den zu erwartenden Rückgang der Touristenzahlen, da doch viele Touristen hierher kämen, um Phra Phrom (พระพรหม) zu verehren. Premierminister Thaksin Shinawatra ordnete eine Konferenz an, um das Vorgehen für die Restaurierung des beliebten Schreins zu koordinieren. Angeblich soll spätestens in zwei Monaten eine neue Statue hergestellt worden sein.

Am Sonntag, dem 21. Mai 2006 wurde dann die restaurierte Statue in einer großen Feier wieder an ihrem angestammten Platz aufgestellt. In einer festlich geschmückten Parade wurde Thaomaha Phrom morgens um 7.29 Uhr von der Werkstatt des Fine Arts Department abgeholt, und vorbei am Lak Mueang, dem Wat Phra Kaeo und dem Bot Phram, dem Brahma Tempel an der Giant Swing (gegenüber dem Wat Suthat), zur Ratchaprasong-Kreuzung gebracht, wo sie gegen 11  Uhr ankam. Unterwegs wurde die Statue von den zahlreichen Gläubigen am Straßenrand mit Girlanden aus gelben Ringelblumenblüten (Calendula) und Jasmin behängt. Laut Zeitungsberichten sollen mehr als 1.000 Menschen trotz strömenden Regens der anschließenden Feier beigewohnt haben. Vier Brahmanen vollführten zunächst eine Reinigungszeremonie, bevor zum vorher kalkulierten Zeitpunkt um 11.39 Uhr die Statue in ihrem Schrein enthüllt wurde.

Um zu verhindern, dass sich ein ähnlicher Vorfall wiederholt, soll der Erawan-Schrein von einem 24-Stunden Wachdienst bewacht werden."

[Bildquelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08]

"Political controversy

In the days following the incident at Erawan Shrine, embattled Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra visited and paid his respects to the broken statue of the deity.

At an anti-Thaksin rally on 22 March, government critic Sondhi Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล / 林明達) charged that the destruction of the statue was a plot by a superstitious Thaksin who was seeking to maintain power through black magic.

The vandal's father dismissed that notion, and was quoted by The Nation as saying that Sondhi is "the biggest liar I have ever seen."

Thaksin, when asked to comment on Sondhi's accusations, simply replied: "That's insane.""

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08]


Die US-Softwareentwickler Jack Dorsey (1976 - ),  Isaac "Biz" Stone (1974 - ), Evan Williams  (1972 - ) und Noah Glass gründen Twitter.

Abb.: ®Logo


The Nation: "Thaksin era beset by evil omens"

"A man with a record of mental disorder has just destroyed the sacred Phra Phrom statue of the Erawan Shrine [ศาลท้าวมหาพรหม โรงแรมเอราวัณ] in downtown Bangkok. The famous four-headed statue of Brahma, adjacent to the Grand Hyatt Erawan Hotel, has been hammered to pieces.

It is a shock to thousands of worshippers who come to the shrine to seek good fortune. Some people say the destruction of the statue is just one of many evil omens hovering above the country.

The Thaksin Era, characterised by unfettered capitalism and greedy economic growth, has also been beset by bad omens. They manifest themselves in different forms, symbols and natural disasters. If a leader does not practise virtue and learning is absent among the populace, society will head into a series of crises.

One of the natural disasters in the Thaksin Era manifested itself as a plague destroying the city, or "ha kin muang" [ห่ากินเมือง]. We witnessed SARS and subsequently bird flu. Then water started to flood the world, or nam thuam lok [น้ำท่วมโลก]. This manifested itself in the tsunami which killed more than 100,000 people in Thailand and elsewhere around the Indian Ocean.

People are facing greater hardship in their lives, a period characterised by skyrocketing prices for basic necessities (khao yak mak phaeng [ข้าวยากมากแพง]).

Another bad omen is phan din look pen phai [แผ่นดินลุกเป็นไฟ] (land turns into fire), which has been happening to Thailand's three southernmost provinces. There, murders take place every day. And people are also suffering from phan din yaek [แผ่นดินแยก] (cracks in the land), as they take sides in fiercely opposed political opinions. The angel has taken flight from the city. This is reflected in the destruction of the Phra Phrom statue.

During the Ayutthaya [อยุธยา] period, King Narai the Great [สมเด็จพระนารายณ์มหาราช] (1656-1688) was believed to be the author of a poetic prophecy about Ayutthaya's fall. The prophecy, which reflected his concern for the Kingdom, recounted 16 bad omens that would foreshadow the fall of the capital later in 1767.

The following is an excerpt of King Narai's "Poetic Prophecy" (from Montri Umavijani's  [มนตรี อุมะวิชนี, 1941-2006]"Facets of Thai Cultural Life", Bangkok: Kurusapa Business Organisation, 2000):


Samrit [สัมฤทธิ์] Klomkliang, who claims he has been a long-time personal astrologer for Thaksin's family, said the destruction of the statue was a sign that there would be bloodshed in Thailand if the prime minister doesn't quit before March 29.

But blood has already been shed. A protester from Nakhon Si Thammarat [นครศรีธรรมราช], Rerng Ketkaew [เก็จแก้ว], slashed his finger to draw blood in front of Government House and call for Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's resignation.

Thanakorn Pakdeepol [ธนากร ภักดีผล], the 27-year-old man who destroyed the Phra Phrom statue, was killed near the Erawan Shrine after committing this most unnatural act. His blood spread on the pavement. "

[Fair use]


Das Oberste Gericht verbietet Ministerpräsident Thaksins Pläne, die staatliche Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand (EGAT, การไฟฟ้าฝ่ายผลิตแห่งประเทศไทย) zu privatisieren.

2006Abb.: ®Logo


Affäre um eine Falschmeldung der Boulevard-Zeitung Kom Chad Luek (คมชัดลึก)

"Kom Chad Luek (Thai: คมชัดลึก) is a mass-circulation Thai-language daily newspaper launched in 2001 and published in Bangkok, Thailand by the Nation Multimedia Group (บริษัท เนชั่น มัลติมีเดีย กรุ๊ป จำกัด). Its circulation is in the 500,000-600,000 range.

Kom Chad Luek became the target of mass protests after it printed an article on March 24, 2006 that omitted part of a quote by anti-government protest leader Sondhi Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล / 林明達, 1947 - ), with the misquote suggesting Sondhi wanted King Bhumibol Adulyadej to abdicate, which was viewed as an insult to the king, or lèse majesté (ความผิดต่อองค์พระมหากษัตริย์ไทย), which is a crime in Thailand.

The paper published a front-page apology on March 30, begging forgiveness from the king.

However, protests in front of the newspaper's offices continued. The paper's editor Korkhet Chantalertlak (ก่อเขต จันทเลิศลักษณ์) resigned in a show of responsibility, the chief news editor was reassigned and the paper said it would suspend publication for a total of five days, from March 31 to April 2 and on April 8 and 9."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-06-08]


Thirayuth Boonmee (ธีรยุทธ บุญมี, 1950 - ) in The Nation:

"According to Thai tradition, people can seek help from His Majesty. I have no objection to that, and I don’t think those calling [for it] are regressive ... [and,] theoretically speaking, [critics of royal intervention] should step beyond the Western frame of thinking. His Majesty the King can provide the final resolution or conclusion to the conflict when all system of checks and balances have become dysfunctional or the country faces grave crises such as the uprisings of October 1973 or May 1992."

[Zitiert in: Kanokrat Lertchoosakul [กนกรัตน์ เลิศชูสกุล]: The rise of the Octobrists in contemporary Thailand : power and conflict among former left-wing student activists in Thai politics. -- New Haven : Yale University Southeast asia Studies, 2016. -- 364 S. 23 cm. -- (Yale Southeast Asia studies ; monograph 65). -- ISBN 9780985042943. -- Zugl. The London School of Economics and Political Science, thesis 2012-09. -- S. 237. -- Fair use]


Premiere des Films Nong Theng Nakleng-pukhaothong (โหน่ง เท่ง นักเลงภูเขาทอง) von Panich Sodsee (พาณิชย์ สดสี)

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Nong Theng Nakleng-pukhaothong (Thai: โหน่ง เท่ง นักเลงภูเขาทอง or Nong and Teng, the Gangsters of Golden Mount) is a 2006 Thai comedy film starring Pongsak Pongsuwan (พงศ์ศักดิ์ พงษ์สุวรรณ, 1966 -) and Choosak Eamsuk (ชูศักดิ์ เอี่ยมสุข, 1973 - ).


In 1920s Siam, Bunteng (เท่ง), a member of a likay (ลิเก) performing troupe, is faced with the prospect of his art dying when he and his family are threatened with eviction by a businessman who hopes to build a movie theater on the site of their stage. At the same time, the first Hollywood film, Miss Suwanna of Siam (นางสาวสุวรรณ, 1923), is being made on location in the country. Seeing film as a corruptive influence on traditional Siamese culture, Bunteng, with the help of his gangster friend, Nong (โหน่ง), sets about to disrupt the filming and keep his family from being evicted.

  • Pongsak Pongsuwan (พงศ์ศักดิ์ พงษ์สุวรรณ, 1966 -) as Bunteng (เท่ง)
  • Choosak Eamsuk (ชูศักดิ์ เอี่ยมสุข, 1973 - ) as Nong (โหน่ง)
  • Isaree Soungcharern (อิสรีย์ สงฆ์เจริญ) as Linchee (ลิ้นจี่)
  • Nikalaya Dhunlaya (นิกัลยา ดุลยา, 1982 - ) as Nuenchan (นวลจันทร์)
  • Nui Choenyeun (นุ้ย เชิญยิ้ม, 1974 -)
  • Petchtai Wongkamlao (เพ็ชรทาย วงษ์คำเหลา, 1965 - ) (cameo)"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-03-24]


Ca. 200 Motorrad-Taxi-Fahrer protestieren vor der Manager-Media-Group (บริษัท แมเนเจอร์ มีเดีย กรุ๊ป จำกัด) von Sondhi Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทอง กุล / 林明達, 1947 - ). Die Protestierenden und Mitarbeiter der Group bewerfen sich gegenseitig mit Flaschen.



Abb.: Abstimmungsverhalten 2006

Parties Votes % Seats
Thais Love Thais Party (พรรคไทยรักไทย) 15.866.031 61.1 460
Others 267.196 1.1 -
No Vote 9.842.197 37.9 -
Vacant     40
Democrat Party (พรรคประชาธิปัตย์) boycott
Thai Nation Party (พรรคชาติไทย) boycott
Great People's Party (พรรคมหาชน) boycott
Total valid votes (87.2 % of votes cast) 25.975.424 100.0 500
Invalid votes 3.815.870  
Votes cast (turnout 65.2 %) 29.791.294  
Registered voters 45.663.089  
Source : Adam Carr using MCOT website and other media websites. The TRT won 34.7 % of the registered voters.

[Quelle:,_2006. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-04


"General elections were held in Thailand on April 2006. Elections for the lower house of the Thai National Assembly (รัฐสภาไทย), the House of Representatives (สภาผู้แทนราษฎร), were held on 2 April 2006 and elections for the upper house, the Senate (วุฒิสภาไทย), were held on 19 April 2006. The Constitutional Court (ศาลรัฐธรรมนูญ) later invalidated the House of Representatives election results and ordered a new round of voting.

The ruling Thais Love Thais (TRT, พรรคไทยรักไทย) party of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร) won a majority seats in the House of Representatives, partly as a result of the decision by the major opposition parties to boycott the elections. Nearly complete results showed that TRT won 61% of the valid vote and about 460 of the 500 seats. Despite this, Thaksin announced his resignation two days after the election.

Although TRT easily won the election in terms of both votes and seats, the results were seen by Thaksin's opponents and media critics as a rejection of his call for an overwhelming mandate. In parts of Bangkok and in southern Thailand, most TRT candidates were elected on minority votes after the majority of voters used the "abstain" option on their ballot papers. In a number of southern seats TRT candidates failed to poll the required 20% of registered voters, rendering these southern seats invalid and resulting in party dissolution charges against Thai Rak Thai and Democrat Parties (พรรคประชาธิปัตย์). TRT won all the seats in the Northern and North-Eastern (Isan) regions, and also in the Central region apart from Bangkok.

After Thailand's revered monarch His Majesty king Bhumibol Adulyadej took an unusual but socially unifying step in declaring the landslide elections undemocratic, the election was declared invalid by the Constitutional Court, and new elections would have be held in October, but were canceled by the military that led a coup against the Thai government.


The elections followed the decision by Prime Minister Thaksin to dissolve the House of Representatives. King Bhumipol Adulyadej granted Thaksin a dissolution even though the last election was held only in February 2005, and even though Thaksin's party had a huge majority in the House. At the February 2005 election, the TRT won 375 seats out of 500, with its former coalition partner, the Thai Nation Party (พรรคชาติไทย) taking 26 seats. The opposition Democratic Party of Thailand (พรรคประชาธิปัตย์) won 96 seats.

Thaksin's decision to call early elections followed a mounting campaign of criticism of his personal financial dealings. In January his family sold its stake in Shin Corporation (ชิน คอร์ปอเรชั่น), a leading communication company, for 73 billion baht (about $US1.88 billion), an enormous profit on which the Shinawatras legally paid no tax. This sparked a series of angry demonstrations in the capital. Nevertheless, Thaksin's parliamentary position was under no threat.

The English-language newspaper the Bangkok Post reported Thaksin as saying, "I cannot allow mob rule to supersede the law," and citing intelligence reports of "instigators of violence" seeking to exploit the divisive situation as a reason for dissolving the House of Representatives. The country could not suffer a new round of "bruises" when it was still suffering from the violent events of May 1992, with relatives of victims still to be healed, Thaksin said.

Thaksin also cited the impact on the economy of the political situation, pointing to the questions it had raised about the future of megaprojects and the ups and downs on the stock market. "I am ready to accept the decisions of the people. But I will never accept those outside the system who claim to be deciding for the people," he said.

 Opposition boycott

On 25 February the Post reported Democrat party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva (อภิสิทธิ์ เวชชาชีวะ) as saying he was "ready to become a prime minister who adheres to the principles of good governance and ethics, not authoritarianism." The next day, however, it was announced that the Democratic Party, along with other opposition parties, were considering boycotting the elections. At a press conference Abhisit joined the Thai Nation Party's Banharn Silpa-archa (บรรหาร ศิลปอาชา) and the Mahachon Party's Sanan Kachornprasart (สนั่น ขจรประศาสน์) and said that the three parties would consult with party members before making a final decision.

Abhisit said that the elections "lacked legitimacy' and were an attempt by Thaksin to "divert public attention." from the Shin Corp scandal. "Boycotting the poll is one option but the parties still have to explore other possibilities allowed by the constitution," he said. Thaksin's behaviour was "exposing the country to a new political system, the Thaksin system, which bent the constitution,". Abhisit said. "The charter was once the people's charter. Now it has been hijacked."

Banharn said the sudden dissolution left opposition political parties "no time to prepare a list of constituency candidates and list candidates." Only Thai Rak Thai was well-equipped with wealth, people and power," he said.

On 27 February, the three opposition parties announced a boycott of the election after Thaksin reportedly refused to sign a pledge to implement constitutional reforms. The Bangkok Post reported Abhisit as saying that "under the current circumstances" a fair general election was unlikely. What was likely, he said, "was an election that would yield the outcome Mr Thaksin was expecting."

"The prime minister does not respond to the intention of the three political parties," Abhisit said. "He is diverting from the heart of the solution and creating the process that sees only uncertainties and complications. That does not assure us that there will be serious political reform."

Deputy Thai Rak Thai leader Khunying Sudarat Keyuraphan (สุดารัตน์ เกยุราพันธ์) said that the government was doing its best to find a way out of the political crisis. "Dissolving the House to return power to the people is the best way out under this constitution and democracy," she said. "But you do not accept it. What better choice could Thai Rak Thai make?"

The decision by the Democratic Party and the Thai Nation Party to boycott the elections meant that almost the whole of southern Thailand lost its previous political representation, since at the 2005 election, Thaksin's party won only one seat in the south.


Unofficial results published by Bangkok newspapers showed that TRT polled over 61% of all valid votes (about 53% of all votes cast), and won about 460 of the 500 seats. Voters in the Central, Northern and North-Eastern regions voted overwhelmingly for TRT candidates, who were unopposed in the great majority of seats in these regions. But the majority of voters in Bangkok and in the Southern region rejected the government. In many constituencies in these areas voters used the "abstain" option on their ballot papers to reject TRT candidates, even when they were running unopposed. TRT received fewer votes than the number of abstention votes in 28 of 36 Bangkok constituencies. In 2005, TRT won 30 of the Bangkok seats.

 Disputing the election result

On 3 April 2006, the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD, พันธมิตรประชาชนเพื่อประชาธิปไตย) petitioned the Administrative Court to suspend the results of the election and accused the Election Commission (คณะกรรมการการเลือกตั้ง) of violating voter privacy. The EC repositioned voting booths so that voters' backs were to the public, whereas in previous elections, voters faced the public, with a board one-half meter tall at the front of the booth separating the voter from the public. The EC claimed the new arrangement was designed to prevent various forms of poll fraud including the use of cameras by voters to take photographs of their ballots. After the 2005 election, cameras and cameraphones had been banned from voting stations due to fears that canvassers would demand ballot photographs in return for money. However, the PAD claimed that this allowed onlookers to peek over voters' shoulders and see who they voted for.

After unofficial voting results became public, the PAD declared that it would ignore the results of the election. He further said that the "PAD will go on rallying until Thaksin resigns and Thailand gets a royally-appointed prime minister".

The elections were finally declared invalid by Thailand's Constitutional Court (ศาลรัฐธรรมนูญ), which found that the positioning of the voting booths violated voter privacy. The Constitutional Court later pressured the Election Commission to resign for its management of the April elections. The Court was unsuccessful in pressuring the EC head to resign; however, it did prevent the Senate from appointing a replacement for commissioner Jaral Buranapansri who had died. This prevented the EC from having a quorum. It later found the remaining Commissioners guilty of malfeasance and jailed them.

On 30 May 2006, the Cabinet decided to hold new elections on 15 October 2006."

[Quelle:,_2006. -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08]

2006-04-05 - 2006-05-23

57. Kabinett: unter Geschäftsführung von Chitchai Wannasathit (ชิดชัย วรรณสถิตย์ / 曹壁光, 1946 -).

"Chitchai Wannasathit (* 13. August 1946 in Ubon Ratchathani - อุบลราชธานี) ist Politiker und war geschäftsführender Premierminister von Thailand.

Chitchai Wannasathit ist verheiratet mit Khunying Archara Wannasathit.

Chitchai erhielt 1970 einen Bachelor in öffentlicher Verwaltung an der Polizeikadetten-Akademie in Bangkok, 1973 einen Master in Polizeiverwaltung an der Eastern Kentucky Administration University, USA und 1976 eine Promotion in Justizverwaltung an der Justice Administration University Louisville.

Zwischen 1970 und 1971 arbeitete Chitchai im Metropolitan Police Bureau, Bangkok und war anschließend bis 1976 als Offizier dem Büro des Polizeisekretärs beigegeben. Er arbeitete nach seiner Promotion als ständiger Dozent an der Königlichen Polizeikadettenakademie. Chitchai beschäftigte sich während seiner Arbeit insbesondere mit der Drogenbekämpfung (Rauschmittel) und wurde 1983 Superintendent bei der zentralen Untersuchungsbehörde.Schließlich wurde er Beauftragter der Königlichen Polizei-Kadetten-Akademie und von 1997 bis 2000 Beauftragter bei der thailändischen Ausländerbehörde. Nach mehreren Stellungen bei der Polizeibehörde wurde Chitchai am 2. August 2005 zum stellvertretenden Premierminister und Justizminister ernannt.

Während des Rückzuges Thaksin Shinawatras von den Tagesgeschäften war Chitchai im April/Mai 2006 geschäftsführender Premierminister von Thailand."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-04-05]


Tod von Thawisan Ladawan (ทวีสันต์ ลดาวัลย์, geb. 1923)

Abb.: Thawisan Ladawan (ทวีสันต์ ลดาวัลย์)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Mom Luang Thawisan Ladawan (Thai: ทวีสันต์ ลดาวัลย์)(1923-01-26 - 2006-04-07) was husband of Busba Kitiyakara (บุษบา กิติยากร สธนพงศ์, 1934 - , younger sister of Queen Sirikit), a member of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's Privy Council (คณะองคมนตรีไทย), and for 26 years, principal private secretary to the King. Thawisan attended Vajiravudh College (วชิราวุธวิทยาลัย) and graduated from the inaugural class of Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์) in 1938. He worked in several capitals, including Paris and Brussels, and earned a Diplome d'Etudes Superieures de Droit International Public from Paris University (Université de Paris) in 1954. He became Deputy Director-General of the Protocol Department before departing in 1968 to serve as Deputy Principal Private Secretary to Bhumibol. A year later he became Bhumibol's Principal Private Secretary, and was later appointed to the Privy Council. He died at the age of 83 due to chronic liver disease.


Thawisan was the son of Phraphum Phichai (Mom Ratchawong Bung Ladawan) and Nuang Bunnag. His father (พระภูมิพิชัย) was the prince of Chaiyaphum, Lamphun, Mae Hong Son, Pattani and Kamphaengphet (เจ้าเมืองชัยภูมิ ลำพูน แม่ฮ่องสอน ปัตตานี และกำแพงเพชร ).

Thawisan married Busaba Kittiyakara in 1958. They had a daughter, Suthawan Ladawan Sathirathai (ดร. ท่านผู้หญิง สุธาวัลย์ เสถียรไทย) in 24 September 1958. He divorced her soon afterwards and never remarried. Suthawan married Surakiart Sathirathai (สุรเกียรติ์ เสถียรไทย, 1958 - )."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-06-15]


Prinzessin Sirindhorn (มหาจักรีสิรินธร, 1955 - ) besucht zum 23. Mal die Volksrepublik China. Diesmal besucht sie die Zhuang-Minorität (Bouxcuengh / 壮族) in der Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region (广西壮族自治区 / Gvangjsih Bouxcuengh Swcigih)

Abb.: Lage der Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region (广西壮族自治区 / Gvangjsih Bouxcuengh Swcigih)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Bambustanz der Zhuang (Bouxcuengh / 壮族), 2006
[Bildquelle: Rex Pe. -- -- Zugriff am 2014-10-30. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]


Premiere des Films Thai Thief (ไทยถีบ) von Pisut Praesangeam (พิสุทธิ์ แพร่แสงเอี่ยม)

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Thai Thief (Thai: ไทยถีบ, also known as Thai Theep) is a 2006 Thai action comedy film, directed by Pisut Praesangeam (พิสุทธิ์ แพร่แสงเอี่ยม) and starring Todsaporn Rottakij (ทศพร รถกิจ) and Sahatchai "Stop" Chumrum (สหัสชัย ชุมรุม) . It was distributed by RS Film and released on April 12, 2006. The film is set during World War II in Thailand.


In World War II, Japanese troops occupied Southeast Asia with the intention of making new colonies. Thailand was one country that allowed the Japanese troops to transport their weapons and gold via train. For Kom, a well-known Thai thief, this was the perfect opportunity to commit a crime. Meanwhile, Toe, the leader of an anti-Japan movement has a plan to stop the train, but the situation becomes more difficult when Kom and Toe (โต ) are forced to help a secret agent from being captured by the troops.

  • Sahatchai "Stop" Chumrum (สหัสชัย ชุมรุม) as Laem 18 Uan (แหลม 18 อวน)
  • Sara Leigh (1984 - ) as Seena
  • Amthida Ngoencharoen (อัมธิดา เงินเจริญ) as Patty (แพ๊ตตี้)
  • Suthep Po-ngam (สุเทพ โพธิ์งาม, 1949 - ) as Toe (โต )
  • Todsaporn Rottakij (ทศพร รถกิจ) as Kom
  • Somlek Sakdikul (สมเล็ก ศักดิกุล, 1953 - ) as General Sant
  • Than Thanakorn (ธัญญ์ ธนากร, 1980 - )  as Yai Thaareu"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-03-24]


NZZ: Tourismus: Luxus und Lebensfreude im Land des Lächelns : Das thailändische Gesundheitshotel Chiva-Som (ชีวาศรม) bietet "Holistic Wellness" in tropischem Ambiente / von Friedemann Bartu

Abb.: Lage des Chiva-Som (ชีวาศรม)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Titelgeschichte des US-Nachrichtenmagazins TIME: Thailand's silk revolution : Thaksin Shinawatra won the election, but it did him not good. What does the Prime Minister's departure mean for Thai democracy?

2006-04-18 - 2006-04-25

Parteitag der Kommunistischen Partei Vietnams.

Abb.: Vietnam
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Staatspräsident Nguyễn Minh Triết mit US-Präsident George W. Bush, 2006-11-18
[Bildquelle: White House photo by Paul Morse / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Ministerpräsident Nguyễn Tấn Dũng mit US-Präsident George W. Bush, 2006-11-17
[Bildquelle: White House photo Eric Draper / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Partei-Generalsekretär Nông Đức Mạnh, 2007
[Bildquelle: Roosewelt Pinheiro / Agência Brasil / Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]


Frau Han Myung-sook (한명숙, 1944 - ) wird Ministerpräsidentin von Südkorea.

Abb.: Südkorea
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Han Myung-sook (한명숙), 2006
U.S. Air Force photo by Airman 1st Class Chad Strohmeyer / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Elizabeth the Second, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and of her other realms and territories Queen, Head of the Commonwealth, Defender of the Faith wird 80 Jahre alt.

Abb.: Elizabeth the Second, by the Grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and of her other realms and territories Queen, Head of the Commonwealth, Defender of the Faith, 2006
[Bildquelle: Estonian Foreign Ministry. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-01-04. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]


Tod von Urairat Soimee (อุไรรัตน์ สร้อยมี, geb 1968).

Abb.: Lage von Yokkaichi (四日市市), Japan
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Urairat Soimee (อุไรรัตน์ สร้อยมี) (1968 - May 2006) was a victim of human trafficking in Japan. She was from Phetchabun's (เพชรบูรณ์) Lom Sak (หล่มสัก) district in Thailand and had lived in Yokkaichi ((四日市市), a town in the Mie Prefecture (三重県) of Japan, where she was forced into prostitution. She was incarcerated for several years in a Japanese prison until she was released in September 2005 due to the development of a terminal form of ovarian cancer. She was allowed to return to her hometown in Thailand to spend her final days with her family. Upon her return, she filed a civil lawsuit against her traffickers in Thailand, reported to be the first suit of its kind in the country. However, she died in May 2006 at the age of 38 before the case was adjudicated. Her adoptive mother has said that she will continue her case in court.


Urairat Soimee was born in the Lom Sak district of Phetchabun, Thailand. She had three children and a husband, who became disabled due to a car accident. Like many women in her village, she was poor and had little formal education. She went by the nickname "Bua" (บัว), which means "lotus flower" in Thai.

Urairat was recruited to work in Japan by a wealthy neighbor, Patama Kosaka, who was also a childhood friend of Urairat's mother. Kosaka claimed that she was married to a Japanese man and that she owned a Thai restaurant in Japan where she wanted Urairat to work as a waitress. Urairat had no radio or television and little formal education, and therefore was not aware of the many cases in which women from Thailand were tricked or coerced into prostitution abroad.

Forced prostitution in Japan

Urairat arrived in Japan in 2000 and was transported to Yokkaichi, Mie Prefecture by a Thai woman named Dao and her husband, where she was told that she would have work as a prostitute. When she attempted to protest, she was told that if she did not comply, she would be sold to a brothel on an island and thrown into the sea if she tried to escape. Urairat was told that she could leave after paying off her debt within five months. During this time, she was locked in the apartment with other Thai sex slaves, and taken out by Dao, her pimp, to hotel rooms to service customers, ranging from three to six a day. She was forced to service customers while menstruating, and even after having contracted a painful sexually transmitted disease.

However, at the end of five months, Dao refused to release her, saying that she had been sold to another yakuza (ヤクザ) gang and that her debt had increased. It was then that she contacted another Thai sex slave, Pranee, and another Thai friend, Boon, to help her escape.

Escape and incarceration

The circumstances surrounding the killing of Dao and Urairat's escape are unclear. In an interview with the Bangkok Post, Urairat claimed that her Thai friend, Boon, came over to the apartment and helped her escape, and that Boon eventually killed Dao to prevent her from going to the yakuza. However, the Kyodo news service (共同通信社) reported that Japanese prosecutors accused Urairat of robbery and murder by smashing Dao's head with a bottle.

Despite pleas from human rights organizations, Boon was sentenced to 10 years in prison for his role in the murder, and Urairat was sentenced for seven years. While in prison, she developed a terminal form of ovarian cancer and was released from custody to spend her remaining days with her family in Thailand.

Court battle and final days

Patama and her parents, the three traffickers who deceived Urairat and Pranee into coming to Japan, were sentenced to 13 years imprisonment in criminal court. Urairat also filed a 4.6 million baht civil lawsuit against the three, reported to be the first of its kind in Thailand. However, Urairat died in May 2006 before her case was adjudicated. Her adoptive mother, Lamyai Kaewkerd, has vowed to continue her battle in court.

Upon her return to Thailand, Urairat became a strong voice against human trafficking, leading a campaign that urged other victims to step forward. She earned an award from Thailand's Social Development and Human Security Ministry in March 2006 to celebrate International Women's Day for her work in fighting human trafficking.

"My wish is for the government and all sides to get tough with human trafficking rackets, the same way it suppresses drugs", she was quoted as saying. "I want my last wish to be fulfilled. It is not only a gift for me, but also for women in general because they shouldn't live through a hellish experience like I have.""

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-06-16]


Skandal bei der Bewertung des Ordinary National Education Test (O-NET) und des Advanced National Education Test (A-NET) in Englisch und Mathematik: versehentlich wurde bei der Auswertung eine Höchstpunktezahl von 125 statt von 100 vorausgesetzt. Entsprechend miserabel fielen die angeblichen Ergebnisse aus. Es kam aber auch vor, dass eine Schülerin statt der 100 möglichen Punkte 580 bekam.

"In general, Thailand uses the centralized admission system. In this system, student hoping to finish secondary school or its equivalent is expected to sit many examinations. The one required for nearly all universities is the Ordinary National Education Test (O-NET) aiming to test basic knowledge across the following subjects required under the Thai law:
  • Thai Language and Literature
  • English Language
  • Mathematics
  • Comprehensive Sciences
  • Social Studies
  • Health Education
  • Arts and Culture

Students then may use the O-NET test score to apply to particular university through the direct admission system by taking tests conducted by particular university. However, most students still use the centralized admission system. In this system, they are expected to take another two aptitude tests, aiming at testing their ability to succeed in university. The first one is General Aptitude Test (GAT). GAT tests the reasoning ability and English proficiency of the candidates. It asks students to link and identity relationships between events. The English section is comparable to the TOEFL test, but is completely objective in nature. Both O-NET and GAT examinations are scored by computer.

The second examination is the Professional Aptitude Test (PAT). Students may choose to take the tests that are required by the program they are applying to. Therefore, they don't have to take all tests like the O-NET. The subjects offerred are as follow:

  • Advanced Mathematics, testing students ability in discrete mathematics, pure mathematics, and discriptive mathematics, including Calculus and Statistics. The test is completely objective, consisting of multiple choices and student-produced response.
  • Sciences. It is divided into three section, Physics, Chemistry, and Biology. Students must take all sections. The test is completely objective. It contains mostly multiple choices question but sometimes student-produced response as well.
  • Engineering Aptitude. It tests candidates' ability in Physics and Chemistry as well as their ability to apply their knowledge. The test is completely objective, consisting of multiple choices and student-produced response.
  • Architecture Aptitude. It tests candidates' ability in non-numerical Physics and aptitude in basic arts and design. There are questions that ask students to design a room with furniture given. These questions are completely objective and are scored by computer. The test contains a subjective section, testing candidates' ability to sketch and draw
  • Education-specific Professional Aptitude. It tests students' moral standard and ability to work with students as teacher.
  • Fine and Applied Arts. It tests candidates' knowledge in the visual art, music theory, performance arts. It
  • Languages. As English is already tests in GAT, PAT tests candidates' ability in other modern languages. Candidates can choose from French, German, Japanese, Chinese, Arabic, and Pali.

The students are responsible to report all scores to the central admission system. They are required to choose a program or faculty that they want to study in. After that, different mathematical formula is used to weighed students' scores for that program. For instance, Pharmacology requires high scores on Sciences, while Economics requires high score in Mathematics. After the score is weighed, students are offered decision only according to their scores. Some exception might occur in program, such fine and applied arts as students are required to submit portfolio for consideration.

The only exception to centralized admission system and direct admission system is Medicine and Dentistry, which have their own admission system. Students will need to take the following tests to be eligible for consideration:

  • Mathematics
  • Thai Language and Literature
  • English
  • Physics
  • Chemistry
  • Biology
  • Social Studies
  • Medicine and Dentistry-specfic Aptitude Test. This tests include a hard form of reasoning tests as in first part of GAT. It also includes tests of Ethics and reading analysis and synthesis. In Ethics section, students are asked to choose 3 most "ethical" decision based on the situation described. In reading synthesis section, they are given time to read an article, then article is taken away. They are asked to answer multiple choices question on the passage.

Students' scores are also weighed, and admission decision is made accordingly."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08]


Das Verfassungsgericht erklärt die Wahl vom 2. April für verfassungswidrig und nichtig. Das Urteil ist aufgrund einer Intervention des Königs zustande gekommen.


Tod von Punya Thitimajshima (ปัญญา ฐิติมัชฌิมา, geb. 1955), Miterfinder der Turbo Codes.

Abb.: Punya Thitimajshima (ปัญญา ฐิติมัชฌิมา)
[Bildquelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-06-11. -- Fair use]

"Punya Thitimajshima (9 November 1955 - 9 May 2006), a Thai professor in the department of telecommunications engineering at King Mongkut's Institute of Technology at Ladkrabang (สถาบันเทคโนโลยีพระจอมเกล้าเจ้าคุณทหารลาดกระบัง), is the co-inventor with Claude Berrou and Alain Glavieux of a groundbreaking coding scheme called turbo codes.

Thitimajshima was educated at King Mongkut's Institute of Technology at Ladkrabang, where he earned his Bachelor's degree in control engineering and Master's degree in electrical engineering. Later he went to École Nationale Supérieure des Télécommunications de Bretagne and Universite de Bretagne Occidentale in France, where he studied telecommunications engineering and received a doctoral degree in 1993 for a dissertation titled "Systematic recursive convolutional codes and their application to parallel concatenation." Thitimajshima joined the faculty of KMITL in 1995 as a lecturer, and became associate professor.

He was the recipient of the 1998 Golden Jubilee Award for Technological Innovation from the IEEE Information Theory Society together with Berrou and Glavieux.[1] In 2003 he received the Outstanding Technologist Award presented by the Foundation for Promotion of Science and Technology under the Patronage of His Majesty the King of Thailand. He died on 9 May 2006 at the age of 51 from illness."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-06-11]


Telegramm der US-Generalkonsulin in Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่), Beatrice (Bea) Camp, an das US-Außenministerium:

Abb.: Lage von
Chiang Rai [เชียงราย / เจียงฮาย]
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1. Summary. As the Thai province closest to China and a historical center for former Kuomintang forces, Chiang Rai [เชียงราย / เจียงฮาย] has long had schools - often unofficial ones - teaching Chinese language. Building on this heritage, the province is striving to position itself as a center of Chinese language learning, with support both from the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan. More and more schools and universities in the region are adding Chinese programs to meet parent and student demand, although English remains the most popular foreign language. End summary.

2. With business and family ties to nearby China, Chiang Rai is actively encouraging Chinese learning and use as part of its "Provincial Economic Strategic Plan." Business people trading with China are the biggest promoters behind this development. According to prominent Chiang Rai businessman Anan Laothammatas [อนันต์ เหล่าธรรมทัศน์], Chinese traders want to communicate with Thai traders directly, making Chinese language skills a crucial part of doing business in the Mekong region.

3. Official promotion, parental aspirations and actual practice are not in complete accord, however, as Anan admitted that his own children attend a prestigious Thai school in Bangkok. His brother, former Mahachon party leader Anek Laothammatas [เอนก เหล่าธรรมทัศน์, 1954 - ], sends his children to a tri-lingual Thai, English and Chinese school in Bangkok but intends them to pursue higher education in the U.S. Nevertheless, a growing number of schools in northern Thailand are opening Chinese language classes and scrambling to recruit scarce Chinese-qualified teachers to meet parental demand.

KMT [Kuomintang - 中國國民黨] villages turn to tourism

4. Chiang Rai municipality, a sister city of Yunnan's [云南] Jinghong [景洪], erected street signs in Chinese as well as Thai and English in 2002; the leaders of the Chamber of Commerce, many from southern Chinese roots, have learned Mandarin for business purposes. Areas such as Mae Salong [แม่สลอง], where Chinese Nationalist Kuomintang (KMT) communities settled in 1961, are now "tourism villages"; bus loads of tourists from Taiwan come to buy tea and visit the KMT Martyrs Memorial while Thai tourists enjoy Yunnanese food and mountain temperatures.

Abb.: Straßenschild, Chiang Rai
[Bildquelle. colibrist. -- -- Zugriff am 2015-04-05. -- "All photos in this blog are mine unless otherwise stated. You can use them but please link back."] 

5. The provincial education office is completing a year-long effort to develop Chinese language text books for schools in Chiang Rai. The local office receives no support from the Thai Ministry of Education (MOE), which, despite official pronouncements promoting Chinese language learning, is just starting to develop curricular materials. Until the end of the communist insurgency in the early 1980s, the MOE monitored schools teaching Chinese because of national security concerns. Today the same ministry is promoting Chinese as the second most important foreign language for Thai students.

6. Both Taiwan and the PRC assist schools and curriculum in the province. Schools in the Mae Sai [แม่สาย], Mae Fah Luang [แม่ฟ้าหลวง], Mae Chan [แม่จัน], and Chiang Saen [เชียงแสน] areas with traditional KMT connections receive support from Taiwan while higher educational institutes such as Mae Fah Luang University [มหาวิทยาลัยแม่ฟ้าหลวง] (MFLU) and Chiang Rai Rajabhat University [มหาวิทยาลัยราชภัฏเชียงราย] look to the PRC for assistance and partnership. MFLU received US $1.5 million from the PRC several years ago to build the Sirindhorn Chinese Language and Cultural Center [ศูนย์ภาษาจีนและวัฒนธรรมศิรินธร]on campus.

Abb.: Lage von
Mae Sai (9) [แม่สาย], Mae Fah Luang (15) [แม่ฟ้าหลวง], Mae Chan (7) [แม่จัน], und Chiang Saen (8) [เชียงแสน]
[Bildquelle: Ahoerstemeier / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

Using Confucius to market Chinese language and culture

7. Chinese Consul Jin Yilin told the Consul General that MFLU recently signed an agreement with Xiamen University [厦门大学] to establish a Confucius Institute [孔子学院], one of approximately 50 worldwide and an expected three in Thailand promoting Chinese language and culture. She predicted that the MFLU institute will open before another Confucius Institute planned at Chiang Mai University [มหาวิทยาลัยเชียงใหม่] with Yunnan Normal University [云南师范大学] because "we gave MFLU a lot of money when I was Thai desk officer."

8. The growing popularity of Chinese language has led to MOE efforts to increase funding and exert greater control, although the shortage of qualified teachers remains an obstacle. The Thai government is particularly interested in remote schools located in former KMT villages that were long neglected by Thai authorities and still use textbooks and teachers from Taiwan. In an effort to standardize the curriculum, the Ministry is now developing 12 Chinese language texts in cooperation with Yunnan Normal University.

9. Although support from the PRC usually takes the form of university-to-university agreements, the two governments are also co-funding a program to send Thai teachers for refresher training in China. However, a Chinese offer to increase the number of training slots to1,000 per year has highlighted the human resource shortage, as the MOE worries where it will find this many Thai teachers of Chinese.

10. Comment.

Chiang Rai has proclaimed itself a gateway to the Greater Mekong Subregion [大湄公河次区域经济合作] and made Chinese language teaching a priority for local schools. Unregistered schools once considered illegal are now being asked to prepare textbooks for teaching Chinese, giving the program in Thailand's northernmost province a reason to flaunt the Chinese connections that once made the province suspect on national security grounds. Despite this local boosterism, however, a lack of qualified teachers and the still-greater appeal of English suggest Chinese will remain the second most popular foreign language in the foreseeable future.


[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2015-04-05]


Central Group kauft von der Britischen Botschaft in der Wireless Road (ถนนวิทยุ, Witthayu Rd.) 8,8 Rai (ไร่, 14.080 m²) Land für angeblich 3,5 Milliarden Baht. Der Quadratmeterpreis wäre fast 250.000 Baht. Es ist der höchste Grundstückpreis Thailands.

Abb.: Lage der Wireless Road (ถนนวิทยุ, Witthayu Rd.)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Wireless Road (ถนนวิทยุ, Witthayu Rd.), 2009
[Bildquelle: Allie_Caulfield. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-04-26. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]


Es erscheint:

รายงานคณะกรรมการอิสระเพื่อความสมานฉันท์แห่งชาต์ เอาชนะความรุนแรงด้วยพลังสมานฉันท์  =  Overcoming violence through the power of reconciliation : Report of the National Reconciliation Commission (NRC). -- Inoffizielle Übersetzung: -- Zugriff am 2016-03-16

Abb.: Titelblatt


Chapter 1: The Story of Yosathorn and Ammana

Chapter 2: Explaining Violence in the Southern Border Provinces: A Conceptual Framework

Chapter 3: Diagnosis: Understanding Violence in the Southern Border Provinces

  1. The agency layer
  2. Structural Layer: Law Enforcement, Local Economy, Education, Population and Border Area Geography
  3. Cultural Layer: Language-Religion and History
  4. Summary of causal diagnosis
Chapter 4: Prognosis of Violence Phenomenon
  1. Prognosis based on various parties’ projections and statistics
  2. Prognosis based on two sets of relationship
  3. Ending prognosis of violence with victories of Thai society
Chapter 5: Solving Violence with Reconciliation Proposals for Thai Society
  1. Immediate Reconciliation Measures: Solving Violence at the Agency Level
    1. Forming Unarmed Peace Unit (Shanti Sena)
    2. Engaging in Dialogue with Militant Groups
    3. Officials Must Understand the Special Characteristics of the Area
  2. Sustainable Reconciliation Measures: Solving Violence at the Structural and Cultural Layers
    1. The NRC proposes 7 structural-level measures to solve violence
    2. The NRC proposes 5 measures to solve violence at the cultural level
  3. Political Reconciliation Measures: An Act on Peaceful Reconciliation in the Southern Border Provinces


  1. Appointment, Mission and Composition of the National Reconciliation Commission, Pursuant to Prime Minister’s Office Orders No. 104/2548 dated 28 March 2005; No. 132/2548 dated 12 April 2005; and No. 212/2548 dated 7 June 2005.
  2. Special Nature of the Work of the National Reconciliation Commission
  3. Glossary
  4.  Meetings of the National Reconciliation Commission
  5. Projects and Activities of the National Reconciliation Commission"

[a.a.O. -- Fair use]

2006-05-17 - 2006-05-25

Manager Daily (ผู้จัดการรายวัน) veröffentlich die Verschwörungstheorie Finland Plot, Finland Plan, Finland Strategy or Finland Declaration (แผนฟินแลนด์, ยุทธศาสตร์ฟินแลนด์, ปฏิญญาฟินแลนด์)

"In Thailand politics, the Finland Plot, Finland Plan, Finland Strategy or Finland Declaration (Thai: แผนฟินแลนด์, ยุทธศาสตร์ฟินแลนด์, ปฏิญญาฟินแลนด์) are names of a controversial conspiracy theory espoused by Sondhi Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล / 林明達, 1947 - ) and supporters affiliated with the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) (พันธมิตรประชาชนเพื่อประชาธิปไตย) in 2006 describing a plot allegedly developed by Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and former left-wing student leaders to overthrow the Thai monarch, take control of the nation, and establish a communist state. The plot allegedly originated in Finland.

The allegations had a negative impact on the popularity of Thaksin and his government, despite the fact that no evidence was ever produced to verify the existence of a plot. Thaksin and his Thai Rak Thai (พรรคไทยรักไทย) party vehemently denied the accusations and sued the accusers. The leaders of the 2006 military coup claimed Thaksin's alleged disloyalty as one of their rationales for seizing power.[1]


Protests against Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra increased throughout 2005 and 2006 due to a variety of factors, including his April 2005 appearance at a merit-making ceremony at the Temple of the Emerald Buddha, the September 2005 cancellation of Sondhi Limthongkul's Muangthai Raisabdah (เมืองไทยรายสัปดาห์) television show, Thaksin's November 2005 plan to give local communities control of public schools, Thaksin's sale of Shin Corporation in January 2006, and Thaksin's alleged role in the March 2006 destruction of the Phra Phrom Erawan shrine (ศาลท้าวมหาพรหม).[2][3][4][5][6]

Finland Plot

In May 2006, on the eve of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's 60th anniversary celebrations, the Sondhi Limthongkul-owned Manager Daily (ผู้จัดการรายวัน) newspaper published the details of what it called the "Finland Plan," "Finland Declaration," or "Finland Strategy." The articles claimed that Thaksin and former student leaders of Thailand's 1970s democratic movement met in Finland in 1999 to develop a plan to institute rule by a single party, overthrow the monarchy and establish a republic, and hold elections for provincial governors. The 5-part article was titled "Finland Strategy: Thailand's Revolution Plan?" was written by Pramote Nakhonthap and appeared on 17, 19, 22, 23 and 24 May 2006. Thaksin's alleged co-conspirators apparently included Thai Rak Thai party members Prommin Lertsuridej (พรหมินทร์ เลิศสุริย์เดช, 1954 - ) (Secretary-General to the Premier), Chaturon Chaisaeng (จาตุรนต์ ฉายแสง, 1956 - ) (Deputy Prime Minister), Surapong Suebwonglee (สุรพงษ์ สืบวงศ์ลี, 1957 -) (Minister of Information and Communications Technology), Adisorn Piangket (อดิศร เพียงเกษ, 1952 - ) (Former Deputy Science Minister), Sutham Saengprathum (สุธรรม แสงประทุม, 1953 - ) (Deputy Interior Minister), and Phumtham Wechayachai (ภูมิธรรม เวชยชัย, 1953 - ) (Deputy Transport Minister), all of whom had been affiliated with the Communist Party of Thailand (พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย) following the massacre of 6 October 1976 (เหตุการณ์ 6 ตุลา).[7][8]

The allegations were taken up by several prominent critics, including leaders of the People's Alliance for Democracy (พันธมิตรประชาชนเพื่อประชาธิปไตย), constitution drafter Chai-anan Samudavanija (ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช, 1944 - ), Senator Sophon Supapong (โสภณ สุภาพงศ), writer Pramote Nakornthab (ปราโมทย์ นาครทรรพ, 1934 - ), and Democrat leader Thaworn Senniam (ถาวร เสนเนียม, 1947 - ).[9][10]

None of the accusers provided any evidence to back up their allegations. Sondhi noted that his source was a Thai Rak Thai worker who had recently "defected."[11]

Variations and denials

Variations of the original theory were also proposed, including the claim that the plot involved overseas groups intent on overthrowing the Chakri dynasty, the claim that media consolidation was a core component of the conspiracy, the claim that the Plan was aimed at maintaining a constitutional monarchy while reducing the powers of the monarch to a mere figurehead, and the claim that a law designed to further decentralize central administrative power to the Thai provinces, and the claim that Thaksin wanted to establish a government based on the model of western democracies.[12][13]

Another variation claimed that Thaksin's co-conspirators were former members of the Communist Party of Thailand including Deputy Transport Minister Phumtham Wechayachai (ภูมิธรรม เวชยชัย, 1953 - ) and had applied a theory of orthodox Marxism to map out the TRT strategy to promote capitalism. This variation claimed that Thailand during the 1970s was still a semi-feudal society and needed to become a capitalist society as part of the transition to socialism. The communists then worked with Thaksin to fully develop Thailand's capitalist economic system, destroy all remnants of feudalism, and privatize state-owned assets, while at the same time establishing a single-party dictatorship, all in order to create a socialist dictatorship.[14]

The allegations were roundly denied by Thaksin Shinawatra and the leadership of his Thai Rak Thai party, including Surapong Suebwonglee and Prommin Lertsuridej (พรหมินทร์ เลิศสุริย์เดช, 1954 - ).[9][15]

On 30 May, Thaksin Shinawatra and Thana Benjathikul, a lawyer from the Thai Rak Thai party, sued Sondhi, editor Khunthong Lorserivanich, columnist Pramote Nakhonthap, executive Saowalak Thiranujanyong, and webmaster Panjapat Angkhasuwan for libel. The lawsuit alleged that the articles were intended to ruin Thai Rak Thai and Thaksin's political future by making the public believe the party was planning to overturn the constitutional monarchy. Thaksin's lawsuit attracted criticism and claims that Thaksin was trying to censor the media.[8]

Impact of the allegations

The allegations had a negative impact on the popularity of Thaksin and his government. Thaksin was forced to expend a significant amount of time and political capital on damage control, explaining his position and swearing his loyalty to the monarchy.[16]

In an editorial, the influential anti-Thaksin newspaper The Nation noted:

Whether or not such a plot really exists may be impossible to prove. But Sondhi and the others should know better than to stir up an already volatile political situation with irresponsible accusations that have a potential to inflame further hatred and violence between opposing groups.[17]

The Nation noted that the actual existence of the Plot was not important—the mere invocation of royalty would be enough to damage the Thai Rak Thai party.[18] Many commentators noted the similarity between the Finland Plot allegations and the allegations used justify the massacre of students on 6 October 1976, which in the context of the Thailand political crisis, might justify a military coup.[19][20][21] The Thai military eventually successfully executed a coup against the Thaksin government on 19 September 2006. One of the junta's stated rationales for the coup was that Thaksin had insulted the King.[1]"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-11-10]


König Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev (ज्ञानेन्द्र वीर विक्रम शाहदेव, 1947 - ) von Nepal wird vom Parlament weitgehend entmachtet.

Abb.: Entmachtet: Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev (ज्ञानेन्द्र वीर विक्रम शाहदेव)
[Bildquelle: Duvilar / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

Abb.: Lage von Nepal
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Die Armee braucht drei Stunden, um zwei Lehrerinnen zu befreien, die im Dorf Guijingruepo, Provinz Narathiwat (นราธิวาส), als Geiseln gehalten werden. Eine der Geiseln, Juling Pongkunmul (จูหลิง ปงกันมูล, 1979 - 2007) wurde von Dörflern so sehr geschlagen, dass ihr Hirn geschädigt wurde und im Koma liegt. Sie stirbt an den Folgen 2007. Sie wird zum emotionalen Symbol für die wilde Gewalt in den südlichsten Provinzen.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Narathiwat (นราธิวาส)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Juling Pongkunmul (จูหลิง ปงกันมูล)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]


Bangkok Post:

Abb.: Lage von
Ra-ngae [ระแงะ] und Rueso [รือเสาะ]
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Police have arrested the wife of a suspected militant in connection with the gruesome kidnapping and beating of two teachers yesterday. Officials said they arrested Karima Masah Leh, 15, wife of Muhammad Sapaeing Mueri, at a house in Rangae District [ระแงะ]. She has been charged with instigating villagers to seize two female teachers to back demands for the release of her husband and another man, Abdul Karim Matae, who were detained yesterday morning. Mueri and Matae are being questioned over the murder of two marines earlier this year at a train station in Rueso District [รือเสาะ].

Mrs. Leh is believed to be deeply involved in yesterday's incident where two Buddhist teachers were singled out, taken captive in the schoolhouse, held in a room, and beaten by a group of men with sticks and fists.

The teachers were rushed to the hospital, with one of them being in critical condition."

[Zitiert in: Anderson, Wanni W. (Wanni Wibulswasdi) <1937 - >: Mapping Thai Muslims : community dynamics and change on the Andaman Coast. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 2010. -- 185 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 9789749511923. -- S. 118. -- Fair use]


Tod des Filmemachers Cherd Songsri (เชิด ทรงศรี, geb 1931)

"Cherd Songsri (Thai: เชิด ทรงศรี, September 20, 1931 – May 21, 2006) was a Thai film director, screenwriter and film producer. A maker of period films that sought to introduce international audiences to his vision of Thai culture, his best-known work is the 1977 romance film Plae Kao (แผลเก่า,The Scar), which earned more box-office receipts than any Thai film before it. It won a prize at the 1981 Three Continents Festival in Nantes, France.


Cherd was born in Nakhon Si Thammarat Province (นครศรีธรรมราช). He was trained as a maker of nang talung (หนังตะลุง) shadow puppets, which were fashioned out of animal skins. He was also a school teacher in Uttaradit Province (อุตรดิตถ์) and then became an editor of publications for the Express Transportation Organization of Thailand. From there, he became an editor of the Movie and TV Weekly magazine of Lak Muang Daily newspaper. He wrote articles and short stories, as well as scripts for radio and television programs.

Norah (โนห์รา) in 1966 was his first film. He handled all aspects of its production, from script writing, to securing financing and shooting the picture. It was a method of work that he retained throughout his entire career. Another film was the comedy, Poh-pla-lai  (พ่อปลาไหล, starring Sombat Metanee (สมบัติ เมทะนี, 1937 - ). Both were the most successful Thai films of the 16-mm era.

Cherd studied filmmaking in the late 1960s at the University of California Los Angeles, and trained under director Walter Doniger at Burbank Studios.

His stay in the United States made him reflect on Thai culture and upon his return to Thailand, he established his own production company, Cherdchai, and set about making films that would present his concept of "Thainess" – idealized Thai values and culture of bygone years – to international audiences, making him the first Thai director to make films with international audiences in mind.

Films from this period include Khwam Rak (ความรัก, 1973) and Pho Kai Chae (พ่อไก่แจ้, 1975) and his most ambitious film, Plae Kao (แผลเก่า, The Scar) in 1977, starring Sorapong Chatree (สรพงษ์ ชาตรี, 1950 - ) and Nantana Ngaograjang.

The story of a tragic romance between two peasants in rural Thailand, Plae Kao was the biggest box-office hit up until that time in Thailand. It shared the Golden Montgolfiere at the Nantes Three Continents Festival with Eles Não Usam Black-Tie by Brazilian director Leon Hirszman. It was also voted as one of the world's 360 classic movies by the Museum of the Moving Image in London, Sight & Sound magazine and film directors and critics worldwide in 1998. The Scar was remade in 2002 as Kwan-Riam (ขวัญเรียม).

Some Thai critics said Cherd was promoting a stereotypical image of Thailand.

"When I produced Plae Chow, I used the slogan 'We must show Thai traditional style to the world'," Cherd told the Thai website Movieseer. "This produced a great deal of negative sentiment towards the picture, because some people believe that this is not a topic to be shown on film. I am a stubborn person though, and once I set my mind to including this in my films, well it's been in every film I have ever made. The press is always asking me when I will make a contemporary film, but now, no one is asking."

His subsequent films followed the same pattern as Plae Kao – romantic tragedies set against a backdrop of historical, rural Thailand. Among his other works are Puen Pang (เพื่อนแพง, 1987), about two sisters in love with the same man; Muen and Rid (อำแดงเหมือนกับนายริด, 1994), a true story from Rama IV-era Siam about a woman who petitioned King Mongkut to make equal rights for women; and Tawipob (ทวิภพ, 1990), the first film adaptation of a novel by Thommayanti (ทมยันตี, 1937 - ), about a modern-day socialite who time travels back to Rama V-era Siam and becomes involved in the political and diplomatic intrigue of the day.

Cherd directed and produced a total of 18 films. His last film, Khang Lang Phap (ข้างหลังภาพ, Behind the Painting) in 2001 was based on the classic Thai novel by Kulap Saipradit (กุหลาบ สายประดิษฐ์, 1905 - 1974). It was a remake of a 1970s film by another veteran Thai director, Piak Poster.

In addition to filmmaking, Cherd was an active attendee of major international film festivals, such as Cannes, Tokyo and Hong Kong.

Among projects that he had hoped to make were a biographical film of Thai statesman Pridi Phanomyong (ปรีดี พนมยงค์, 1900 - 1983) as well as a movie that "tells the truth" about King Mongkut and Anna Leonowens of The King and I and Anna and the King fame, films that are banned in Thailand because of their portrayal of the king.

He battled cancer the last four years of his life, writing the book, Bantuek (?) Kab Kwam-tai (นั่งคุยกับความตาย, A Diary of Death). He died at Ramathibodi Hospital in Bangkok.

Cherd was secretive about his age, saying he had stopped counting his birthdays at age 28. But in an obituary, The Nation reported he had been born in 1931.

  • Norah (โนห์รา, 1966)
  • Mekala (เมขลา, 1967)
  • Aka-taranee (อกธรณี, 1968)
  • Phayasok (พญาโศก, 1969)
  • Lampoo (ลำพู, 1970)
  • Kon Jai Bod (คนใจบอด, 1971)
  • Poh-pla-lai (พ่อปลาไหล, A Light in the Dark, 1972)
  • Khwam Rak (ความรัก,The Love, 1974)
  • Pho Kai Chae (พ่อไก่แจ้, 1976)
  • Plae Kao (แผลเก่า, The Scar) (1977)
  • Leud Suphan (เลือดสุพรรณ, 1979)
  • Poh Pla Lai (พ่อปลาไหล, 35mm remake, 1981)
  • Puen Pang (เพื่อนแพง, 1983)
  • Ploy Talay (พลอยทะเล, The Gem from the Deep, 1987)
  • Tawipob (ทวิภพ, Another World, 1990)
  • The Tree of Life (คน-ผู้ถามหาตนเอง, 1992)
  • Southern Winds (1993)
  • Amdaeng Muen kab nai Rid (อำแดงเหมือนกับนายริด, Muen and Rid) (1994)
  • Reun Mayura (เรือนมยุรา, House of the Peacock, 1996)
  • Khang lang phap (ข้างหลังภาพ, Behind the Painting) (2001)"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-06-06]

2006-05-23 - 2006-09-19

59. Kabinett: Thaksin (ทักษิณ) III


Es erscheint:

Editorial: No more room for incompetence. -- In: The Nation <Bangkok>. -- 2006-05-23

"The Fourth Army [อาคารส่วนที่ 4] must be thoroughly revamped and depoliticised if the war on Islamic insurgents is to be won

 Juling Pangamoon [
จูหลิง ปงกันมูล, 1979 - 2007], the 24-year-old schoolteacher who was brutally beaten by a frenzied mob in Friday's hostage drama in Narathiwat's [นราธิวาส] Rangae district [ระแงะ], has had hero status thrust upon her by a guilt-ridden society. She lies in a hospital bed in a coma from which she may never regain consciousness, when all she probably wanted to do was to lead a normal life and perform her duty as a humble schoolteacher to the best of her ability.

The last thought that crossed her mind while being repeatedly beaten and kicked by her merciless captors must have been one of hopelessness on realising that no one would come to her rescue in her most desperate hour of need.

The armed forces once again brought shame upon themselves with their unsoldier-like vacillation and, perhaps, even cowardice, in a hostage situation that called for decisive leadership, prompt action and even the ultimate sacrifice, if it came to that.

Army Commander-in-Chief Sonthi Boonyaratklin [สนธิ บุณยรัตกลิน, 1946 - ] had to publicly express deep regret and apologise to the families of Juling and the other teacher assaulted for the Fourth Army's failure to rescue them, as the Army had ample time and manpower to conduct a rescue operation during the teachers' two-hour ordeal.

Rescuing hostages held by a mostly unarmed mob should not be too difficult a task for a small, well-trained Army unit to carry out with minimal or no casualties. It is disturbing to learn that a sizeable Army patrol unit was on standby in the proximity of the school where the two teachers were held and tortured. They waited, doing nothing, for instructions from higher-ups that never came and the requested reinforcement from a nearby Army installation that took two hours to travel a distance that should have taken them half an hour. By the time they arrived the mob had dispersed after beating Juling and her colleague, who sustained less serious injuries.

It is shocking to learn that even at this advanced stage in the fight against Islamic militants/separatist insurgents in the deep South, which covers predominantly Muslim Pattani [ปัตตานี], Narathiwat [นราธิวาส] and Yala [ยะลา] provinces, the Fourth Army continues to be weighed down by weak leadership, incompetence, poor morale and lack of preparedness to deal with emergencies like hostage situations, let alone the readiness or the will to engage insurgents.

It may well be true that the reluctance to use force even in hostage situations, where it is justifiable in a rescue attempt, has something to do with the atrocity committed by the Fourth Army in which 78 Muslim protesters died of suffocation after being tied up and crammed into crowded transport vehicles. The Army has yet to be brought to account for the incident, which took place in October 2004 following a riot in Narathiwat's Tak Bai district [ตากใบ]. Instead of being haunted by this past mistake, the Fourth Army must own up to it and punish the personnel responsible for the brutality so that it can turn over a new leaf and become an effective professional fighting force that strictly adheres to respect for human rights.

But there are plenty of lessons that the Fourth Army commanders, whose responsibility it is to combat Islamic insurgents in the deep South, could have learned but obviously have not.

After all, the current war between the government and Islamic insurgents that has killed more than 1,000 people in the past two years was sparked by a daring raid in January 2004 on an Army installation of battalion strength by almost 100 insurgents. The battalion was overrun, four soldiers were killed and the arms depot ransacked. The insurgents got away with hundreds of automatic rifles.

The position of Fourth Army commander has changed hands three times since then - a span of less than two-and-a-half years. Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has kept former and current Fourth Army commanders on a short leash, which explains why, instead of being allowed to discharge their duties in a professional manner, they must always wait for instructions from their political masters at Government House. Without a thorough revamp of the Fourth Army leadership and dramatic improvement in its battle readiness, the Army will be fighting a losing war against the Islamic insurgents."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-03-16. -- Fair use]

2006-05-30 - 2009-02-12

Michael Hayden (1945 - ) ist Direktor des CIA.

Abb.: Michael Hayden, 2006
[Bildquelle: CIA / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Kwanchai Phraiphana (ขวัญชัย ไพรพนา) in einem Community Radio in Udon Thani (อุดรธานี):

"These people [chasing Thaksin away] must be burnt, using used car tires, kill them, go to surround their houses or shops. (Kwanchai Phraiphana, Khluen Muanchon Samphan Radio, June 2006)

Kwanchai Phraiphana [ขวัญชัย ไพรพนา] and a community radio station in Udon Thani [อุดรธานี] fiercely supported Thaksin. Kwanchai mobilized people to break up PAD’s [People's Alliance for Democracy - พันธมิตรประชาชนเพื่อประชาธิปไตย; aka. Gelbhemden - เสื้อเหลือง] attempt to stage a rally in the province. He sent out application forms for people to become members of the "Love Udon Thani People’s Forum." He organized parties to travel to Bangkok, Laos and Dubai to meet and give moral support to Thaksin.

Kwanchai was a native of Suphanburi [สุพรรณบุรี]. After completing elementary education, he traveled around to seek his fortune. He worked as a comedian with a country music band, and was in the troupe of a famous singer Sayan Sanya [สายัณห์ สัญญา, 1953 - 2013] when he was at the height of his career. Later he ran a country music program on a popular Udon Thani radio station, playing Sayan Sanya songs interspersed with advertising. When the PAD started their demonstrations against Thaksin in 2005, he gave support to Thaksin through the radio and helped to found the Love Udon Thani People’s Forum.

Kwanchai moved closely with the MPs, local politicians, senior bureaucrats and police, and business figures in Udon. Through his morning-time radio show, he helped to construct Udon as a "capital" of the Red Shirts by persistently attacking and issuing threats against businessmen and officials who openly opposed Thaksin. An online newspaper reported that he incited people to surround the house and gold shop of the PAD leader in the town. When PAD attempted to hold a rally in the province, Kwanchai and others led a group of some thousand people to break up the rally, resulting in 22 people being injured, two seriously. On other occasions he led groups to blockade an attempt by two PAD leaders to hold an anti-Thaksin rally in Udon, and an attempt by Udon PAD leaders to hold a press conference in Bangkok. After the 2006 coup he lay low in Laos for a time, before returning to help organize pro-Thaksin demonstrations in Bangkok. He joined the Red Shirt demonstrations against the Abhisit government both in April 2009 and in April—May 2010.

Like other local Red Shirt leaders, Kwanchai claimed to have a special relationship with Thaksin: he could talk to Thaksin directly on the phone, or ring his secretary or relatives. Such claims enhanced Kwanchai’s image in the locality, but also provoked opposition. Kwanchai also angered people by claiming that he had personally provided 20 million baht to buy land and build a center for the Love Udon Thani Peoples Forum whereas others claimed the money had come from a fund-raising dinner. Local groups attacked Kwanchai over this and other issues on online media.

Some time after the 2006 coup, certain villages in the northeast declared themselves as "Red Shirt villages. " The movement gathered momentum over 2010—11, and by June 2011 there were reported to be over 320 such villages in the provinces of Udon Thani and Khon Kaen [ขอนแก่น] alone. Kwanchai disagreed with the idea of Red Shirt villages on grounds that the reputation of the Red Shirts would be damaged by association with drugs and other illegal activities in these villages. Kwanchai was increasingly in conflict with other Red Shirt groups in the province, including his earlier supporters.

After the Yingluck government was installed in July 2011, the Red Shirts adopted a more conciliatory stance. On the occasion of the King’s birthday in December 2011, a leading Red Shirt composed a song for the King, and several Red Shirt leaders made a recording at the Asia Update studios in Imperial Lat Phrao, with Thaksin joining the singing by phone. Kwanchai joined this trend, leading a group of 999 Red Shirts from 20 provinces entering the monkhood to make merit for the King’s seventh cycle. Kwanchai announced on this occasion, "I as a royally sponsored monk will adhere to the thamma and pray for His Majesty every day. " Tensions returned, however, when opponents began street demonstrations in Bangkok in October 2013 aimed at bringing down the Yingluck government. On January 23, 2014, Kwanchai Praipana was shot and injured in the shoulder and leg. A day earlier, he had criticized an official who claimed the "men in black" that provoked violence during the 2010 protests were foreign militia, and had offered a reward of 300, 000 baht (about US$17, 000) for anyone who could capture Suthep Thaugsuban [สุเทพ เทือกสุบรรณ, 1949 - ], the leader of the anti-Yingluck street protests."

[Quelle: Ukrist Pathmanand [อุกฤษฏ์ ปัทมานันท์]. -- In: Unequal Thailand : aspects of income, wealth and power / ed. by Pasuk Phongpaichit [ผาสุก พงษ์ไพจิตร, 1946 - ] and Chris Baker [1948 - ]. -- Singapore: NUS, 20116. -- 186 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-981-4722-00-1. -- Originaltitel: สู่สังคมไทยเสมอหน้า (2014). -- S. 154ff. -- Faire use]


Premiere des Films Noo Hin: The Movie (หนูหิ่น เดอะ มูฟวี่) von Komgrit Triwimol (คมกฤษ ตรีวิมล, 1973 - )

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Noo Hin: The Movie (Thai: หนูหิ่น เดอะ มูฟวี่) is a 2006 comedy film based on a popular Thai comic book and graphic novel series about a plucky domestic worker from Isan (อีสาน) who's working for an upper class family in Bangkok. It was directed by Komgrit Triwimol (คมกฤษ ตรีวิมล, 1973 - ) and co-produced by Nonzee Nimibutr (นนทรีย์ นิมิบุตร, 1962 - ) with a screenplay by Kongdej Jaturanarasamee (คงเดช จาตุรันต์รัศมี, 1972 - ).


Noo Hin (หนูหิ่น)is a young woman living in Ubon Ratchathani (อุบลราชธานี) in Northeast Thailand, and as the story opens, she is hunting for something to eat, and she spots a lizard (an animated character), which she chases throughout the countryside, causing a stampede of water buffalo and disrupting a village fair.

Noo Hin, it seems, is a constant troublemaker in the village, which as is typical for Isan is poor, with few prospects for jobs or a productive rice crop. Because Noo Hin is essentially useless, she must be sent to Bangkok to earn money in a factory.

Her departure at the railway station is a cause for celebration. Even the village band turns out to add to festivities.

As she rides on the train, Noo Hin imagines getting a job in a glamorous factory, making trendy bags, T-shirts and shoes. Her fantasy is acted out in a musical song-and-dance number. But at the employment agency, all that's left is a job in a rat-trap factory, which is horrifying to Noo Hin.

But as luck has it, an attractive, tall and large-breasted young woman strides into the agency looking for a new maid, and Noo Hin gets the job.

The young woman's name is Milk (มิลค์), which Noo Hin thinks is funny for some reason.

Noo Hin has troubles adapting to the city right from the start. She has never used a seatbelt in a car before. She is given some insect spray to get rid of bugs in her room. Its odor is pleasing, so she sprays so much that she faints from the fumes.

She also can't understand why Milk and her older sister, Som-O (ส้มโอ) (Pomelo), are so obsessed with their appearance. Som-O is especially concerned, and is constantly exercising, using a piece of equipment or a vibrating belt she hopes will melt away any fat that might be on her waistline. Noo Hin is further mystified by the behavior of urban women, who fight over items in sales bins at Siam Center (สยามเซ็นเตอร์) and use whitening cream to make their underarms sparkle.

The house is bigger than the provincial government building back home, but the resourceful Noo Hin settles in, wearing dust-mops on her feet, a head-dress of feather dusters and twirling a broom as she whips things into shape during another song-and-dance number.

Noo Hin also has time for romance, meeting Tong (ทอง), who she sees at the house next door, working in the garden. She strikes up a friendship with him and makes him her special som tam (ຕໍາສົ້ມ/ส้มตำ). She is disappointed to find out later, however, that he is actually the son of the home's owners, and not a gardener from Isan.

With the housework in order and the family happy, Noo Hin sets her sights on her next project – making Milk and Som-O famous. So Noo Hin secretly enters both the girls in a "super model" contest, an idea that Milk and Som-O are angry about at first, but their social-climbing mother soon warms up to it.

At the contest, the girls catch the eye of a French designer's assistant, much to the dismay of jealous supermodel Sonia (โชเนีย). But the event is marred when Noo Hin catches a young man snapping mobile phone camera pictures of Milk in her dressing room. Noo Hin accuses the man, but he turns out to be the son of an influential member of society (a hi-so, in Thai slang), and the case is swept under the rug and Noo Hin forced to apologize.

Still, both Milk and Som-O are sought after by the French designer, and as the sisters are being driven to another modeling appointment, they are kidnapped and held in a love hotel. Noo Hin, meanwhile, is spirited away to a sweatshop factory where Isan women are forced to sew stuffed animals under the supervision of men in black to the beat of a DJ playing techno.

Eventually, Noo Hin is able to charm one of the guards (who turns out to be an Isan native) and mount a rescue of the enslaved factory workers, while neighbor Tong tracks down Milk's and Som-O's whereabouts. They make it to the modelling engagement in time, only to be confronted by supermodel Sonia, who it turns out was the mastermind of the kidnapping. She is further exposed in front of the fashion designer, when it is revealed that she wears silicone falsies.

Milk and Som-O are then chosen to be the lead models for a new line of clothes by the French designer, which it turn out, have been inspired by Noo Hin's indigenous wardrobe. They are to be flown to France for further assignments, and Noo Hin will go along with them, likely stirring up trouble wherever she goes.

  • Rungrawan Tonahongsa (รุ้งลาวัลย์ โทนะหงษา, 1979 - ) as Noo Hin (หนูหิ่น)
  • Kochakorn Suppakarnkitjakul (??) (ธัญยกันต์ ธนกิตติ์ธนานนท์, 1986 - ) as Milk (มิลค์)
  • Panisa Buacharoen (ปาณิศา บัวเจริญ, 1982 - ) as Som-O (ส้มโอ)
  • Adisorn Insee (อดิศร อินทรีย์) as Tong (ทอง)
  • Nahatai Lekbumrung (ณหทัย เล็กบำรุง) as Sonia (โชเนีย)

Created around 1994 by cartoonist Padung Kraisri (ผดุง ไกรศรี), Noo Hin is a loyal, hard-working domestic worker from Ubon Ratchathani (where Padung Kraisri also hails from). The character first appeared in the Banlue Sarn (บรรลือสาส์น) company’s monthly comic book Cartoon Maha Sanook (การ์ตูนมหาสนุก), In 2004, Noo Hin was spun off into her own series of graphic novels (called "pocket book" in Thailand), Noo Hin Inter, a black-and-white publication that sells for 12 baht and the full-color Noo Hin in the City, which sells for 50 baht. They are published by Vithita Animation.[2]

Noo Hin’s name in her northeastern Thai dialect suggests a bad smell. She is short with a square face and flat nose – in complete contrast to her employer, Milk, who is tall, with a round face, pointed nose, and light skin, with a name that suggests whiteness and purity.

The humorous situations are usually slapstick in nature have mostly have to do with Noo Hin's ignorance of modern, urban life. But Noo Hin always prevails, thanks to her traditional, rural wisdom and resourcefulness. If she has a superpower, it's an ability to make a delicious som tam and wield her pungent fish sauce (น้ำปลา) as a secret weapon.

In addition, both Milk and her older sister, Som-O (Pomelo), have exaggerated breasts, which is similar to characters in Japanese manga (漫画), but the Noo Hin comics are not pornographic nor do they contain violence or sexual innuendo.

Actresses Kochakorn Suppakarnkitjakul and Panisa Buacharoen, who portrayed Milk and Som-O, respectively, wore silicone falsies to boost up their breast sizes, but some fans of the comic complained that the character's breasts weren't prominent enough, compared to the characters in the comic.


The movie was received poorly by audiences and critics in Thailand. Distributor Sahamongkol Film International hoped to earn 80 million baht. But after a strong opening weekend in which it earned 22 million baht, it left cinemas after earning just 51.8 million. The movie was budgeted at 40 million baht. This was despite the movie being based on a popular comic, having a director who had directed two hit films (Komgrit Triwimol who co-directed Fan Chan (แฟนฉัน, 2003) and his solo debut Dear Dakanda (เพื่อนสนิท, 2005) and a well-known screenwriter (Kongdej Jaturanrasamee), and produced by an influential filmmaker, Nonzee Nimibutr. A lack of cohesion in the storytelling and inexperienced actors were cited the main reasons for the disappointing results.[3]


A soundtrack album of music from film was released by Sony BMG Music Entertainment (Thailand). It includes mor lam (หมอลำ) and pop songs sung by popular singer-actress Janet Kiew (เจเน็ท เขียว) and composed for the film by Kongdej Jaturanrasamee (คงเดช จาตุรันต์รัศมี, 1972 - ), as well as tracks by the movie's leading actress Rungrawan Tonahongsa (รุ้งลาวัลย์ โทนะหงษา, 1979 - ) and Tata Young (ทาทา ยัง, 1980 - ."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-03-24]


Premiere des Films Ruk Jung (รักจัง) von Haeman Chatemee (เหมันต์ เชตมี)

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Ruk Jung (Thai: รักจัง; RTGS: Rak Chang; English title The Memory; literal translation, "So Much Love") is a 2006 Thai romantic-comedy film directed by Haeman Chatemee (เหมันต์ เชตมี) and starring "Film" Ratchaphoom Tokongsup ("ฟิล์ม" ฐภูมิ โตคงทรัพย์, 1984 - ) and Paula Taylor (พอลล่า เทเลอร์, 1983 - ).


Superstar singer Film (ฟิล์ม) is involved in a car accident in the rural, remote mountain forests of northern Thailand. He is rescued by some hill tribe people, but because he has amnesia, he can't remember who he is. A paparazza named Jaa (จ๋า) has followed Film. Before the accident, Film and Jaa were enemies, but now he thinks that she is someone he might have loved in his past life brought back to him by the legendary fireflies.

  • Ratchaphoom Tokongsup (รัฐภูมิ โตคงทรัพย์, 1984 - ) as Film (ฟิล์ม)
  • Paula Taylor (พอลล่า เทเลอร์, 1983 - ) as Jaa (จ๋า)
  • Duangrudee Boonbumroong (ดวงฤดี บุญบำรุง) as Aaloo (อาลู่)
  • Somphong Kunapratom (สมพงษ์ คุนาประถม, 1978 - ) as Lawsoo (ลอซู)
  • Khwannapa Reuangsri (ดวงฤดี บุญบำรุง) as Aalaa (อาล่า)
  • 2007 Thailand National Film Association Awards (รางวัลภาพยนตร์แห่งชาติ สุพรรณหงส์) – Best cinematography2

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-03-24]


Matichon Raiwan (มติชนรายวัน) prägt den Neologismus ตุลาการภิวัตน์ (judicialization) für die neue "Mode", Politik durch Gerichte entscheiden zu lassen.


Die Verteidigungsminister der USA und Vietnams beraten in Hanoi über den Ausbau der militärischen Beziehungen beider Länder. Sie unterzeichnen ein Abkommen über den Austausch medizinischen Personals und Sprachschulung. US-Verteidigungsminister Donald Rumsfeld dementiert, dass die USA in Vietnam eine Militärbasis errichten möchten.

Abb.: US-Verteidigungsminister Donald Rumsfeld mit Verteidigungsminister Phạm Văn Trà, Hanoi, 2006-06-05
[Bildquelle: Petty Officer 1st Class Chad J. McNeeley / US Navy / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Lage von Hanoi (Vietnam)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Der Generalsekretär der Laotischen Revolutionären Volkspartei (ພັກປະຊາຊົນປະຕິວັດລາວ), Choummaly Sayasone (ຈູມມະລີ ໄຊຍະສອນ, 1936 - ) wird Präsident von Laos. Bouasone Bouphavanh (บัวสอน บุบผาวัน, 1954 - ) wird (bis 2010-12-23) Premierminister.

Abb.: Laos
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Choummaly Sayasone (ຈູມມະລີ ໄຊຍະສອນ) (rechts) mit Ministerpräsident Abhisit (อภิสิทธิ์ เวชชาชีวะ), 2009-12-09
The Official Site of The Prime Minister of Thailand Photo by พีรพัฒน์ วิมลรังครัตน์. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-01-22. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

Abb.: Bouasone Bouphavanh (บัวสอน บุบผาวัน), 2010
[Bildquelle: World Economic Forum / Ms. Sikarin Thanachaiary. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-01-22. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


60jähriges Krönungsjubiläum des Königs. Es kommt Hochadel aus 25 Ländern, darunter 13 Monarchen, vier königliche Gattinnen, 6 Kronprinzen. Hunderttausende jubeln dem König zu.

Abb.: Seine Majestät, 2007-12-05
[Bildquelle: boonkumnoun. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

Abb.: Briefmarkenserie zum 60. Thronjubiläum, 2006
[Bildquelle: Tom Marshall. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-03-14. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: 60-Baht-Schein zum Thronjubiläum 2006
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia]

Abb.: Königliches Emblem zum 60. Thronjubiläum

"The Royal Ceremonial Emblem on the 60th Anniversary of His Majesty the King's Accession to the Throne. There are soft yellow on the Thai letters Bhor Por Ror. The yellow color of the letters is the color of His Majesty's day of birth and a gold color has been a line around with mixing between blue and gold background. Also there are diamonds around that mean a man of learning, poet laureate and famous craftsman. Therefore king seems to be one diamond of Thai people that mean the top of precious stone.

His Majesty the King's initials, placed under the Royal Crown There are 5 symbols, a crown, a chaisri royal sword, a king’s walking stick, his fan, his shoes that mean Anniversary of His Majesty the King's Accession to the Throne, below The Royal Ceremonial Emblem on the 60th Anniversary of His Majesty the King's Accession have been on pink silk and on the right has a monkey, on the left has a garuda in the end of it.

All of The Royal Ceremonial Emblems have to be mixing between green and gold color that mean power and fertile."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-01-14]



Date Time Ceremony Place
Thursday, 8 June 17.00 hours The merit making royal ceremony in dedication to the royal ancestors Amarin Winitchai Throne Hall (พระที่นั่งอมรินทรวินิจฉัยมไหสูรยพิมาน)
Friday, 9 June 09.00–17.00 hours The letting of the public paying of homage to the royal ancestors Phra Thep Bidon Hall, Wat Phra Si Rattanasatsadaram (วัดพระศรีรัตนศาสดาราม)
10.00 hours The homage paying royal ceremony in dedication to the royal ancestors Anantasamakhom Throne Hall (พระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม)
HM The King Bhumibol Adulyadej and HM The Queen Sirikit holding the grand audience Balcony of Anantasamakhom Throne Hall
Saturday, 10 June 17.00 hours The 60th Year on Throne Anniversary Royal Celebrations:
  • The establishment of ecclesiastical ranks
  • The religious ceremonies
  • The throne celebrating walking ceremony
Amarin Winitchai Throne Hall
Monday, 12 June 16.00 hours HM The King Bhumibol Adulyadej and HM The Queen Sirikit, as well as members of the royal household, welcoming the visiting monarchs Anantasamakhom Throne Hall
18.30 hours The monarchs inspecting the Royal Projects Exhibition and the Royal Barge Procession (กระบวนพยุหยาตราชลมารค) The Royal Thai Navy's Auditorium, and Ratchanawikasapha (Royal Thai Navy Hall)
Tuesday, 13 June 19.30 hours Royal Banquet Borommaratchasathit Maholan Hall, Grand Palace (พระบรมมหาราชวัง)

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-06-05]

Aus der adeligen Gästeliste:

Abb.: Bei den Feierlichkeiten vertretene Monarchien (Kleinststaaten sind nicht eingezeichnet)
[Bildquelle: Zntrip / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

Run auf gelbe T-Shirts. Sie kosten bis zu 600 Baht. Das Handelsministerium droht Wucherern mit Haft bis zu 7 Jahren.


In einem vertraulichen Telegramm beschreibt der US-Botschafter Ralph “Skip” Boyce (1952 - ) die Feierlichkeiten:

"The multi-day gala offered dramatic and often times moving evidence of the nation’s respect and adoration for its monarch... While the Thai people’s respect and reverence for the 78 year old monarch is often cited, the weekend’s celebration was a rare occasion to see — and feel — the depths of this sentiment in person. In contrast to the tens of thousands who have rallied against and in support of the Thaksin government, the King’s public address on Friday at [the] throne hall inspired an estimated one million Thai to brave the mid-day sun to listen to their “father” speak... Much of the audience had camped out since the evening before... All local television stations carried the same live feed of each event,
which featured crowd shots of attendees alternately crying and smiling. Late night television shifted to cover the opening of the World Cup, but even this event was colored by the King's celebration: a newspaper cartoon explained that most Thai people were cheering for Brazil because the Brazilians wear yellow uniforms.

"In a shot heavy with unintentional meaning on Friday, the television broadcast showed the unpopular Crown Prince reading a message of congratulations to the King, who was seated on the royal balcony above the Prince. Just visible behind the King, however, was the smiling face of Princess Sirindhorn [มหาจักรีสิรินธร, 1955 - ] – the widely respected “intellectual heir” of the monarch – chatting with her sisters and trying to take a picture of the adoring crowd below. The physical distance between the King and his legal heir far below, and his beloved daughter just behind him, captured the internal family dynamic — and the future of the monarchy — quite nicely."

"Prime Minister Thaksin was front and center for much of the festivities: greeting foreign guests, and reading a congratulatory message for the King on behalf of the caretaker government. In an unfortunate bit of timing, the television camera covering the opening ceremony on Friday panned on the PM just as he was checking his watch. Aside from this minor gaffe – not mentioned in the newspapers, yet – the PM's personal perspective on the celebration remains unclear. Thaksin recently told the Ambassador that his own popularity in the countryside is seen by the palace as threatening to the King’s popular standing. After this weekend’s massive, unprecedented display of public adoration for the monarch, however, one hopes that Thaksin has a firm enough grasp of reality to reconsider this idea."

[WikiLeaks, zitiert in: Marshall, Andrew MacGregor <1971 - >: #thaihistory : Thailand's moment of truth ; a secret history of 21st century Siam. -- o.O. : zenjournalist, 2011.]


Anlässlich der Jubiläumsfeierlichkeiten veröffentlicht das Information Center The Sixtieth Anniversary Celebrations of His Majesty's Accession to the Throne The Government Public Relations Department vielerlei, u.a.:

"Ten Guiding Principles to Follow in the Royal Footsteps
Since his accession to the throne in 1946, 60 years ago this year, His Majesty the King has firmly adhered to the Ten Guiding Principles for a King, defined as the virtues of a righteous ruler. Thus, all royal activities are meant to bring maximum benefits to the people, and peace and happiness to the land.
The Ten Guiding Principles for a King are:

Dana - giving help to those who need help
Sila – self conduct
Paricaga – giving up something of lesser use
Ajava – straightness
Maddava – gentleness
Tapa – perseverance
Akkodha – non anger
Avihimsa – not causing injury
Khanti – endurance
Avirodhana – not going wrong
His Majesty sets himself as a model in following strictly the Ten Guiding Principles for a King. The Office of the Civil Service Commission has compiled the principles adhered to by His Majesty the King for government officials to follow in their capacity as the ones who serve the king, and for people of all professions and all walks of life to follow in the royal footsteps.

Abb.: Einbandtitel

A close aide to His Majesty, Dr. Sumeth Tantivejkul [สุเมธ ตันติเวชกุล, 1939 - ], Secretary-General of the Chaipattana Foundation [มูลนิธิชัยพัฒนา], enunciated the ten principles in the book “Dhamma to Observe in the Royal Footsteps” [หลักธรรม หลักทำ ตามรอยพระยุคลบาท. -- 2549 [= 2006]. -- 35 S.] as follows:

  1. Firstly, working as an enlightened, with recognized accomplishment

    His Majesty emphasizes “knowledge” or enlightenment in all undertakings. He seeks information through all means before implementing any project, studying from documents, persons, and organizations. He carries out the project when thorough studies are made. This can be emanated in all undertakings.
  2. Secondly, perseverance, determination, upholding Dhamma, and the right path

    Throughout the past 60 years of his reign, His Majesty the King upholds righteousness above everything else. He also perseveres to overcome various obstacles. His Majesty once remarked that generally, the society would be structured as a pyramid, with the king on top. But in the Thai society, that pyramid was upside down and the king found himself at the bottom instead. Dr. Sumeth remarked in the book “Dhamma to Observe in the Royal Footsteps” that “Therefore, when it comes to perseverance, just keep your eyes on His Majesty the King and follow his examples.”
  3. Thirdly, modesty, simplicity and economizing

    The familiar royal portrait for the Thai people is that of His Majesty in simple attire, with a camera slung around his neck, documents in his hands, bending down to hear the tales of woes from his subjects, discussing solutions to the problems. He is always seated among his people at the same level, not above them.
  4. Fourthly, upholding the interest of the majority

    Throughout the past 60 years, His Majesty the King has always upheld public interest, working tirelessly in remote areas. Dr. Sumeth said in the book “Dhamma to Observe in the Royal Footsteps” that: “ I once humbly asked His Majesty for his blessing, telling him that it was my birthday. His Majesty gave this blessing: “May you be in good health, so that you could be of help to others. May you enjoy working, and may you get full satisfaction from the success achieved.”
  5. Fifthly, opening to others’ views and respecting opinions that differ from ours.

    In the same book, Dr. Sumeth related that “On his royal birthday anniversary in 2003, His Majesty the King warned all sides to consult with one another, listening to other people’s views, while stating one’s own reasons. Consideration should then be given to all those reasons, to see which one is more acceptable. When agreed, all arguments should stop, and implementation then starts. Especially, whatever we do, we should think of our “home,” that is, the country, this land of the Thais, the most.”
  6. Sixthly, determination and studiousness

    His Majesty the King is steadfast in his undertakings, working with no weekends, no days or nights. He also excels in various areas of interest, such as music, sports, agriculture and others. Office holders, government officials in particular, should work diligently and with public interest as the ultimate aim.
  7. Seventhly, honesty and gratitude

    His Majesty is a true model of a grateful son, to his mother, and to the land. He has also shown gratitude to all contributing factors to the country’s stability and progress and has emphasized this essential value in human life in his royal addresses.
  8. Eighthly, self-reliance, lending support to good and competent persons

    Self-reliance, or sufficiency economy, has been defined as the middle path, and simple life, an important economic theory granted by His Majesty the King to the Thai people to counter hardship after the economic collapse. Dr. Sumeth said in the book “Dhamma to Observe in the Royal Footsteps” that: “Regarding sufficiency economy, His Majesty the King said that the key word is “sufficiency”. Each and every one has to define the level of sufficiency for him- or herself, and to uphold that standard.”
  9. Ninthly, love and care for the people

    His Majesty the King loves his people, and works for them. He once told Dr. Sumeth that what he had been doing were royal duties. Therefore, government officials who claim to be in the royal service, must serve His Majesty by means of alleviating his burden, in the love of the people, and working for the people.
  10. Tenthly, kind concerns for one another

    In the mentioned book, Dr. Sumeth quoted His Majesty the King as saying that “Do you know how the Thai nation survived all the events? It is because the Thais still “give” to one another.” The Thai family institution remains strong. The ties extend to community and the society at large. Government officials still serve the people, and everyone stands ready to lend a helping hand to others. Such situation is rarely found elsewhere in the world."

His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej has set himself as a model in all aspects. It has been pointed out that the society would thrive in peace and harmony if all members observe the ten principles in royal footsteps."


Agence France-Press (AFP) zitiert die 39jährige Yupa Yimyoh:

"Yupa Yimyoh, 39, said she wanted to see Bhumibol again, having last seen the king and Queen Sirikit in her rural hometown 10 years ago.

"I feel like their majesties are not ordinary people. Their skin looks like gold, and when they left the building to see people outside, the sunshine suddenly disappeared and we felt more comfortable after waiting outdoors for a long time to see them," she recalled. "


Die Joe Louis Theatre Troupe (หุ่นละครเล็ก (โจหลุยส์) - Hun Lakorn Lek (Joe Louis), jetzt: Nattayasala Hun Lakorn Lek (Joe Louis) - นาฏยศาลาหุ่นละครเล็ก (โจหลุยส์)) gewinnt beim 10th World Festival of Puppet Art in Prag (Tschechien) den Preis für die beste traditionelle Aufführung.

Abb.: Lage von Prag (Tschechien)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Hanuman, Thai Puppet Theatre Joe Louis - นาฏยศาลาหุ่นละครเล็ก (โจหลุยส์), 2007
[Bildquelle: Jose Luis Olivares. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]


The Christian Science Monitor (USA): The King and Thai / von Simon Montalake

But, while King Bhumibol's public appearances grow fewer, his cult of personality is undiminished. Elsewhere, this might be called propaganda. But Thais universally see it differently. "The king does everything for us. He really loves Thailand and his citizens," waxes Anavach Ongvasith [
อนวัช องค์วาสิฎฐ์]
, an executive at Major Cineplex.

Last year, Major Cineplex asked director Rashane Limtrakul [ราเชนทร์ ลิ้มตระกูล, 1968 - ] to produce a new presidential salute. His lavish minute-plus film is about a Buddhist king rescued from stormy seas by a goddess. "I wanted to make people remember why you stand up [for the king at theaters]," he explains. Instead of ending on the customary image of the king, the film shows the royal family, with the crown prince in a prominent position.

A subtle way of preparing moviegoers for the inevitable royal succession? No, says Mr. Anavach: "We try to remind people to love the royal family. It's not only the king.""


Terroristen lassen an verschiedenen Orten der südlichsten Provinzen gleichzeitig 50 Bomben explodieren. Dabei werden mindesten drei Personen getötet und sehr viele verletzt.


Der Kronprinz Bhutans, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk (འཇིགས་མེད་གེ་སར་རྣམ་རྒྱལ་དབང་ཕྱུག་, 1980 - ), bezaubert die Thai-Frauen. Der Prinz kam nach Thailand zu den Feierlichkeiten des 60jährigen Kronjubiläums des Königs.

Abb.: Lage von Bhutan
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lässt Thailands Frauenherzen höher schlagen: Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuk (འཇིགས་མེད་གེ་སར་རྣམ་རྒྱལ་དབང་ཕྱུག)
Royal Family of Bhutan /Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Seine Majestät, der König erhält aus der Hand seiner Majestät, König Carl XVI. Gustaf Folke Hubertus Bernadotte von Schweden, Ehrenpräsident der World Scout Foundation, den "Bronze  Wolf for outstanding services to the Scout Movement".

Abb.: Seine Majestät, König Carl XVI. Gustaf Folke Hubertus Bernadotte von Schweden, überreicht Seiner Majestät, พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรมินทรมหาภูมิพลอดุลยเดช สยามินทราธิราช บรมนาถบพิตร, den Bronze Wolf, 2006-06-20


Es erscheint:

Prem disagrees with proposed use of Malay as official language. -- In: The Nation <Bangkok>. -- 2006-06-25

"President of the Privy Council [คณะองคมนตรีไทย] General Prem Tinsulanonda [เปรม ติณสูลานนท์, 1920 - ]  Sunday said he disagreed with a suggestion made by the now defunct National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) [คณะกรรมการอิสระเพื่อความสมานฉันท์แห่งชาติ (กอส.)] to have Malay as an additional working language in the deep South.

"We cannot accept that [proposal] as we are Thai. The country is Thai and the language is Thai. So we have to make efforts to learn Thai and [everyone should have a uniform] command with the rest of the Kingdom," he said.

Prem who was the architects of a anti-violent policy in the South during his term as prime minister from 1980 to 1988, was in Pattani Sunday to meet religious and community leaders as well as Muslim youths as part of a programme to bring peace to the area.

"We have to be proud to be Thai and have the Thai language as the sole national language,"

Prem told locals at the gathering.

The NRC, chaired by former prime minister Anand Panyarachun [อานันท์ ปันยารชุน, 1932 - ], had proposed in its final report that was submitted to government on June 5 that using Malay as a working language could help to reconcile people in the region, the majority of whom are ethnic Malay.

The commission also proposed that the army to install an "unarmed unit" to use peaceful methods to contain violence and pursue "dialogue" with militants that had sparked a wave of violence since the start of 2004."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-03-16. -- Fair use]


Premiere des Films Khan Kluay (ก้านกล้วย) von Kantana Animation (กันตนา แอนิเมชั่น). Es ist der erste computer-animierte 3-D Thai-Film.

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Khan Kluay (Thai: ก้านกล้วย; RTGS: Kan Kluai; pronounced [kâːn klûai]) is a 2006 Thai computer-animated feature film set during Ayutthaya-era (อาณาจักรอยุธยา) Siam about an elephant who wanders away from his mother and eventually becomes the war elephant for King Naresuan (สมเด็จพระนเรศวรมหาราช). It is based on "Chao Praya Prab Hongsawadee" (เจ้าพระยาปราบหงสาวดี) by Ariya Jintapanichkarn.

It was officially released as Jumbo in India and The Blue Elephant in the United States.

There is a sequel to this movie, known as "Khan Kluay 2" This movie is about Khan Kluay's two elephant children, another attack by the Hongsawadi (Burmese), and struggling whether to live with his wife or fight the Burmese.


When Khan Kluay is born, his grandmother notes that his back is "gently sloped like a banana stalk...I suppose that is what I should name you: 'Khan Kluay'". Khan Kluay is Thai for "banana stalk".

As a young elephant, Khan Kluay is taunted by the other elephants because he is fatherless. Naturally, Khan Kluay is curious about his father, and he's told that his father is a war elephant for the king.

Because of this, Khan Kluay wants to find his father. As he was still a young elephant, he wanders off to begin his search. He is soon captured by a Burmese raiding party. In trying to escape from the Burmese camp, the young elephant is befriended by a Siamese boy prince, Naresuan, who has been ransomed to the Burmese. Naresuan has the ability to calm Khan Kluay into thinking clearly, and Khan Kluay makes his escape.

A weakened Khan Kluay then comes upon a village where humans and elephants are working together. He is befriended by a young female elephant, Chaba-Kaew, but is then chained up until he is tamed. Khan Kluay soon learns to value the humans who have captured him. Under the training of a wise, old mahout, he becomes bigger and stronger.

A local warlord comes around annually to collect taxes from the village, and his taxes have become greedier and heavier each year. The village rebels, and with the humans and elephants working together, the warlord and his beasts are defeated.

The call then goes out from the king of Siam for elephants. Khan Kluay is taken to the palace. There, he is seen by his mother, who calls out to him. Khan Kluay goes wild in trying to break free from his chains to meet his mother. Naresuan notices this, and remembers that he is Khan Kluay from his boyhood. The king is able to calm Khan Kluay, and from then on Khan Kluay serves as the personal war elephant of the king.

In battle, Khan Kluay meets a giant Burmese war elephant with fiery eyes, who was responsible for the death of Khan Kluay's father, and due to this, Khan Kluay gets a chance to acquit himself in battle for the glory of the Siamese kingdom, and to take his revenge.

In the end, Khan Kluay avenges for his father and kills the Burmese elephant. After that, Khan Kluay is released to the wild to spend the rest of his life with his loved ones, until the Burmese return...

 Voice cast
  • Anyarit Pitakkul (อัญญาฤทธิ์ พิทักษ์ติกุล) as Khan Kluay (ก้านกล้วย) (child)

  • Nawarat Techarathanaprasert (นวรัตน์ เตชะรัตนประเสริฐ) as Chaba-Kaew (ชบาแก้ว) (child)
  • Phoori Hiranyapruk (ภูริ หิรัญพฤกษ์) as Older Khan Kluay (ก้านกล้วย)
  • Warattaya Nilkuha (Jui) (วรัทยา นิลคูหา) as Older Chaba-Kaew (ชบาแก้ว)
  • Pongsak Hiranyapruk (พงษ์สุข หิรัญพฤกษ์) as Jitrit (จิ๊ดริด), a pigeon
  • Nanthana Bunlong (นันทนา บุญหลง) as Saeng-daa (แสงดา)
  • Thep Po-ngam (เทพ โพธิ์งาม) as Mahout
  • Channarong Khuntee-tao (ชาญณรงค์ ขันทีท้าว) as leader of the Burmese

  • Juree Ohsiri
  • Koti Aramboy
  • Miranda Cosgrove (American Version)
  • Carl Reiner (American Version)
  • Martin Short (American Version)

Khan Kluay is directed by Kompin Kemgumnird (คมภิญญ์ เข็มกำเนิด, 1965 - ), an animator who had worked on the Disney features as The Lion King, Atlantis: The Lost Empire, and Tarzan, and Blue Sky Studios' Ice Age.

Produced by Kantana Animation (กันตนา แอนิเมชั่น), it was the first Thai 3-D animated feature film to be released, and was also the first animated Thai feature to be released since 1979's The Adventure of Sudsakorn (สุดสาคร), a cel-animated film by Payut Ngaokrachang (ปยุต เงากระจ่าง, 1929 - 2010).

Khan Kluay took three years to make and cost 150 million baht (about $3.9 million USD).


Khan Kluay was released in Thai cinemas on May 18, 2006. It was the highest-grossing Thai film of 2006, taking in approximately 91 million baht at the box office.

The movie was shown to an audience of Asian elephants and their mahouts in an outdoor screening in Ayutthaya Province on June 6, 2006.

It was released in September 2008 on DVD in the United States as The Blue Elephant.

Indian production company Percept Picture Company bought the rights to the film and released a Hindi-language version, Jumbo, on December 25, 2008. Indian actor Akshay Kumar provided the voice for the main character, Jumbo.[3]

 Festivals and awards
  • 2006 Thailand National Film Association Awards (รางวัลภาพยนตร์แห่งชาติ สุพรรณหงส์ หรือ รางวัลภาพยนตร์แห่งชาติ)
    • Best picture
    • Best script
    • Best score
    • Best sound recording
  • 2006 Golden Doll Awards
    • Best score
    • Best sound recording
  • 2006 Bangkok Critics Assembly
    • Best score
  • 2006 Starpics Awards
    • Best score
  • 2006 Star Entertainment Awards
    • Best picture
    • Best score
  • 2006 Animadrid, International Animation Festival, Spain
    • Best Feature Film
  • 2007 Sprockets Toronto International Film Festival for Children
  • 2007 Golden Elephant International Children's Film Festival
    • Opening film[5]
 American release

The film was released in the US on September 2, 2008, under the Jim Henson Company and The Weinstein Company name. Like other foreign animated films like My Neighbor Totoro, Kiki's Delivery Service and many others, this was released as a direct to video film. The film was also renamed The Blue Elephant for its American release. The film was also redubbed with celebrity voice overs, including Martin Short, Miranda Cosgrove, and Carl Reiner.

 Indian release

The film released in India on December 25, 2008, under the banner of The Percept Picture Company. It was renamed Jumbo, and was redubbed with a voice cast inclusive of Akshay Kumar (अक्षय कुमार), and Rajpal Yadav (राजपाल यादव).

 Malaysian release

The film's sequel, Khan Kluay II is named as Jumbo Gajah Biru and it is distributed and dubbed by Astro Entertainment Sdn. Bhd. It premiered in Malaysian cinemas on March 11, 2010.

 Television series

An animated television series, The Adventures of Khan Kluay, has been created by Kantana Animation Studio and is broadcast on BBTV Channel 7 (สถานีโทรทัศน์สีกองทัพบกช่อง 7)."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-01-08]


Das Parlament Vietnams wählt Nguyễn Minh Triết (1942 - ) zum Staatspräsidenten. Dieser bestimmt dann Nguyễn Tấn Dũng (1949 - ) zum Premierminister.

Abb.: Nguyễn Minh Triết
[Bildquelle: Official White House Photo by Lawrence Jackson / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Nguyễn Tấn Dũng, 2007
[Bildquelle: Senat RP / Polish Senate / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

Verwendete Ressourcen


Zu Chronik 2006 / B. E. 2549. -- 3. Juli bis Dezember