Chronik Thailands

กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย

von

Alois Payer

Chronik 1941 / B. E. 2484

Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 1941 / B. E. 2484. -- Fassung vom 2016-10-28. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/chronik1941.htm  

Erstmals publiziert: 2013-05-19

Überarbeitungen: 2016-10-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-09-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-04-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-03-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-02-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-01-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-12-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-12-06 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-11-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-10-30 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-09-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-09-11 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-08-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-08-13 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-07-08 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-06-22 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-05-03 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-04-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-04-17 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-02-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-02-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-01-30 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-01-14 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-11-17 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-11-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-10-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-03-31 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-03-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-02-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-02-16 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-12-18 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-11-06 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-29 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-16 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-09-30 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-09-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-09-03 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-08-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-06-18 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-06-15 [Ergänzungen]

©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Herausgebers.

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Thailand von Tüpfli's Global Village Library

ช้างตายทั้งตัวเอาใบบัวปิดไม่มิด

 

Gewidmet meiner lieben Frau

Margarete Payer

die seit unserem ersten Besuch in Thailand 1974 mit mir die Liebe zu den und die Sorge um die Bewohner Thailands teilt.

 

Vorsicht bei den Statistikdiagrammen!

Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind:

Morgenstern, Oskar <1902 - 1977>: On the accuracy of economic observations. -- 2. ed. -- Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. -- 322 S. ; 20 cm.

Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.

 

2484 / 1941 undatiert

Ab 1.1.1941 beginnt das Jahr B. E. (Buddhist Era - พ.ศ. พุทธศักราช ) am 1. Januar (มกราคม)

1941


Abb.: Novize (สามเณร), Bangkok, 1941

1941

Nicht-Buddhisten dürfen nicht in Staats- oder Militärdiensten stehen. So kommt es zu Zwangskonversionen.

1941

Beginn der Ausbildung von Kindergärtnerinnen an La-or Utit (ละอออุทิศ).

1941

Pflicht-Exemplar-Gesetz: alle Verleger müssen der Nationalbibliothek ein Exemplar aller Neuerscheinungen abliefern. Die Nationalbibliothek erfüllt diese Aufgabe auch noch 2015 nur äußerst mangelhaft.

1941

Es erscheint

วัฒนธรรมไทย - เรึ่องกษัตริย์ [Thai-Kultur - über den König] / สภาวัฒนธรรมแห่งชาติ [Nationalrat für kulturelle Angelegenheiten]. -- กรุงเทพฯ, 2484 [= 1941]

Enthält u.a. eine Erklärung der Tugenden eines Königs (Fürstenspiegel):

"Der Herrscher ist daher besonders an die zehn buddhistischen Regeln des königlichen Dhammas gebunden, die da lauten:
  1. Gebefreudigkeit,
  2. Beachtung der buddhistischen Gebote,
  3. Großzügigkeit,
  4. Redlichkeit,
  5. Milde,
  6. Selbsteinschränkung,
  7. Zornlosigkeit,
  8. Gewaltlosigkeit,
  9. Nachsicht und
  10. Nicht-Behinderung.

Zu diesen zehn Charakteristika des buddhistischen Herrscherideals treten noch vier weitre Eigenschaften hinzu, nämlich:

  1. Das Wissen, wie Nahrungsmittel in reichlichem Umfang beschafft werden können (Sassamedha),
  2. Das Wissen, wie man den Menschen helfen kann (Purisamedha),
  3. Verfügung über Mittel, um die Herzen der Menschen zu gewinnen (Sampasa) und
  4. Liebenswürdigkeit in der Sprache (Vācāpeyya)"

[Quelle: Skrobanek, Walter <1941 - 2006>: Buddhistische Politik in Thailand : mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des heterodoxen Messianismus. -- Wiesbaden : Steiner, 1976. -- 315 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Beiträge zur Südasienforschung ; 23). -- ISBN 3-515-02390-9. -- Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1972. -- S. 18. -- Mit Erlaubnis des inzwischen verstorbenen Autors]

194x


Abb.: Schulheft, frühe 1940er-Jahre

1941


Abb.: Antifranzösische Demonstration, Bangkok 1941

1941

Es erscheint:

Comment des territoires de la Thailande ont été enlevés par la France. -- Bangkok : Dépt. de la Publicité, 1941. -- 74 S. : 1 Karte des verlorenen Territorien ; 26 cm. -- "Certains documents concernant la perte des territoires" S.  [14] - 74.

1941


Abb.: Dorfbewohner, Sa Kaeo (สระแก้ว), 1941


Abb.: Lage von  (สระแก้ว)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]
 

1933 - 1941

Alterspyramide chinesischer Einwanderer am Hafen Bangkok:


Abb.: Alterspyramide chinesischer Einwanderer am Hafen Bangkok, Gesamt 1933 - 1941 (in Tausend)
[Datenquelle: Skinner (1957), S. 192]

1941

Beggars Control Act. Verbietet das Betteln in bestimmten Städten.

1941

Gründung der Siam City Bank. Kapital: 1 Mio. Baht. Kapitaleigner: Regierungsbeamte und Angehörige der Königsfamilie.

1941

Presse-Gesetz (Press Act 2484, พระราชบัญญัติกด 2484) regelt u.a. die Zensur.

1941

Es erscheint

วิจิตร วิจิตรวาทการ [Wichit Wichitwathakan] <1898 - 1962>:  ประชุมปาฐกถาของหลวงวิจิตรวาทการเกี่ยวกับเรียกร้องเรึยงดินแดนคืน [Gesammelte Vorlesungen von Luang Wichit Wathakan über die Rückforderung der {verlorenen} Territorien]. -- กรุงเทพฯ, 2484 [= 1941]

1941


Abb.: General Prayun Pramon Montri (พลตรี่ ประยูร ภมรมนตรี, 1897 - 1982) beim Infanterie-Regiment 48 in Berlin-Neustrelitz, 1941
[Bildquelle: 120 Jahre deutsch-thailändische Freundschaft = 120 ปีแห่งมิตรภาพ เยอรมัน-ไทย / Hrsg.: Botschaft d. Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Red.: Johannes Preisinger. -- Bangkok :  Botschaft d. Bundesrepublik Deutschland , 1982. -- 186 S. : Ill. ; 20 cm. -- S. 41]

1941

Japanische "Touristen" tauchen in den entferntesten Dörfern Thailands auf. Ganz Thailand ist von japanischen und britischen Spionen durchsetzt.

"In various despatches to FO [Foreign Office], Crosby [der britische Gesandte Josiah Crosby, 1880 - 1958] reported Japanese infiltration. An obvious one was in July when a Japanese Camera Department came and sent out teams of photographers to record the "cultural entente" between Thailand and Japan. A secret source imparted that a complete list of films already produced included highways, anti-aircraft facilities in Thailand, aeroplanes, the salt industry, British firms in Thailand and various government workshops. Crosby commented that Thai Government probably knew but dared not oppose it. Then came the Increase in Japanese tourists to Thailand, especially in the south, in October 1941."

[Quelle: Charivat Santaputra [จริย์วัฒน์ สันตะบุตร]: Thai foreign policy 1932-1946. -- Bangkok : Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University, 1985. -- 465 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 974-335-091-8. -- S. 262]

1941

Geheimdienstbericht des japanischen Staff Officer Asaeda (朝枝) aus Südthailand:

"Staff Officer Asaeda, in disguise, went on unofficial duty in southern Thailand, and on his return reported as follows:
  1. Disembarkation on the coast in the neighborhoods of Singora [= Songkhla - สงขลา] and Patani [ปัตตานี] will be under the strong influence of the northeast monsoon about the middle of November. Seas approximately three meters high break against the shore. Because of the danger the local fishing craft do not put to sea, and if we decide to use these beaches we must make up our minds to accept some sacrifice as inevitable.
  2. There are scarcely any Thai troops defending the coast and the authorities do not appear to be anxious. Fixed defenses consist of a skirmishing line only, without wire entanglements, and there are no pillboxes in the neighbourhood of our proposed disembarkation points.
  3. The Singora and Patani aerodromes are poor and crude and in no way comparable with the enemy aerodromes at Kota Bharu and in Kedah Province. It will therefore be of the utmost importance to seize the enemy aerodromes as soon as possible.
  4. The road from Patani which passes through Betong [เบตง] to the upper Perak River valley is not good and can be used by motor transport only with difficulty. It will, however, be suitable for conduct of operations by a detachment of all arms of the service with one infantry regiment as nucleus.

This report gave us very important information for use in the opening phase of the Malayan campaign."

[Quelle: Tsuji, Masanobu [辻政信] <1901 - 1961>: Japan's greatest victory, Britain's worst defeat / ed. by H.V. Howe ; transl. by Margaret E. Lake. -- [Boston] : Da Capo, 1997. -- 271 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 1-885119-33-X. -- Originaltitel: シンガポール : 運命の轉機 (1952). -- S. 24. -- Fair use]


Abb.: Lage von Singora [= Songkhla - สงขลา],  Patani [ปัตตานี], Betong [เบตง], Kota Bharu
 [Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941

Dream Plan von Colonel Tsuji Masanobu [辻政信] <1901 - 1961> für die japanische Landung in Südthailand:

  1. "A death-defying volunteer force would masquerade in the uniforms of Thai troops, camouflaging their attitude towards the Thailand Army.
  2. On landing at Singora [= Songkhla - สงขลา], by bribery or cajolery we would win over the Thai troops, bring over to our side a number of officers and men, and then persuade them to advance at the head of our raiding unit.
  3. Our disguised troops, immediately after disembarkation, would board cars which they had seized on the Thailand side of the frontier, and, as if confused, with a simulated, sorrowful expression, seek help from the British Army. After deceiving the frontier barrier guard and getting through it, they would dash at full speed towards the Perak River through the unconsolidated British defenses and seize possession of the Kuala Kangsar bridge.
  4. To deceive the enemy for the purpose of getting his sympathy, our troops should feign an outward appearance like the Thailand officers and men, take refuge among Thai women by gathering up café and dance-hall girls after landing, then seize twenty or thirty trucks or motor buses and advance at the head of the Thai troops who had been won over to our side.
  5. With the utmost urgency and in absolute secrecy, arrangements were to be made to acquire about a thousand Thai uniforms for officers and men.
  6. On disembarkation, flags of the three nations—Thailand, Japan, and Great Britain—would be issued to the disguised troops, who would advance waving in one hand the Thai flag and in the other the Union Jack. Calling out in English, 'Japanese soldier is frightful" and "Hurrah for the English," and would thus break right through the frontier line.

To carry into practice these tactics for the destruction of the enemy, we would have to thoroughly complete preparations in advance. Accordingly, we dispatched Staff Officer Hayashi to Bangkok, where he obtained possession of a Thai Army uniform. We also brought secretly to Saigon Major Osone, who was camouflaged in the dress of a clerk in the Singora Consulate, and was given secret instructions for the night previous to the commencement of hostilities."

[Quelle: Tsuji, Masanobu [辻政信] <1901 - 1961>: Japan's greatest victory, Britain's worst defeat / ed. by H.V. Howe ; transl. by Margaret E. Lake. -- [Boston] : Da Capo, 1997. -- 271 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 1-885119-33-X. -- Originaltitel: シンガポール : 運命の轉機 (1952). -- S. 51f. -- Fair use]

1941

Okura Tokuji (憶良徳爾) von der Mitsubishi Company (三菱商事株式会社) ist einer der japanischen Zinn-Einkäufer in Thailand. er schreibt darüber:

"[I had] orders to buy all I could and get it to Japan as fast as I could. There was no ore to be had in Bangkok so I left for Phuket [ภูเก็ต], cash in hand, to do my buying ... back then there weren’t any banks in southern Thailand and because I would have to deal with Chinese, who for the most part did business in cash and to expedite the buying, I took baht with me wrapped in a cloth Bundle ... On the train south ... I’d be asking for trouble if I slept with it placed beside me, so I tied it to my leg and went to sleep. In the south there were quantities of ore available, I’d pay the money and have load after load shipped ... In this way I was able to get a goodly amount of ore shipped off to Japan by the time the war broke out."

[Zitiert in: Mackay, Colin <1936 - >: A history of Phuket and the surrounding region. -- Bangkok : White Lotus, 2013. -- 438 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- ISBN 978-974-480-195-1. -- S. 372]

1941

Der japanische Captain Shigeharu Asaeda (朝枝繁春, 1912 - 2000)  kommt nach Thailand als angeblicher Landwirtschaftsingenieur. In Wirklichkeit sammelt er Informationen für die japanische Invasion Malayas und Burmas. Mit Bestechung gelingt es ihm, militärisch wichtige Bereiche zu fotografieren. Auch führt er Gespräche mit Hunderten von Thais. Aufgrund seiner Spionagetätigkeit kommt er zur Ansicht, dass Thailand das beste Sprungbrett für militärische Operationen ion Burma ist, und dass Thailand ohne Blutvergessen eingenommen werden kann. Asaeda hatte zuvor in Japan sowohl die Thaisprache gelernt als auch in Bibliotheken alle vorhandenen Informationen über Thailand, Burma und Malaya gesammelt.

1941


Abb.: Erinnerung an den japanischen Einmarsch in Surat Thani (สุราษฎร์ธานี), 1941


Abb.: Lage von Surat Thani (สุราษฎร์ธานี)
 [Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941

Es erscheint:

Takaasa Kurosawa: Investigation of musical instruments in Thailand. -- Bangkok : Nippon-Tai bunka kenkyūsyo, 1941. -- Ill. ; 27 cm. -- Title, index and text in English, Siamese and Japanese.

1941 - 1942

Japan baut über 3000 Daihatsu-Landungsfahrzeuge (大型発動機艇) für seinen Seekrieg im Pazifik.


Abb.: Von US-Militär getötete japanische Soldaten bei ihrem Daihatsu-Landungsfahrzeug (大型発動機艇), Neuguinea. 1943
[Bildquelle: US Army / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941

In Malaya, Burma (und Siam) kommt der japanische leichte Panzer Typ 95 „Ha-Go“ (九五式軽戦車) zum Einsatz.


Abb.: Typ 95 „Ha-Go“ (九五式軽戦車)
[Bildquelle: Mak Thorpe / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941

Die japanische Armee benutzt u.a. Type 92 (1932) Haubitzen (九二式歩兵砲)


Abb.:  Type 92 Haubitze (九二式歩兵砲)
[Bildquelle: Thewellman / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941

In vielen Ländern erstmaliger Einbau von Spannbeton-Eisenbahnschwellen. Damit wird die Grundlage dafür gelegt, dass immer weniger wertvolle Tropenhölzer im Eisenbahnoberbau verwendet werden.


Abb.: Spannbetonschwellen bei Ubon, 2009
[Bildquelle: Wojohowitz. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/71514717@N00/4187774730. -- Zugriff am 2013-08-22. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]

1941

Tod des italienischen Architekten Mario Tamagno (geb. 1877). Er wirkte von 1900 bis 1925 in Siam.


Abb.: Mario Tamagno

"Mario Tamagno (19 June 1877 – 1941) was an Italian architect who worked mainly in early 20th-century Siam (Thailand). He was educated at the Albertina Academy of Fine Arts in Turin, where he became an instructor after graduating in 1895. He travelled to Siam in 1900, where he entered employment with the Siamese government in a twenty-five-year contract. He was among many Westerners, particularly Italians, who were employed as architects and civil engineers during the reign of King Chulalongkorn. He produced many works, and contributed extensively with Annibale Rigotti (1870 - 1968), most notably on the Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall (พระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม). He married an Italian woman in Thailand, and returned to Italy after the term of his government contract ended.

His contributions with Annibale Rigotti include:

  • Wat Benchamabophit (วัดเบญจมบพิตรดุสิตวนารามราชวรวิหาร) (under Prince Narisara Nuvadtivongs - สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ เจ้าฟ้ากรมพระยานริศรานุวัดติวงศ์, 1863 - 1947)
  • Nongkhran Samoson Hall in Suan Sunanda Palace (วังสวนสุนันทา) (1911)
  • Siam pavilion at the 1911 Turin International world's fair.
  • Santa Cruz Church (โบสถ์ซางตาครู้ส), 1913, reconstruction)
  • Thewarat Sapharom Throne Hall (พระที่นั่งเทวราชสภารมย์) in the Phaya Thai Palace (วังพญาไท, C. 1910s)

His other projects in Thailand include:

  • Makkhawan Rangsan Bridge (สะพานมัฆวานรังสรรค์)
  • The Oriental Hotel
  • The first office of the Siam Commercial Bank
  • Phitsanulok Mansion (บ้านพิษณุโลก)
  • Bang Khun Phrom Palace (วังบางขุนพรหม, 1906)
  • Suan Kularb Residential Hall and Abhisek Dusit Throne Hall (พระที่นั่งอภิเศกดุสิต) in the Dusit Palace (พระราชวังดุสิต)(
  • Hua Lamphong Railway Station (สถานีรถไฟหัวลำโพง, 1907)
  • Neilson Hays Library ((ห้องสมุดเนียลสันเฮส์), 1920–22)"

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mario_Tamagno. -- Zugriff am 2013-09-03]

1941


Abb.: Whisky-Reklame, 1941
[Fair use]

1941

Laos erhält eine Nationalhymne (Hymne Lao - ລາວຮັກຊາດ / Patriotische Lao )

Text: Maha Phoumi (ມະຫາພູມີ)
Musik: Dr. med. Thong Dy

"HYMNE LAO

Notre race lao a jadis connu en Asie une grande renommée. Alors les Lao étaient unis et s'aimaient.
Aujourd'hui encore ils savent aimer leur race et leur pays et se groupent autour de leurs chefs.
Ils ont conservé la religion de leurs pères et ils savent garder le sol des aïeux.
Ils ne permettront pas que quelque nation vienne les troubler ou s’emparer de leur terre.
Quiconque voudrait envahir leur pays les trouverait résolus à combattre jusqu'à la mort.
Tous ensemble ils sauront restaurer l'antique gloire du sang lao et s’entr’aider aux jours d'épreuves.

La France est là; elle nous assiste dans le malheur, elle nous éveille et nous montre la route.
Hâtons- nous, serrons les rangs et marchons vers nos destinées
Frères lao, réveillons-nous! Ce n'est que par la renaissance du pays lao que nous retrouverons le bonheur.
La France est notre éducatrice, elle ne cherche qu'à nous instruire et à nous élever.
Hâtons-nous! Marchons résolument vers le progrès comme les autres nations.
Rassemblons-nous! Unissons nos cœurs et nos forces et travaillons avec ardeur
Nous sommes unis dans la vie, nous serons unis dans la mort, nous saurons partager en frères les jours d'épreuves et les jours de bonheur.

[Quelle: http://mjp.univ-perp.fr/constit/la1949.htm. -- Zugriff am 2015-09-11]

Die Hymne wird auf Schallplatte aufgenommen und in ganz Laos verteilt.

"For the first time a revived Laos sings on a gramophone, and when we think that tomorrow - from the banks of Khong [Mekong - ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ] to the lost mountains of Phongsaly [ຜົ້ງສາລີ] - the same notes will ring out and will talk to the hearts, we believe we hear the very voice of our patrie."

[Zeitung ລາວໃຫຍ່ [Lao Nhai - Groß-Laos]. -- 1942-03. -- Übersetzung: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 161]

1941ff.

Ca. 380 indische Angehörige des Thai Arya Samaj (आर्य समाज) gehören der Indian National Army / Azad Hind Fauj (आज़ाद हिन्द फ़ौज) an, die auf Seiten der Japaner gegen die Briten kämpft.


Abb.: Flagge des Azar Hind
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941

Nach der Kriegserklärung tritt Kenneth Perry Landon (1903 - 1993) in den Staatsdienst der USA. Er ist in der Folgezeit bis 1965 (!) der wohl wichtigste Berater der US-Regierung zu Thailand / Siam. Landon war von 1927 bis 1937 presbyterianischer Missionar in Siam gewesen.

1941

Es erscheint

Landon, Kenneth Perry <1903 - 1993>: The Chinese in Thailand. -- London : Oxford UP, 1941. -- 310 S.

Landon beschreibt seine Begegnung mit einem Thai-Chinesen:

"A prominent Chinese merchant whose face was unmistakably Chinese and whose father was Chinese although his mother was Thai, took immediate offence when he was playfully called a "Chek" [เจ๊ก]—this was in spite of the fact that his shop signs were in Chinese, that he spoke two Chinese dialects, that he kept his accounts in Chinese, sent his children to a Chinese school. He himself spoke Thai perfectly, regarded himself as Thai and particularly supported the modem nationalist movement with large donations to the armed forces."

[a.a.O., S. 18f.]

Über die Geschäftsleute in Kleinstädten:

"The average small Thai town has
  • two Indian cloth shops,
  • a Japanese photographer who is also a dentist,
  • two to three dozen Chinese shops,
  • four Chinese tea shops,
  • two restaurants with hotel rooms above,
  • a Chinese dentist,
  • a Chinese herb shop, and
  • a Chinese dispenser of Western medicines."

[a.a.O., S. 142]

Über das Familienleben der Chinesen Siams:

"A Chinese teacher who has lived in many provincial towns in Thailand as well as in Bangkok has given his opinion of Chinese family life in Thailand in answer to a questionnaire prepared by the writer. Lacking anything more definite, the writer includes his answers here:
  1. When did Chinese women begin to come to Thailand in great numbers? The greatest numbers came between 1924 and 1936.
  2. How strongly Chinese is the culture of the average Chinese home? About 70 percent of the 2,100,000 Chinese in Thailand still follow Chinese customs and traditions.
  3. What is the unit of kinship in the Chinese community in Thailand? the clan? the large family? the small family? The clan.
  4. Does the clan exist as a dynamic social unit? Absolutely!
  5. Is the head a man or a woman? Almost always a man. If a man who has been the head of a clan dies, a woman sometimes becomes head.
  6. Who decides questions relating to marriage, occupation, business transactions, education, etc.? The head of the clan in consultation with the heads of the large or small families involved.
  7. How much freedom do children have in decisions relating to marriage, profession, education? Is there any difference in various classes of society? With some exceptions all Chinese children have much liberty in these matters, with the exception of the choice of a profession. The educational laws of Thailand of course require them to go to school.
  8. Is Thai spoken in many Chinese homes? No, in very few.
  9. Do the children of homes in which both parents are Chinese tend to remain Chinese or do they become Thai? They prefer to remain Chinese. The Education Act is compelling them to become Thai.
  10. Is the Thai government doing anything to help the Chinese become Thai in speech and ways of thought? The Thai government gives special rights to Chinese as well as Thai in order to help Chinese become Thai.
  11. Do Chinese families have any share in Thai social life, or do the Chinese tend to limit their social contacts to Chinese, thus living apart from the Thai? Chinese families have a share in Thai social life. They spend most of their time with Chinese but that does not mean that they live apart from the Thai.
  12. Will the Chinese family tend to maintain itself as a cultural unit or is it tending to break down and become identified with the other people in Thailand? The Chinese family will tend to maintain itself as a Chinese cultural unit forever."

[a.a.O., S. 63f.]

Über Japaner in Thailand:

"Japanese have been employed in the construction of the large oil distillery at Klongtoy [Khlong Toei - คลองเตย], and also in the construction of highways in various parts of the kingdom. Japanese are also opening new shops in noticeable numbers—for example, along New Road [= Chroen Krung Road - ถนนเจริญกรุง], which is the the main street of Bangkok.

Japanese commercial aggression in Thailand is an expression of Japanese government policy. The Thai government attempts to strike a middle path of safety by keeping free from too great a dependence commercially on any one group of aliens, regardless of whether they are Europeans, Chinese or Japanese. By favoring Japanese labor, the Thai government is able to counteract slightly the European and Chinese monopoly."

[a.a.O., S. 142]

1941 - 1945

Während der japanischen Besetzung veröffentlichen die chinesischen Kommunisten in Bangkok die gemäßigte Zeitung Gin Hui Por (The Truth). Auch der Führer der kommunistischen Chinesen, Major Chiu Chee, tritt moderat auf.

1941

An die US-Armee werden die ersten Willys MB/Ford GPW Jeeps ausgeliefert.


Abb.: Willys Jeep, Bangkok, 2011
[Bildquelle: Andre Bulber. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/48417175@N00/5890582281. -- Zugriff am 2013-08-23. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

Nach 1941

Japanische Propaganda-Plakate in Thailand:


Abb.: "Puppeteer – copy of a Japanese Army poster in Thailand during World War II. Seizing the anti-colonialist argument, the Japanese army encouraged the Thais to see Britain as the enemy, as the master puppeteer or manipulator of Thailand. "


Abb.: "Japanese soldier aggressively charging Britain. Japan promised to drive the British predatory lion out and implied that the U.S. (The Roosevelt-faced animal) would stand by and let Britain be ousted."


Abb.: "John Bull being ousted. The Japanese soldier in front with the Japanese flag on his arm – succeeded in getting the Thai to cooperate with him and run Britain (John Bull, here depicted as a schoolboy) off the map of Southeast Asia."

[Quelle der 3 Abb. und Beschriftungen: Arlene Neher. --  http://www.seasite.niu.edu/crossroads/aneher/warinsea_slbs.htm. -- Zugriff am 2013-10-29]

2484 / 1941 datiert

1941-01-01

Neujahrsfeiern des Jahrs B. E. 2484. Phibun nimmt nicht teil. Radio Saigon verbreitet, dass Thailand sein buddhistisches Erbe aufgebe, da es nicht mehr den buddhistischen Jahresanfang habe. Thailand hält aber an der buddhistischen Zeitrechnung (B. E. - พ.ศ. พุทธศักราช ) fest.

1941-01 - 1945-03

In Laos erscheint die erste Zeitung

ລາວໃຫຍ່ [Lao Nhai - Groß-Laos]


Abb.: Titelseite von Nr. 2. -- 1941-03
[Bildquelle: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 151]

In Nr. 1 (1941-01) erscheinen Anti-Thai-Karikaturen:


Abb.: Thailand äfft europäische Soldaten nach
[Bildquelle: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 163]


Abb.: "Früher haben sie unsere Tempel angezündet, jetzt werfen sie Bomben. Die Bangkoker haben  sich überhaupt nicht geändert."
[Bildquelle: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 164]


Abb.: "Die Bangkoker Regierung will den Mond [Groß-Thailand] einfangen. Wird es ihr gelingen?"
[Bildquelle: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 165]

1941-01-05 - 1941-01-27

"On 5th January 1941, French troops launched an attack on Aranyaprathet. Our troops entered Cambodia in retaliation. Twenty-two days of fighting followed. During that time we took overmuch ground.1463

[On the eastern front, the Siamese forces attacked Poipet, a frontier post across the border from Aranyaprathet [อรัญประเทศ], took over the highway from the frontier to the city of Sisophon [សិរីសោភ័ណ], and then fanned out along the border for approximately forty kilometres from the area opposite Buri Ram [บุรีรัมย์] and Surin [สุรินทร์] down towards Chanthaburi [จันทบุรี], later taking some villages near Ban Phailin [ប៉ៃលិន].

On the north-eastern front, the Siamese North-Eastern Army pushed westwards from Ubon [อุบลราชธานี] to join forces with the Eastern Army across the frontier from Buri Ram and Surin, seizing about ninety kilometres of land around Siemreap [សៀមរាប] and Angkor Wat [អង្គរវត្ត]. It also moved eastwards into the triangular area of land on the right side of the Mekong opposite Pakse [ປາກເຊ ]and Champassac [ຈໍາປາສັກ]. The Siamese government had been seeking the return of this area as part of the readjusting of the frontier. Siamese forces occupied this area by 22nd January.

Lastly, the Northern Army occupied the entire Luang Phrabang [ຫຼວງພະບາງ] region on the right side of the Mekong —the other piece of territory sought by Siam in her original memorandum to the French government so that the Mekong would form the natural boundary between the two countries — Ed.]."

[Quelle: Direck Jayanama [ดิเรก ชัยนาม] <1905 - 1967>: Siam and World War II / English ed. prepared and ed. by Jane Godfrey Keyes. -- Bangkok : The Social Science Association of Thailand Press, 2521 [1978]. -- 358 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- Originaltitel: ไทยกับสงครามโลกครั้งที่ 2 (2.ed., 1967). -- S. 32f. -- Fair use]


Abb.: Lage der genannten Örtlichkeiten
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1941-01-06

Aide mémoire der britischen Gesandtschaft an das US Department of State:

"England thought it worthwhile to hold the gratitude of our country, and even went so far as to suggest that Britain, rather than Japan, act as the mediator [in Siam's dispute with French Indochina—Ed.]. This was revealed in an aide mémoire from the British legation to the United States Department of State dated 6th January 1941, which stated that [Vice-] Admiral [Jean] Decoux [1884 - 1963], the Governor-General of Indochina, had sent his aide-de- camp. Captain [René] Jouan, to Singapore to discuss the question of economic co-operation between Indochina and Singapore and of resistance against Japanese encroachments with the British government. During the course of the discussions, the question of the conflict between Siam and Indochina was raised, and Captain Jouan indicated that Indochina would be willing to have the United States, or the United States jointly with England, act as mediators in the dispute. He also claimed that Indochina could produce evidence to show that Japan had been providing Siam with ammunition and planes in spite of the former's claim to neutrality in the conflict.

The aide-mémoire went on to state that the British Minister in Bangkok had also heard that Germany had expressed sympathy for Siam's territorial claims. The British government felt that the conflict must be resolved peacefully and as soon as possible, and that Japan, with or without the support of Germany, should not be allowed to act as the mediator.

The British government was anxious that neither Siam nor France should become indebted to Japan, and felt that bringing the conflict to an end would in fact help France to offer stronger resistance against Japan. France and Siam should therefore either enter into direct negotiations with one another to settle the dispute, or the United States or England should act as mediators.

The British government recognised that negotiations would be successful only if both parties were willing to make certain concessions. France would have to cede the two portions of territory claimed by Siam [i.e. the two portions on the right side of the Mekong —Ed.], plus one or two of the islands in the Mekong, while Siam would have to be satisfied with these concessions and provide an undertaking that she would not make any further territorial demands."

[Quelle: Direck Jayanama [ดิเรก ชัยนาม] <1905 - 1967>: Siam and World War II / English ed. prepared and ed. by Jane Godfrey Keyes. -- Bangkok : The Social Science Association of Thailand Press, 2521 [1978]. -- 358 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- Originaltitel: ไทยกับสงครามโลกครั้งที่ 2 (2.ed., 1967). -- S. 33. -- Fair use]

1941-01-06

Frankreich protestiert bei Japan, dass japanische Kriegsflugzeuge nach Thailand geliefert werden über Luftstützpunkte in Indochina, die Frankreich Japan zugesteht.

1941-01-06

Um einer Schließung zuvorzukommen, werden französischen Institutionen in Bangkok in Thai-Besitz übergeführt, u.a.:

Beide waren Eigentum französischer katholischer Missionsorden.

1941-01-14

Tokyo (東京, Japan): Ein Mitglied der französischen Botschaft sagt dem britischen Botschafter in Japan, Robert Craigie (1883–1959), über die Abtretung der kleinen französischen Gebiete westlich des Mekong an Thailand:

"Although recognized in informed circles to be valueless, the general public, while prepared at a pinch to accept concessions to Japan, would not understand concessions to so weak a Power as Thailand."

[Zitiert in: Charivat Santaputra [จริย์วัฒน์ สันตะบุตร]: Thai foreign policy 1932-1946. -- Bangkok : Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University, 1985. -- 465 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 974-335-091-8. -- S. 237]

1941-01-17

Seeschlacht von Koh Chang (เกาะช้าง). Sieg Frankreichs über Thailand.


Abb.: Lage von Koh Chang (เกาะช้าง)
 [Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Seeschlacht von Koh Chang  (เกาะช้าง), 1941-01-17
[Bildquelle: Xiengyod (original work by user:historicair) / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

1941


Abb.: Thai-Soldaten im Kampf gegen Frankreich, Grenze bei Sisaket (ศรีสะเกษ), 1941


Abb.: Thai-Soldaten im Kampf gegen Frankreich, Grenze bei Sisaket (ศรีสะเกษ), 1941


Abb.: Lage von Sisaket (ศรีสะเกษ)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Abb.: Vordringen französischer Truppen bei Aranyaprathet (อรัญประเทศ), 1941


Abb.: Vordringen französischer Truppen bei Aranyaprathet (อรัญประเทศ), 1941



Abb.: Lage von Aranyaprathet (อรัญประเทศ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Einmarsch von Thai-Truppen im kambodschanischen Battambang (ក្រុងបាត់ដំបង) , 1941


Abb.: Lage von Battambang (ក្រុងបាត់ដំបង)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941-01-19

Das Vichy-Außenministerium an die französische Botschaft in Tokio:

"Le chargé d’affaires du Japon, agissant sur instructions de Tokyo, a fait état le 14 de ce mois, auprès du Département, de renseignements parvenus à la connaissance de son gouvernement, et aux termes desquels le gouvernement français s’efforcerait de provoquer une intervention anglaise ou américaine pour régler son différend avec la Thaïlande."

[Zitiert in: Decoux, Jean <1884 - 1963>: A la barre de l'Indochine : histoire de mon gouvernement général, 1940-1945 / amiral Decoux. -- Paris : Plon, 1949. -- 507 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- S. 142.]

1941-01-20

Die französische Botschaft in Tokio an das Vichy-Außenministerium:

"Il (M. Matsuoka [Außenminister Matsuoka Yosuke - 松岡 洋右, 1880 - 1946]) m’a dit alors que l’affaire pressait d’autant plus qu’il savait, de source sûre, que le ministre d’Angleterre à Bangkok avait offert un projet de médiation au ministre des Affaires étrangères thaïlandais, sur la base de l’échange des enclaves de la rive droite du Mékong, contre une petite rectification de frontière sur un autre point. Les Thaïlandais ont, pour le moment, différé leur réponse. Ce qui est plus grave et a ému M. Matsuoka, c’est que nous savons également que cette offre de médiation a été faite après entente entre le gouverneur général anglais et le commandant Jouan envoyé à Singapour par l’amiral Decoux. Or, m’a-t-il dit, nous ne pouvons pas admettre cette ingérence des Anglais en Thaïlande, et nous serions amenés à prendre contre elle des mesures dont nous n’avons d’ailleurs pas encore décidé la nature."

[Zitiert in: Decoux, Jean <1884 - 1963>: A la barre de l'Indochine : histoire de mon gouvernement général, 1940-1945 / amiral Decoux. -- Paris : Plon, 1949. -- 507 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- S. 143.]

1941-01-21

Japan bietet nochmals seine Vermittlung im französisch-thailändischen Konflikt an.

1941-01-23

Frankreich nimmt das Vermittlungsangebot Japans an und stimmt einem Waffenstillstand ab 1940-01-28 10:00 zu.

1941-01-28

Ein japanischer Zerstörer ankert in Paknam (ปากน้ำ) vor Bangkok.

1941-01-30

In Tokyo drängen Militärs darauf, Französisch-Indochina zu erobern und Thailand einen Militärpakt aufzuzwingen. Außenminister Matsuoka Yosuke (松岡 洋右, 1880 - 1946) widersetzt sich und will zuerst alle diplomatischen Mittel ausschöpfen.

1941-01-31

An Bord des japanischen Kreuzers Natori (名取 軽巡洋艦, 1922 - 1944), der im Hafen von Saigon (Französisch-Indochina) ankert, schließen Frankreich und Thailand ein Waffenstillstandsabkommen. Der Waffenstillstand gilt für 15 Tage.


Abb.: Natori (名取 軽巡洋艦), 1922
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941-02

Die Thai-Presse berichtet mit Genugtuung über die Konversion vieler Thai-Katholiken zum Buddhismus. Die Zeremonien sind oft staatlich gesponsert.

1941-02 - 1941-12

Großbritannien plant Operation Etonian: die Besetzung Südthailands bis Ranong (ระนอง) und Chumphon (ชุมพร), um einer Invasion Japans von Thailand Stützpunkt gegen Malaya und Burma zuvorzukommen. So hätte British Malaya eine direke Verbindung mit British Burma. Die Japaner kommen allen britischen Planungen zuvor.


Abb.: Lage von Ranong (ระนอง) und Chumphon (ชุมพร)
 [Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941-02-01

Prinz Wan Waithayakon (พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้า วรรณไวทยากร กรมหมื่นนราธิปพงศ์ประพันธ์, 1891 - 1976) erklärt vor der Abreise zu den Friedensverhandlungen mit Frankreich  dem Gesandten der USA:

"France will be led to slaughter-pen in forthcoming negotiations. Thailand will seek to obtain such territory as she can, and hopes even to secure Cambodia and Laos which are not coveted by Japan, (latter being content with Tongking)...Japan might possibly ask Thailand for a military pact against Great Britain."

[Zitiert in: Charivat Santaputra [จริย์วัฒน์ สันตะบุตร]: Thai foreign policy 1932-1946. -- Bangkok : Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University, 1985. -- 465 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 974-335-091-8. -- S. 236f.]

1941-02-03

Tod von Ajahn Sao Kantasilo Mahathera (พระครูวิเวกพุทธกิจ - เสาร์ กนฺตสีโล, geb. 1859)


Ajahn Sao Kantasilo Mahathera (พระครูวิเวกพุทธกิจ - เสาร์ กนฺตสีโล)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

"Phra Ajahn Sao Kantasilo Mahathera (พระครูวิเวกพุทธกิจ - เสาร์ กนฺตสีโล, 1861–1941) was a monk in the Thai Forest Tradition of Theravadin Buddhism. He was a highly revered member of the Dhammayuttika Nikaya. Ajahn Mun Bhuridatta Mahathera (มั่น ภูริทตฺโต  / ຫຼວງປູ່ມັ່ນ ພູຣິທັຕໂຕ), 1870–1949) was one of his most well-known students.

After his cremation, his bone fragments were distributed to people around the Thai provinces. According to his followers, they transformed into crystal-like relics (Pali: Sarīra-Dhātu) in various hues."

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ajahn_Mun_Bhuridatta. -- Zugriff am 2012-06-06]

"Sao Kantasilo (1861-1942 [richtig: 1941]) was born in Khakhom Village [บ้านข่าโคม] (today in Kheuang Nai District [เขื่องใน], Ubon [อุบลราชธานี]). He was ordained as a monk in the Lao tradition (his preceptor resided in Champasak [ຈໍາປາສັກ], Laos). Ten years later, after becoming abbot of Wat Liap [วัดเลียบ], he converted to the Thammayut order [ธรรมยุติกนิกาย]. Since 1899 this wat has belonged to the Thammayut. Sao died while sitting in meditation at Wat Ammat [วัดอำมาตยาราม] in Champasak, southern Laos. His corpse was transported to Wat Burapha [วัดบูรพาราม] in Ubon, where the cremation took place."

[Quelle: Kamala Tiyavanich [กมลา ติยะวนิช] <1948 - >: Forest recollections : wandering monks in twentieth-century Thailand. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawai’i Pr., 1997. -- ISBN 0824817818. -- S. 321, Anm. 39. -- Faire use]

1941-02-04 ff.

Die französische Jüdin Suzanne Karpelès <1890 - 1968>, Generalsekretärin des Institut Bouddhique du Cambodge, wird ihres Amts enthoben:

"The importance of the political agenda associated with the Buddhist Institute, however, is clearly reflected in the discussions concerned with the removal of the long-time general secretary of the institute in Phnom Penh, Suzanne Karpelès, in 1941. In a note to the Governor-General written by the Résident- Superieur of Cambodia shortly after the Thai attacks on areas in Cambodia and Laos in 1941 the need is emphasised to dismiss Karpelès because of her lack of understanding of the ‘political character’ of the Buddhist Institute, as she had been associated with an attempt to renew the relations to Siam in the religious sphere that ‘we intended to break’. Given the political situation in the wake of the Thai attacks George Cœdès [1886 - 1969], the director of Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient, recognised the need to replace Suzanne Karpelès and at the same time he also recognised the political implications of the work undertaken by this institution aiming at counterbalance the 'Siamese influence’. For Cœdès this kind of 'indirect counterpropaganda’ being a product of scientific work was not incompatible with the objectives of the École Française d’Extrême-Orient, but he objected to the proposal of replacing her with [Louis-Jean-François] Manipoud [1887 - 1977], Inspector for Traditional Education (Inspecteur de l’Enseignement Traditionnel) in Cambodia, as he found that this would transform the Buddhist Institute into an outright political organ. It has to be noted, however, that other factors also were behind the removal of Karpelès from her position in Cambodia. Not only had she encountered opposition from French-educated members of the Khmer elite, but she was also among fifteen Europeans forced from office in Indochina for being Jewish during the Vichy period."

[Quelle: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 125f. -- Fair use]

1941-02-06

Japan informiert das Deutsche Reich über seine Absicht, eine Geheimabkommen zwischen Frankreich und Thailand zu bewirken.

1941-02-07 - 1941-02-11

Tokyo:  Friedensverhandlungen zwischen Frankreich und Thailand. Thailand stellt zuerst Maximalforderungen.

1941-02-12

Japan dankt dem deutschen Außenminister Ullrich Friedrich Willy Joachim von Ribbentrop (1893 - 1946), dass er gegenüber Frankreich die japanischen Bemühungen um einen Friedensvertrag unterstützt hat.

1941-02-17

Der japanische Außenminister Yōsuke Matsuoka (松岡 洋右, 1880 – 1946) unterbreitet einen Kompromissvorschlag:

Frankreich lehnt den Vorschlag ab. Daraufhin erklärt Thailand, dass es das Waffenstillstandsabkommen nicht verlängern wird. Thailand setzt an der Grenze zu Indochina die Truppen in Alarmbereitschaft und ruft die Oberbefehlshaber von Heer und Luftwaffe von den Verhandlungen in Tokyo zurück.

1941-02-26

Ministerpräsident Phibun erklärt in einer Kabinettsitzung, dass Thailand nicht neutral bleiben kann. Es selbst bevorzuge Japan, da von den anderen Mächten nichts zu erwarten sei.

1941-02-28

"February 28. My hopes for a trip to Shanghai appeared premature today. Almost overnight, another storm had blown up over the Pacific, this time from the Franco-Thai peace table, over which Matsuoka [Yōsuke Matsuoka - 松岡 洋右, 1880 – 1946, Japans Außenminister] was presiding.

The Franco-Thai peace conference, which had opened February 7, had been simmering along with only occasional attention, crowded into the background by Japan’s "war of nerves" against the United States and Britain. Now that this seemed to have been called off, the Japanese were apparently looking for new objects for their power politics. And prostrate France and little Thailand were probably considered safer game than the Anglo-Saxon Powers.

It should not have been a surprise. When Matsuoka opened the conference, he reaffirmed Japan’s "Greater East Asia" program, and the press proclaimed that by accepting Japan’s mediation, France and Thailand had joined Germany and Italy in acknowledging Japan’s leadership in the Far East, which the Netherlands East Indies were advised to do likewise. I was beginning to learn what Japanese "sincerity" and "leadership" meant.

Up to the previous day, the negotiations had been conducted behind closed doors. Only an occasional press growl about "French procrastination" indicated that things were not going too well. Yesterday, however, the Japanese press, with the familiar unanimity of governmental direction, began to turn its batteries against French Indo-China. In good Hitler style, it accused the French colony of continued "procrastination" and intrigues with "third Powers," and threatened dire consequences. And Domei [(同盟通信社], the official news agency, broadcast an obviously fabricated report that 20,000 Chinese troops had arrived in Burma, which, of course, would call for more Japanese troops in French Indo- China. The cause of this outburst, it appeared, was French reluctance to accept in toto a Japanese mediation proposal awarding Thailand approximately 30 per cent of her original claims.

Today, Japan hit her fist on the table by announcing, through Spokesman [Ko] Ishii [石井] at the press conference, that France must accept Japan’s mediation proposal at once or "face the consequences of Japan’s determination to assert her leadership in Greater East Asia." This, said Ishii, was not an ultimatum, because a mediator does not issue ultimatums; but he declared France must accept "today," or else. . . . Japan, he said, was prepared and determined to take all necessary steps she deemed advisable in the circumstances. It could be assumed that Vichy had been informed of this officially.

The French were clinging to Japan’s guarantee of Indo-China’s territorial integrity, issued last September when Japanese troops first entered the colony. Ishii blandly declared that the slicing up of Indochina was wholly consistent with that guarantee, and that while there was no change in Japan’s attitude regarding it, "much would depend on future circumstances.""

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 50f. -- Fair use]

1941-03

Die laotische Zeitung ລາວໃຫຍ່ [Lao Nhai - Groß-Laos]

"The Lao are different from the Siamese Lan Sang [Xang] [ລ້ານຊ້າງ] has never been part of Siam. It [Lan Xang] possessed its own personality. As we go back to the most distant periods of our history, we can see that our ancient state has never been a vassal of another. Such an assertion is a historical fact. The Lao people are entirely distinct from their neighbours. It is only in vain that a deceitful propaganda tries to distort the truth which the entire history proves: in heart, language, customs, as much as by their ancestors the Lao are Thai [Tai] but they are first and above all Lao. [...] Laotians, wake-up! ... Let us unite our efforts to defend our country! Let us gather around our guardian nation to save the land of our ancestors. The day will come when we restore the Lao country [pays lao] and we will recover again our national prestige."

[Übersetzung: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 168]

1941-03

Die japanische Imperial Rule Assistance Association (大政翼贊會/大政翼賛会) veröffentlicht "Basic concepts of the greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere"

"Though we use the expression ‘Asian Cooperation,’ this by no means ignores the fact that Japan was created by the Gods, nor posits an automatic racial equality."

[Zitiert in: Japan at war / by the editors of Time-Life Books. -- Alexandria, Va. : Time-Life, 1980. -- 208 S. : Ill. ; 29 cm. -- (World War II). -- ISBN 0809425289. -- S. 61]

1941-03-01

"March 1. Japan continued to bang her fist on the Franco-Thai peace table. The ultimatum had expired without producing a French answer, and the threatened steps had failed to materialize. But the press talked loudly and extensively on what Matsuoka was going to tell the French and reported preparations for important military conferences. Reports from the outside told of Japanese naval movements off the French Indo-China coast. And the Japanese consul general at Hanoi was ordered to prepare for the evacuation of Japanese from the French colony. On the face of it, Japan was clearing decks for action.

But after a call on Charles Arsène-Henry, the French Ambassador (nicknamed "Arsenic Henry" by the foreign colony), I became convinced that the new blowup was not a Pacific crisis but merely the Japanese style of "sincere mediation." When I asked what the French would do about the Japanese ultimatum, he merely shrugged his shoulders. "What can we do?" he asked. I did not know the answer, either. Being the representative of a realistic nation, he seemed to bear no resentment against the Japanese for taking advantage of their opportunity to push their own program. But it was obvious that the French spirit was drooping. France felt herself isolated, and so did the French representatives in Tokyo. They had no fight in them, and no faith in outside help. I knew France would accept."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 51f. -- Fair use]

1941-03-06

"March 6. Both France and Thailand agreed to the principal points of Matsuoka’s mediation proposal, and the Japanese staged something of a victory celebration today. The stock market boomed. The press hailed the coming settlement as a Japanese triumph and turned to new worlds to conquer. It boasted, for the hundredth time, that a new Japanese advance in South China marked the final doom of Chiang Kai-shek [蔣介石, 1887 - 1975]. But it also foreshadowed new Japanese demands on French Indo-China by complaining about the treatment of Japanese traders flocking to the colony; and it charged that Russia was intensifying Bolshevist propaganda in the Far East. In the general exultation, the censor permitted even the revelation of Japan’s great "secret," by passing a dispatch about Matsuoka’s [Yōsuke Matsuoka - 松岡 洋右, 1880 – 1946, Japans Außenminister]  forthcoming trip to Berlin. Konoye [Ministerpräsident Konoe Fumimaro - 近衞 文麿, 1891 - 1945], "ill" for a month, was back at his desk. The Asahi [Asahi Shimbun - 朝日新聞] said that the people must be given an opportunity to appease their irritated minds and refresh their exhausted bodies, and that nothing would serve this purpose better than music, dancing, and movies. The crisis was over for the present."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 55. -- Fair use]

1941-03-11

Siam und Frankreich unterzeichnen ein vorläufiges Friedensabkommen

"March 11. Japan proclaimed her triumph and implemented her self- appointed role as leader of a "Greater East Asia" today, when Matsuoka presided at the final session of the Franco-Thai peace conference at which the Japanese award of French territory to Thailand was signed by all the parties concerned.

It was a good show. The ceremony was staged in the pretentious main hall of the Premier’s official residence—a vast, vaulted, and rather bare room in the style of the Imperial Hotel. The respective delegations sat at separate tables arranged in an open square, with the Japanese delegation at the head table and the French and the Thais along the opposite sides. Movie cameras whirred, calcium lights glared, and the world press took note. Matsuoka [Yōsuke Matsuoka - 松岡 洋右, 1880 – 1946, Japans Außenminister] walked on air, but bore himself like a conqueror. Thirty-six years ago, President Theodore Roosevelt had presided over a peace conference between Japan and Russia; now a Japanese Foreign Minister not only presided over a similar conference, but dictated the peace between an Asiatic and a European Power.

As was natural in the circumstances, the only ones quite satisfied with the result were the Japanese. The French lost territory, the Thais got a small part of their original claims, but the Japanese got pledges from both that they would maintain friendly relations with Japan, that they would make special efforts toward intensified "economic relations," and that they would enter into "no agreement or understanding with any third Power anticipating political, economic or military co-operation against Japan." The way to Japanese penetration of both countries, en route to Singapore, lay open."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 55f. -- Fair use]

1941-03-12

Der Botschafter Siams in Berlin (Deutsches Reich) schließt mit dem sowjetischen Außenminister in Moskau ein Abkommen über diplomatische, wirtschaftliche und konsularische Beziehungen. Durch den Überfall Deutschlands auf die Sowjetunion am 1941-06-22 wird das Abkommen Makulatur.

1941-03-14

Frankreich nimmt die Könige von Annam, Laos und Kambodscha von der Vorschrift aus, nur Insignien des Vichy-Regimes zu tragen. Die "Herrscher" dieser Länder dürfen Insignien nach ihrem Belieben tragen.

1941-03-15

Thailand feiert die Formulierung eines Friedensvertrags mit Frankreich als großen Erfolg. Phibun erklärt den Tag zum Staatsfeiertag. Alle öffentlichen Gebäude müssen mit der thailändischen und japanischen Fahne geschmückt werden. Phibun appelliert an die Frauen, ihre Haare lang wachsen zu lassen und westliche Röcke zu tragen, um der Welt zu zeigen, wie zivilisiert Thailand ist.

"In effect Pibul was telling Thai women to abandon tradition and adopt a more westernised appearance. The proposal proved even more controversial than the Rattaniyom [รัฐนิยม] in January imposing rules on male attire. The Queen Grandmother [Savang Vadhana - สมเด็จพระศรีสวรินทิราบรมราชเทวี, 1862 - 1955], who had always dressed in the style of the court during the reign of her late husband, let it be known that she was complying with Pibul’s dictum only with great reluctance. At the other end of the social scale, peasant women complained that it was both impractical and indecorous to plant rice or mount a water buffalo wearing a skirt. Pibul replied that they should hitch up their skirts and sit on a buffalo as if riding side-saddle.

Dress reform was clearly becoming an obsession with Pibul. He seemed to be inspired by the notion that former Thai monarchs had managed to protect the country’s independence by instructing their courtiers to dress properly and act in a civilised manner in the presence of foreign envoys. Now having regained some of the country’s lost territories, Pibul apparently considered it even more important for the Thais to impress on the world that they were a civilised people. But at least one Assembly member remarked that all the emphasis being placed on civilising the nation was more likely to make foreigners think the Thais were still very backward. At home too Pibul’s popularity waned markedly after he embarked on his crusade for dress reform."

[Quelle: Stowe, Judith A. <1934 - 2007>: Siam becomes Thailand : a story of intrigue. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawaii Pr., 1991. -- 394 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0-8248-1394-4. -- S. 186f. -- Fair use]

1941-03-28

"March 28. Prince Varnvaidyakara Varavarn [วรรณไวทยากร วรวรรณ = Wan Waithayakon - พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้า วรรณไวทยากร กรมหมื่นนราธิปพงศ์ประพันธ์, 1891 - 1976], the polished and wholly Westernized chief of the Thai peace delegation, served notice on Japan today that Thailand had her own ideas about Hakko Ichiu [八紘一宇], and that these did not include any "extension of the Capital." Speaking in English before the Pan-Pacific Club at the Imperial Hotel, he said that since coming to Japan he had tried to find out what Hakko Ichiu meant, but had been unable to get an authoritative definition. He therefore gave his own interpretation of what Jimmu [神武天皇, 7. Jhdt. v. Chr.] had meant and said he interpreted it to mean justice, thanksgiving, and enlightenment. These virtues, he said, constituted dharma, the Buddhist doctrine of justice and righteousness, and a brotherhood based on such principles would appeal to all Oriental peoples. It was an adroit performance."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 571. -- Fair use]


Abb.:  Varnvaidyakara Varavarn (วรรณไวทยากร วรวรรณ) = Wan Waithayakon (พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้า วรรณไวทยากร กรมหมื่นนราธิปพงศ์ประพันธ์)
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941-04-13

Abschluss des Neutralitätspakts zwischen der Sowjetunion und Japan (日ソ中立条約 / Пакт о нейтралитете между СССР и Японией)

1941-04-17

Ausgabetag einer Briefmarke mit Rama VIII.


Abb.: Briefmarke mit Rama VIII., 1941-04-17
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941-04-23

Griechenland kapituliert vor dem Deutschen Reich. Ministerpräsident Phibun ist nun überzeugt, dass Großbritannien den Krieg verlieren wird.

1941-04-25 - 1955-03-02

Norodom Sihanouk (នរោត្តម សីហនុ, 1922 - 2012) ist König von Kambodscha.


Abb.: Norodom Sihanouk (នរោត្តម សីហនុ)

Sihanouk gründet bald  die Jugendbewegung Yuvan nach faschistischem Muster.

1941-04-27

BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation) beginnt mit Sendungen auf Thai. Ministerpräsident Phibun begrüßt das und erlaubt thailändischen Studierenden, die im Ausland mit Staatstipendien studieren, anonym zu senden. Im August bittet Phibun die Briten, in Thai von Penang, Rangoon (ရန်ကုန်) und Manila aus zu senden.


Abb.: Lage von  Penang, Rangoon  (ရန်ကုန်) und Manila
[Bildquelle: Bartholomew's route chart of the world. -- 1940]

1941-04-29

Phibun sendet Vilas Osathanond (วิลาศ โอสถานนท์, 1899 - 1997) nach Batavia (= Jakarta, Niederländisch-Indien) und Singapur, um die Lieferung von Erdöl durch die Westmächte zu erreichen. Er erreicht im Juni für Thailand befriedigende Zusagen Großbritannien.


Abb.: Vilas Osathanond (วิลาศ โอสถานนท์)

 

Japan beginnt im Juni eine Pressekampagne gegen Vilas. Er sei ein Kuomintang-Agent, der in in Singapur und Batavia die Unterstützung von EWxil-Thais gesucht habe, um Phibun zu stürzen und Prinz Paripatra Sukhumbhand ( สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ เจ้าฟ้าบริพัตรสุขุมพันธุ์ กรมพระนครสวรรค์วรพินิต, 1881 - 1944) auf den Königstrohn zu bringen.

1941-05

 Die laotische Zeittung ລາວໃຫຍ່ [Lao Nhay - Groß-Laos]:

"The deeds of the Thai have also made us understand that we do not suffer as individuals. All the Lao living along the Mekong [ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ] have endured sufferings. This has been the occasion for all to awaken and think about their Lao race/nation (sat lao) [ຊາດລາວ]. From North to South, Housai [ຫ້ວຍ ຊາຍ] to Pakse [ປາກເຊ], from the Lan Xang [ລ້ານຊ້າງ] Mountains to the Saravan [ສາລະວັນ] Mountains, […] all the Lao now feel that a line unites them: the line of the old Lao race/lineage. When feeling this, [the Lao] desire to preserve the Lao name for ever."

"[a] faith like this has been lit in the mind of the Lao (sao lao) [ຊາວລາວ]. Together we will preserve this flame to be bright forever. Soon it will shine brightly over all of the Mekong Valley and be a sign that the Lao race/nation has awakened."

[Übersetzung: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 170f.]

1941-05-06

Indische Frauen dürfen keine öffentlichen Gebäude betreten und nicht mit dem Bus fahren, fall sie Saris tragen.

1941-05-09

In der Dienstwohnung des japanischen Ministerpräsidenten in Tokio unterzeichnen Thailand und Frankreich einen Friedensvertrag: Frankreich tritt die Provinzen Sayaburi (ໄຊຍະບູລີ), Battambang (ក្រុងបាត់ដំបង) und Siem Reap (សៀមរាប) (nicht aber die Tempel von Angkor Wat - អង្គរវត្ត) an Thailand ab. Beide Länder nehmen zueinander diplomatische Beziehungen auf. In einem Zusatzabkommen verpflichten sich Frankreich und Thailand, keine Verträge mit Drittländern zu schließen, die "irgendwie gegen Japan gerichtet sind."

In Bangkok keine Feiern zum Vertragsabschluss. Alle Offiziere werden automatisch um eine Rangstufe befördert. Phibun befördert sich zum Lieutnant General (พลโท).


Abb.: Unterzeichnung des Friedensvertrags mit Frankreich, Tokio, 1941-05-09
[Bildquelle: Scene in – the Japanese-Premier's official residence in Tokyo when the treaty of peace between France and Thailand – was signed recently. (Evening Post, 14 August 1941). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. http://natlib.govt.nz/records/20105342. -- Zugriff am 2013-03-15. -- "You can copy this item, share it, and post it on a blog or website. It can be modified, remixed and built upon. It cannot be used commercially without permission"]


Abb.: Frankreich tritt 1941 die 1904 und 1907 hinzugewonnenen Gebiete an Thailand ab
[Bildquelle: PHGCOM / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]


Abb.: Siegessäule (Victory Monument - อนุสาวรีย์ชัยสมรภูมิ) zur Erinnerung an den Französisch-Thailändischen Krieg, Bangkok
[Bildquelle: Lerdsuwa / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]


Abb.: Lage des Victory Monument (อนุสาวรีย์ชัยสมรภูมิ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Die Siegessäule "erinnert an die zeitweilige Wiedereingliederung von ursprünglich siamesischen Gebieten im westlichen Kambodscha und im nördlichen und südlichen Laos, die nach einer kurzen militärischen Auseinandersetzung während des 2. Weltkriegs zwischen Siam (Thailand) und Frankreich erfolgte.  [...]

Das Denkmal wurde 1941 errichtet. Der Entwurf ist durchgehend in westlichem Stil gehalten und steht damit in scharfem Kontrast mit dem nahe gelegenen Democracy Monument, das einheimische Stilelemente zeigt.

Der zentrale Obelisk ist in der Form von fünf Bajonetten ausgeführt, die einander umschlingen. Fünf Statuen repräsentieren die Armee, die Marine, die Luftwaffe, die Polizei und die Zivilverwaltung. Sie tragen die heroischen Züge des zeitgenössischen faschistischen Kunstverständnisses und wurden vom italienischen Bildhauer Corrado Feroci (unter dem Namen Silpa Bhirasi - ศิลป์ พีระศรี) entworfen. Der Künstler war allerdings mit der Anordnung seiner Statuen vor dem Obelisken nicht einverstanden und nannte die Anlage später „victory of embarrassment“ (Sieg der Peinlichkeit).

Das Monument wurde 1945 in einem eher politischen Sinn zur Peinlichkeit, als der Sieg der Alliierten über Japan Thailand dazu zwang, die „eroberten“ Gebiete wieder an Frankreich herauszugeben. Viele Thai betrachten das Monument als ungeeignetes Symbol des Militarismus und als ein Relikt aus der Zeit eines heute diskreditierten Regimes."

[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victory_Monument_%28Bangkok%29. -- Zugriff am 2011-10-06]

"Nachdem Thailand jene französisch-indochinesischen und britischbirmanischen Gebiete während des Zweiten Weltkrieges zurückerlangt hatte, die es aufgrund abgeleiteter historischer Rechte während der Blütezeit der Idee vom Groß-Thaireich beanspruchte, wurde der buddhistische Orden ebenfalls miteingeschaltet. Das Ministerium für das Erziehungswesen setzte eine Aktion in Gang, bei der die Bevölkerung religiöse Texte und Gebetbücher für die Klöster in den nun zurückgewonnenen Gebieten sammeln sollte. Das Organ des buddhistischen Ordens veröffentlichte im Jahre 1941 mehrmals Dankadressen des Departments für Religiöse Angelegenheiten und des Ministeriums, in denen der Bevölkerung und den Mönchen für deren Spendefreudigkeit gedankt wurde . Der Errichtung der Thai-Souveränität in den zurückgewonnenen Nachbargebieten folgten bald auch die Mönche der Ordensadministration, die Klosterinspektionen Vornahmen."

[Quelle: Skrobanek, Walter <1941 - 2006>: Buddhistische Politik in Thailand : mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des heterodoxen Messianismus. -- Wiesbaden : Steiner, 1976. -- 315 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Beiträge zur Südasienforschung ; 23). -- ISBN 3-515-02390-9. -- Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1972. -- S. 218. -- Mit Erlaubnis des inzwischen verstorbenen Autors]

1941-05-16

Yasusato Futami (二見 甚郷) ist japanischer Gesandter

1941-05-19

Neugründung des Viet Minh

"Việt Minh (abbreviated from Việt Nam Độc Lập Đồng Minh Hội, English "League for the Independence of Vietnam") was a national independence coalition formed at Pác Bó on May 19, 1941. The Việt Nam Độc Lập Đồng Minh Hội had previously formed in Nanjing (南京), China, at some point between August 1935 and early 1936 when the non-communist Vietnamese Nationalist of other Vietnamese nationalist parties formed an anti-imperialist united front. This organisation soon lapsed into inactivity, only to be revived by the ICP [Indochinese Communist Party] and Ho Chi Minh (1890 - 1969) in 1941.[1] The Việt Minh initially formed to seek independence for Vietnam from the French Empire. When the Japanese occupation began, the Việt Minh opposed Japan with support from the United States and the Republic of China. After World War II, the Việt Minh opposed the re-occupation of Vietnam by France and later opposed South Vietnam and the United States in the Vietnam War."

[Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Viet_Minh. -- Zugriff am 2015-08-13]


Abb.: Lage von Pác Bó
 [Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941-05-19

Tod des Dichters und Sprachwissenschaftlers Phraya Uppakitsinlapasan (อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอุปกิตศิลปสาร akam นิ่ม กาญจนาชีวะ aka. อ.น.ก. / อุนิกา /อนึก คำชูชีพ, 1879 - 1941)


Abb.: Phraya Uppakitsinlapasan (อำมาตย์เอก พระยาอุปกิตศิลปสาร)
[Fair use]


Abb.: Einbandtitel der Grammatik des Thai von Phraya Uppakitsinlapasan, 1937

1951-05-20

Handelsabkommen mit Japan: Thailand liefert Japan 80% seiner jährlichen Kautschukproduktion und 50% der Zinnproduktion.

1941-05-30

Tod von Exkönig Prajadhipok (Rama VII., geb. 1893-11-08) in Surrey, England.


Abb.: Lage von Surrey
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941-06

Die französischsprachige Laotische Zeitung Pathat Lao: Au Lao Nhay [An die Zeitung ລາວໃຫຍ່ - Groß-Laos]:

"What people like to find in Lao Nhay [ ລາວໃຫຍ່] is news, and, first and foremost, news from the country [pays]. This is where they start to read.

In Laos, especially among the civil servants and notables, we know each other fairly well. Someone who, for example, is in Mahassay [ມະຫາໄຊ] has a brother in Xiengkhuang [ຊຽງຂວາງ], a cousin in Pakse [ປາກເຊ], and some friends just about everywhere. He was at first surprised when he read news | about them in the newspaper. But he quickly got used to it and now he waits for the newspaper to know if it is true that this one has changed his post, that that one has been hospitalised and that another one has received an award. It is the same for information about villages or provinces - harvests, epidemics, new roads, the opening of a school or a temple etc.... Naturally our curiosity is drawn to these facts because they form our small horizon and, in a way, our living environment. This is why this news is received with the greatest of pleasure."

"Among all the things that we lack first, it must be noted that the most important of them is cohesion and solidarity. The Laotian is an individualist, even a bit anarchist. His gregarious nature does not extend beyond the village and often it does not reach even that far. Why is this so? Because ignorance rules out for him any intellectual and moral contact with the ensemble of his compatriots. His ignorance isolates him, makes him inward-looking. It is such that he has almost completely lost the ideas of people and nation. The newspaper has still a lot to do to awaken these ideas lying dormant in the souls. I am sure that it will manage to do so, because, I notice, the effect is already there. Lao Nhay opens up a new horizon by linking the Laotians to their history and to their compatriots in the north and south, and it comes as a real discovery for some. This awakening of the national conscience and the religious idea should serve as the foundation for all the altruistic and social feelings that the modern Laotian needs to acquire. Mutual aid, charity, professional consciousness or devotion to the general interest should rest on this basis. Our old morality only insufficiently meets the requirements of a modern people. A new morality must be born, one which, without conflicting with the old one, completes it and adapts it. We are going to need qualities and activities that our fathers did not need or, alas, lacked. We needed above all an ideal. This ideal we have today: it is the resurrection of the Lao patrie."

[Übersetzung: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 159f.]

1941-06

Der indische Freiheitskämpfer Giani Pritam Singh, der 1933 nach Bangkok geflohen war) nimmt mit der japanischen Botschaft in Bangkok Kontakt auf. Er und 16 weitere Inder werden an die thailändisch-malaiische Grenze geschickt, um mit Lautspreccherpropaganda die britischen Truppen in Malaya zu zersetzen. Sardar Kishan Singh,. Babu Sudershan Singh und Bhagwan Singh werden nach Malaya geschickt, um indische Soldaten in der britischen Armee zu beeinflussen.

1941-06-06

Letter from Abroad von Nguyễn Ái Quốc (= Ho Chi Minh, 1890 - 1969):

"Rich people, soldiers, workers, peasants, intellectuals, employees, traders, youth, and women who warmly love your country! At the present time national liberation is the most important problem. Let us unite together! As one in mind and strength we shall overthrow the Japanese and French and their jackals in order to save people from the situation between boiling water and burning heat.

Dear compatriots!

National salvation is the common cause to the whole of our people. Every Vietnamese must take part in it. He who has money will contribute his money, he who has strength will contribute his strength, he who has talent will contribute his talent. I pledge to use all my modest abilities to follow you, and am ready for the last sacrifice.

Revolutionary fighters!

The hour has struck! Raise aloft the insurrectionary banner and guide the people throughout the country to overthrow the Japanese and French! The sacred call of the Fatherland is resounding in your ears; the blood of our heroic predecessors who sacrificed their lives is stirring in your hearts! The fighting spirit of the people is displayed everywhere before you! Let us rise up quickly! United with each other, unify your action to overthrow the Japanese and the French.

Victory to Viet-Nam's Revolution!

Victory to the World's Revolution!"

[Offizielle Überetzung in Ho Cho Minh: Selected works. -- Hanoi, 1960 - 1961. -- Bd. 2]

1941-06-09

Siam entsendet einen Militärattaché nach Berlin: Oberst Thuan Wichaikhatthakha (ทวน วิชัยขัทคะ)

1941-06-18

Einweihung des วัดประชาธิปไตย (Democracy Temple). Es ist der erste Tempel, der überwiegend aus Stahlbeton gebaut ist. Ursprünglich lebten im Kloster Mahanikay und Thammayut-Mönche. Die (royalistischen) Thammayut-Mönche ziehen aber aus, sobald es die politische Lage erlaubt. Der erste Mönch, der hier ordiniert wird,  ist Ex-Ministerpräsident Phraya Phahonphon Phayuhasena (พระยาพหลพลพยุหเสนา = Phot Phahonyothin - พจน์ พหลโยธิน, 1887 - 1947)


Abb.: Lage des วัดประชาธิปไตย (Democracy Temple)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Wat Phra Sri Mahathat (วัดพระศรีมหาธาตุวรมหาวิหาร), 2009
[Bildquelle: Hdamm / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Wat Phra Sri Mahathat (vollständiger Name Wat Phra Sri Mahathat Wora Maha Wihan; Thai: วัดพระศรีมหาธาตุวรมหาวิหาร) ist eine buddhistische Tempelanlage (Wat) in Bangkok, der Hauptstadt von Thailand. Wat Phra Sri Mahathat ist ein „Königlicher Tempel Erster Klasse“ (พระอารามหลวง ชั้นเอก) , in ihm leben Mönche, die dem Thammayut Nikaya (ธรรมยุติกนิกาย) angehören.

Lage

Wat Phra Sri Mahathat liegt an der vielbefahrenen Thanon Phahonyothin (ถนนพหลโยธิน, Phahonyothin-Straße) in Bangkoks Stadtteil Bang Khen (บางเขน).

Geschichte

Der Tempel wurde 1941 von Feldmarschall Phibul Songkhram (แปลก พิบูลสงคราม, 1897 - 1964), dem damaligen Premierminister von Thailand, gegründet, um an die Einführung des „demokratischen Systems“ in Thailand zu erinnern. [1] Sein ursprünglicher Name war daher Wat Prachathipatai (วัดประชาธิปไตย – „Tempel der Demokratie“). Er wurde ganz in der Nähe des „Denkmals zur Verteidigung der Verfassung“ (อนุสาวรีย หลักสี่, Lak Si-Denkmal) erbaut und am 28. Juni 1941 fertiggestellt.

Am 30. Juni 1942 wurde der Name in „Wat Phra Sri Mahathat Wora Maha Viharn“ ( วัดพระศรีมหาธาตุวรมหาวิหาร) geändert, nachdem Reliquien des Buddha, ein Ableger des heiligen Mahabodhi-Baumes in Bodhgaya (बोधगया) sowie Erde von heiligen Orten aus Indien hergebracht und in der Phra Chedi Sri Mahathat verwahrt wurden.

Sehenswürdigkeiten
  • Phra Chedi Sri Mahathat – die 38 Meter hohe Chedi (เจดีย์) ist innen begehbar. In ihr befindet sich ein weiterer Chedi, in der sich die Reliquien befinden. Um den kleineren Chedi herum führt ein kreisförmiger Korridor mit vier Eingängen. In Nischen in der Mauer liegen die Erdproben von verschiedenen heiligen Orten in Indien. In weiteren Nischen stehen auch die Urnen mit der Asche verschiedener geistlicher und weltlicher Würdenträger, wie zum Beispiel von Phibul Songkhram.
  • Bodhi-Baum – auf einer runden Insel in einem kleinen See vor dem Chedi steht der Bodhi-Baum, der aus einem Ableger des Mahabodhi-Baumes in Bodhgaya gezogen wurde. Vor dem Baum gibt es eine große Buddha-Statue in Meditations-Haltung."

[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wat_Phra_Sri_Mahathat. -- Zugriff am 2014-10-19]

Zuvor schon hatten Wichit Wichitwathakan (วิจิตร วิจิตรวาทการ, 1898 - 1962) und Phra Phromphichit (พระพรหมพิจิตร) ein อนุสาวรีย์ไทย (Monument für die Thai) geplant. Es wird nicht verwirklicht.

"Lawrence Chua describes an earlier (unbuilt) sakon [สกล] monument planned by Luang Wichit [วิจิตร วิจิตรวาทการ] and Phra Phromphichit [พระพรหมพิจิตร], to be called Anusawari Thai [อนุสาวรีย์ไทย] (Monument for the Thai)—not only an expression of pure Thainess but also ‘the most important monument in the world’. ‘King Rama VI donated 5 million to build the Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall [พระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม], but it didn’t effect anything in honour of the country at all,’ wrote Luang Wichit. The monument was to be 100 metres high, built on a square base measuring 10,000 square metres. The lowest floor would have a balcony 5 metres wide and 80 metres long which could be an 'Economic Museum’, exhibiting ‘Thailand’s abundant production of valuable commodities’. On the next floor would be a large lobby for dining, modern dancing and, periodically, classical dance performances. The next two floors would house a splendid hotel while the top floor would serve as a conference hall."

[Quelle: Anderson, Benedict R. O'G. (Richard O’Gorman) <1936 - >: The fate of rural hell : ascetism and desire in Buddhist Thailand. -- London : Seagull, 2012. -- 99 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 978-0-8574-2-027-5. -- S. 48, Anm. 25]

1941-06-22

Angriff des Deutschen Reiches auf die Sowjetunion

1941-07

Japanische Truppen landen an der Bucht von Cam Ranh (Vietnam) und besetzen Saigon (jetzt: Ho Chi Minh City) in Cochinchine und in Da Nang. Japan fordert von Frankreich das Recht, Truppen in ganz Indochina (nicht nur Annam und Tonkin) zu stationieren und erhält von Frankreich dieses Recht.


Abb.: Lage von Cam Ranh, Saigon und Da Nang
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941-07

Die USA und Großbritannien sperren Guthaben Japans. Deswegen benötigt Japan Kredite Thailands. Ein Bankenkonsortium aus Siam Commercial Bank (ธนาคารไทยพาณิชย์), Siam City Bank und Bank of Asia gewähren der Yokohama Specie Bank (横浜正金銀行) eine Anleihe über 10 Mio. Baht, zurückzahlbar in Gold.

"Despite this arrangement, Japan exhausted the 10,000,000 baht loan within a matter of months. In the middle of August, 1941, the Japanese Minister, Mr. [Yasusato] Futami [二見 甚郷, 1888 - 1968], made a request for another loan to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Prime Minister. Japan proposed that an additional loan of 25,000,000 baht be made on guarantee of repayment in gold, but that such gold be left with the Bank of Japan [日本銀行]. The conditions surrounding the arrangement were so rigid that we would have had no way of transferring the gold to Siam. The Cabinet again consulted the Minister of Finance, and authorised him to negotiate with Mr. Ono, former Japanese Deputy Minister of Finance and now Financial Adviser to the Japanese Ministry of Finance who was currently in Siam. The Siamese Finance Minister [Nai Pridi Phanomyong {ปรีดี พนมยงค์, 1900 - 1983} —Ed.] agreed to make the loan on condition that the gold bullion was delivered in Bangkok. The negotiations were conducted with such acrimony that Japan complained to the Prime Minister that the Siamese Minister of Finance was an obstructionist and that he had insulted Japan. He asked why Siam should trust England and the United States with custody of her gold, yet not do the same with Japan. However, despite these exchanges, in the end Japan accepted our conditions."

[Quelle: Direck Jayanama [ดิเรก ชัยนาม] <1905 - 1967>: Siam and World War II / English ed. prepared and ed. by Jane Godfrey Keyes. -- Bangkok : The Social Science Association of Thailand Press, 2521 [1978]. -- 358 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- Originaltitel: ไทยกับสงครามโลกครั้งที่ 2 (2.ed., 1967). -- S. 45. -- Fair use]

1941-07-01

USA: WNBT, der erste kommerzielle Fernsehsender der Welt, nimmt den Betrieb auf. Auch Thailand wird später von kommerziellen Fernsehkanälen überschwemmt werden.

1941-07-05

Tokyo: Thailand und Frankreich tauschen die Ratifikationsurkunden des Friedensvertrags aus

"Convention de Paix entre la France et la Thaïlande

Le Chef de l'Etat Français et Sa Majesté le Roi de la Thaïlande.

ayant accepté la médiation du Gouvernement du Japon en vue d'apporter un règlement final au conflit armé survenu à la frontière de l'Indochine Française et de la Thaïlande,

reconnaissant la nécessité de procéder au rajustement de la frontière actuelle de l'Indochine Française et de la Thaïlande, en vue de prévenir le retour de conflits à cette frontière, et de s’entendre sur les moyens de maintenir la tranquillité dans la zone frontière,

désireux de rétablir pleinement les traditionnelles relations d'amitié entre la France et la Thaïlande,

Ont décidé, cet effet, de conclure une Convention et ont nommé pour leurs Plénipotentiaires, savoir:

le chef de l'Etat Français:

M. Charles Arsène-Henry [1881 - 1943], Ambassadeur extraordinaire et plénipotentiaire de la France au Japon;

M. René Robin [1872 - 1954], Gouverneur Général Honoraire des Colonies; et

Sa Majesté le Roi de la Thaïlande:

Son Altesse le Prince Varnvaidyakara [พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้า วรรณไวทยากร กรมหมื่นนราธิปพงศ์ประพันธ์, 1891 - 1976]], Conseiller de la Présidence du Conseil et du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères;

Phya Sri Sena [พระยาศรีเสนา, - 1982], Envoyé extraordinaire et Ministre plénipotentiaire de S. M. le Roi de la Thaïlande au Japon;

M. le Colonel Phra Silpa Sastrakom, Chef de l'Etat Major Général de la Thaïlande;

Nai Vanich Panananda [วนิช ปานะนนท์], Directeur du Département du Commerce;

Lesquels, après s'être communiqué leurs pleins pouvoirs, trouvés en bonne et due forme, sont convenus des articles suivants:

ARTICLE 1.

Les relations amicales sont rétablies entre la France et la Thaïlande sur la base fondamentale du Traité d'Amitié, de Commerce et de Navigation du 7 décembre 1937.

En conséquence, des négociations diplomatiques directes seront engagées dans le plus bref délai à Bangkok pour la liquidation de toutes les questions pendantes résultant du conflit.

ARTICLE 2.

La frontière entre l'Indochine Française et la Thaïlande sera rajustée ainsi qu'il suit;

En partant du nord, la frontière suivra le fleuve Mékong depuis le point de jonction des frontières de l'Indochine Française, de la Thaïlande et de la Birmanie, jusqu'au point où le Mékong couple le parallèle du quinzième grade. (Carte du Service Géographique de l'Indochine-Echelle de 1: 500, 000e).

Dans toute cette partie, la frontière sera constituée par la ligne médiane du chenal de navigation principal. Toute-fois, il est expressément convenu que l'île de Khong [ໂຂງ] restera territoire de l'Indochine Française, tandis que l'île de Khone [ຄອນພະເພັງ] sera attribuée à la Thaïlande.

La frontière suivra ensuite, vers l'ouest, le parallèle du quinzième grade puis, vers le sud, le méridien qui passe par le point d'aboutissement au Grand Lac de la limite actuelle des provinces de Siemréap [សៀមរាប] et de Battambang [បាត់ដំបង] (embouchure du Stung Kombot).

Dans toute cette partie, la Commission de délimitation prévue à l'article 4 s'efforcera, s'il y a lieu, de rattacher la frontière à des lignes naturelles ou à des limites administratives, voisines du tracé défini ci- dessus, de manière à éviter, dans la mesure du possible, des difficultés pratiques ultérieures.

Sur le Grand Lac [ទន្លេសាប], la frontière sera constituée par un arc de cercle de vingt kilomètres de rayon joignant le point d'aboutissement au Grand Lac de la limite actuelle des provinces de Siemréap et de Battambang (embouchure du Stung Kombot) au point d'aboutissement au Grand Lac de la limite actuelle des provinces de Battambang et de Pursat [ខេត្តពោធិ៍សាត់] (embouchure du Stung Dontri).

Dans toute l'étendue du Grand Lac, la navigation et la pêche seront libres pour les ressortissants des deux Hautes Parties Contractantes, sous réserve du respect des installations fixes de pêcherie établies le long du rivage. Il est entendu que, dans cet esprit, les Hautes Parties Contractantes élaboreront, dans le plus bref délai, une règlementation commune de la police, de la navigation et de la pêche sur les eaux du Grand Lac.

A partir de l'embouchure du Stung Dontri, la nouvelle frontière suivra, en direction du sud-ouest, l'actuelle limite des provinces de Battambang et de Pursat, jusqu'au point de rencontre de cette limite avec la frontière actuelle de l'Indochine Française et de la Thaïlande (Khao Koup) qu'elle suivra ensuite sans modification jusqu'à la mer.

ARTICLE 3.

Les territoires compris entre la frontière actuelle de l'Indochine Française et de la Thaïlande et la nouvelle ligne frontière définie à l'article 2, seront évacués et transférés conformément aux modalités prévues au protocole annexé à la présente Convention. (Annexe I)

ARTICLE 4.

Les travaux de délimitation de la frontière de l'Indochine Française et de la Thaïlande, telle qu'elle est définie à l'article 2, seront effectués, tant en ce qui concerne la partie terrestre que la partie fluviale de cette frontière, par une Commission de délimitation qui sera constituée dans la semaine suivant la mise en de la présente Convention et qui achèvera ses travaux dans le délai d'un an.

La constitution et le fonctionnement de la dite Commission font l'objet du Protocole annexé à la présente Convention. (Annexe II)

ARTICLE 5.

Les territoires cédés seront incorporés à la Thaïlande sous les conditions suivantes:

  1. Ils seront démilitarisés dans toute leur étendue, à l'exception des territoires limitrophes du Mékong, faisant antérieurement partie du Laos français.
  2. En ce qui concerne l'entrée, l'établissement et les entreprises, les ressortissants français (citoyens, sujets et protégés français) jouiront, dans toute l'étendue de ces territoires, d'un traitement absolument égal à celui qui sera accordé aux nationaux de la Thaïlande.

    Il est entendu que, en ce qui concerne les ressortissants français, les droits acquis résultant des concessions, affermages et permis obtenus à la date du 11 mars 1941, seront respectés sur toute l’étendue des territoires cédés.

  3. Le Gouvernement de la Thaïlande assurera plein respect aux tombeaux royaux qui se trouvent sur la rive droite du Mékong en face de Luang Prabang [ຫຼວງພະບາງ] et donnera toutes facilités à la Famille Royale de Luang Prabang et aux fonctionnaires de la Cour, pour la conservation et la visite de ces tombeaux.

ARTICLE 6.

Dans les conditions prévues au Protocole annexé à la présente Convention (Annexe III), les principes suivants seront appliqués à la zone démilitarisée établie en vertu du point 1. de l'article précédent:

  1. Dans la zone démilitarisée, la Thaïlande ne pourra entretenir d'autre forces armées que les forces de police nécessaires au maintien de la sûreté et de l'ordre public.

    Néanmoins, la Thaïlande se réserve le droit de renforcer momentanément ses forces de police dans la mesure où des opérations de police extraordinaires le rendraient nécessaire. Elle se réserve également la faculté d'effectuer sur son territoire, à travers la zone démilitarisée, les transports de troupes et de matériel qu'exigeraient des opérations de police dans les circonscriptions voisines ou des opérations militaires contre de tierces Puissances.

    Enfin, dans la zone démilitarisée, la Thaïlande sera autorisée à faire stationner en tout temps, des aéronefs militaires non armés.
     

  2. Il ne pourra exister dans la zone démilitarisée ni places fortes, ni établissements militaires, ni aérodromes à l'usage exclusif de l'armée, ni dépôts d'armes, de munitions ou de matériel de guerre, à l'exception des dépôts de matériel courant et de combustible nécessaires aux aéronefs militaires non armés.

Les divers casernements des forces de police pourront comporter l'organization défensive normalement nécessaire à leur sécurité.

ARTICLE 7.

Les Hautes Parties Contractantes sont d'accord pour supprimer les zones démilitarisées existant de part et d'autre du Mékong sur la partie du course de ce fleuve où il forme la frontière entre le Laos Français et la Thaïlande.

ARTICLE 8.

Dès que le transfert de la souveraineté sur les territoires cédés à la Thaïlande sera définitif, la nationalité de la Thaïlande sera acquise de plein droit par les ressortissants français établis sur ces territoires.

Toutefois, dans l'année qui suivra le transfert définitif de la souveraineté, les ressortissants français auront la faculté d'opter pour la nationalité française.

Cette option s'exercera de la manière suivante:

  1. en ce qui concerne les citoyens français, par une déclaration faite devant l'autorité administrative compétente.
  2. en ce qui concerne les sujets et protégés français, par un transfert de domicile en territoire français.

Aucun obstacle ne sera apporté par la Thaïlande, quelle qu'en soit la raison, à l'évacuation ou au retour éventuel de ces sujets et protégés français. En particulier, ils pourront, avant leur départ, disposer librement de leurs biens mobiliers et immobiliers. Ils auront la faculté d'emporter avec eux ou dé faire transporter, en franchise douanière, leurs biens mobiliers de toute nature, bétail, produits agricoles, monnaies ou billets de banque. En tout état de cause, ils pourront conserver, sur les territoires incorporés à la Thaïlande, la propriété de leurs biens immobiliers.

ARTICLE 9.

La France et la Thaïlande sont d'accord pour renoncer définitivement à toute prétention d'ordre financier, d'Etat à Etat, résultant du transfert de territoires prévu à l'article 2, moyennant le paiement, par la Thaïlande à la France, d'une somme de six millions de piastres indochinoises. Le paiement de cette somme sera réparti, par tranches égales, sur six années à compter de la mise en vigueur de la présente Convention.

Pour assurer l'application du paragraphe précédent, ainsi que pour régler toutes questions monétaires et de transfert de valeurs que peuvent poser les cessions de territoires faisant l'objet de la présente Convention, les administrations compétentes de l'Indochine Française et de la Thaïlande entreront négociations dans le plus bref délai.

ARTICLE 10.

Tout conflit pouvant surgir entre les deux Hautes Parties Contractantes au sujet de l'interprétation ou de l'application des dispositions de la présente Convention sera résolu amiablement par la voie diplomatique.

Si le conflit ne peut être ainsi résolu, il sera soumis à la médiation du Gouvernement de Japon.

ARTICLE 11.

Toutes dispositions des Traités, Conventions et Accords existant entre la France et la Thaïlande, qui ne sont pas incompatibles avec les dispositions de la présente Convention, sont et demeurent maintenues en vigueur.

ARTICLE 12.

La présente Convention sera ratifiée et les ratifications en seront échangées à Tokio dans des deux mois suivant la dates de sa signature. Le Gouvernement Français pourra, le cas échéant, substituer à son instrument de ratification une notification écrite de ratification; dans ce cas, le Gouvernement Français enverra son instrument de ratification au Gouvernement de la Thaïlande aussitôt que faire et pourra.

La présente Convention entrera en vigueur le jour de l'échange des ratifications.

En foi de quoi, les Plénipotentiaires respectifs ont signé la présente Convention et y ont apposé leurs cachets.

Fait en triple exemplaire, en langues française, japonaise et thaïe, à Tokio, le neuf mai mil neuf cent quarante et un, correspondant au neuvième jour du cinquième mois de la seizième année de Showa, et au neuvième jour du cinquième mois de la deux mille quatre cent quatre-vingtquatrième année de l'ère bouddhique.

Charles Arsène Henry

René Robin

Varnvaidyakara Srisena

Group Captain Silpasastrakom

Vanich Panananda"

[Quelle: Direck Jayanama [ดิเรก ชัยนาม] <1905 - 1967>: Siam and World War II / English ed. prepared and ed. by Jane Godfrey Keyes. -- Bangkok : The Social Science Association of Thailand Press, 2521 [1978]. -- 358 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- Originaltitel: ไทยกับสงครามโลกครั้งที่ 2 (2.ed., 1967). -- S. 276ff.]

1941-07-05

Laut United Press haben Thailand und die Sowjetunion den Austausch von Botschaftern beschlossen und die Sowjetunion hat Thailand die Benutzung der Transsibirischen Eisenbahn zugesagt. Wegen des Pazifikkriegs werden diese Abmachungen nie realisiert.


Abb.: Transsibirische Eisenbahn, 1897
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1941-07-10

Jean Decoux (1884 – 1963), Gouverneur général de l'Indochine française, bittet Marschall Philippe Pétain (1856 - 1951) eine Radioansprache für Indochina zu halten, die folgende Worte enthält:

"Annamites, Cambodians, Laotians, France remains. Do not doubt its destiny which is tied to yours."

[Übersetzung: Jennings, Eric Thomas <1970 - >: Vichy in the tropics : Pétain's national revolution in Madagascar, Guadeloupe, and Indochina, 1940-1944. -- Stanford. : Stanford UP, 2001. -- 311 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-8047-5047-5. -- S. 150]

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f7/French_Indochina_c._1930.jpg
Abb.: Lage der genannten Gebiete (Grenzen vor 1940)

1941-07-12

"July 12. Japan began today an all-out, general, and nation-wide mobilization to prepare for the "superemergency" foreshadowed by Matsuoka [Yōsuke Matsuoka - 松岡 洋右, 1880 – 1946, Japans Außenminister]. This became evident when it was announced that the Cabinet had met in an extraordinary session and had decided on new basic financial and economic policies involving a "revolutionary extension of government control over finance, industrial production, and distribution, in line with a wartime planned economy." That much was public and known and could be reported. What was not public, not known, and therefore could not be reported was the military aspect of the mobilization; but that such sweeping economic measures would be accompanied by equally sweeping military preparations was a foregone conclusion.

At the same time, explaining the need for such a mobilization and indicating further action, the press, led by the semiofficial Domei news agency [同盟通信社], unloosed its batteries in a new propaganda campaign along the now familiar lines. It charged that America, Britain, Chungking [重慶市] China, and the Dutch East Indies—called the ABCD Powers—were forming an encircling alliance against Japan which Soviet Russia might join to complete the encirclement from the north. The British were accused of encircling Thailand, and Domei reported that Britain and Chungking had formed a definite military agreement providing for Chinese troops in Burma as soon as Japan started her southward drive. The press therefore demanded Japanese counteraction, which the Government was providing."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 150. -- Fair use]

1941-07-22

"July 22. With a unanimity again betraying the directing hand, the entire press resumed today the campaign against the "ABCD alliance." Led by the semiofficial Domei [同盟通信社], it charged that British and Chungking troops were moving in the direction of French Indo-China for a possible invasion, and that a secret military understanding had been reached between Britain, Chungking [重慶市], and the faction of General Charles de Gaulle [1890 - 1970] in French Indo-China. Britain was also accused of menacing Thailand by concentrating troops along the Thai border. When asked about the meaning of this campaign, Spokesman [Ko] Ishii [石井] replied at the press conference that the Government had no official confirmation of the reports, but that if they were true, Japan would have the right to protest, and that any further steps would depend on further developments. This seemed to confirm reports about new Japanese demands on French Indo-China circulating abroad."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 170. -- Fair use]

1941-07-23

In einer seiner zahlreichen Initiativen, das Volk zu moralisieren und zivilisieren, startet Pibun eine Kampagne, dass man in der Öffentlichkeit Hüte tragen soll.

1941-07-25

Feierliche Zeremonie der Übernahme von Battambang (ក្រុងបាត់ដំបង) durch Thailand. Vorsitz der Zeremonie: Khuang Abhaiwongse (ควง อภัยวงศ์, 1902 - 1968), Direktor von Post und Telegraph. Sein Vater - Chhum Abhaiwongse (ชุ่ม อภัยวงศ์, 1861 - 1922) - war der letzte Gouverneur von Battambang vor der Abtretung an Frankreich 1907.


Abb.: Lage von Battambang (ក្រុងបាត់ដំបង)

1941-07-25

Die offizielle Japan Times and Adviser beschuldigt Großbritannien, zu versuchen, die gute Beziehung zu zerstören, die sich zwischen Japan und Thailand entwickelt hat.

1941-07-25

"July 25. The press began to prepare the Japanese people today not only for action in French Indo-China but also for American and British countermeasures. It carried dispatches under Vichy and Berlin date lines charging that British and Chungking forces were about to invade French Indo-China in co-operation with a De Gaullist army, and coupled with these a statement by Frank Knox [William Franklin „Frank“ Knox, 1874 - 1944], American Navy Secretary, that the American Fleet was ready for Far Eastern action. A quotation from the Paris Soir, published under German auspices, served to pretend that the French were alarmed about the defense of their colony. Chinese troops were reported mobilizing near Burma for pressure on Thailand.

But the press also carried dispatches from New York saying that the United States and Britain had agreed to impose economic sanctions on Japan, especially an immediate oil embargo."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 172. -- Fair use]

1941-07-25

Geheimbericht der deutschen Gesandtschaft an das Auswärtige Amt:

"Im Juli 1941 wurde in einem geheimen Bericht gemeldet, dass es den Japanern gelungen sei, mit Hilfe der neu gegründeten, sieben japanischen Kautschukgenossenschaften eine gut fundierte japanische Aufkauforganisation in den südthailändischen Plantagen zu etablieren. Da Kautschuk für die Kriegsindustrie sehr wichtig war, wurde die deutsche Botschaft in Tokyo vom Auswärtigen Amt beauftragt, mit der japanischen Regierung eine Vereinbarung über Kautschukbezüge und ihren Transport von Thailand nach Japan bis zum Ende des Jahres 1941 abzuschließen.

Um Deutschland seine Kautschukmenge zu sichern, schlug die Firma Hamburg-Thai, ein deutsches Unternehmen in Thailand, das gute Beziehungen zu den dortigen Plantagenbesitzern unterhielt, im Zusammenhang mit dem erwähnten Auftrag vor, bis zum Zustandekommen der abzuschließenden Vereinbarung ihre guten Beziehungen zu den Plantagenbesitzern aufrechtzuerhalten und sich weiterhin im Kautschukgeschäft zu beteiligen. So könnte sie Kautschuk auf eigene Rechnung kaufen und ihn weiterhin an die japanische Aufkauforganisation verkaufen, so dass die Verschiffung ab Bangkok durch die Japaner erfolgen würde. Die Firma Hamburg-Thai rechnete allerdings dabei damit, dass das Reich einen angemessenen Zuschlag, Ersatz der Transportkosten sowie Spesen, die es selbst bestimmen dürfte, zahlen müsste. Jedoch warnte die Firma, dass die Ankäufe nach vorheriger grundsätzlicher Preisabstimmung mit der japanischen Importgesellschaft stattfinden und nur erfolgen sollten, wenn diese selbst von Japan Kaufaufträge erhalten hätte. Betont wurde auch, dass

„dieser Vorschlag, der im Prinzip den von der Deutschen Regierung der Japanischen Regierung unterbreiteten Gedankengängen entspricht, kommt jedoch diesseitigen Erachtens nur in Betracht, wenn die durch die deutsche Firma auf diese Weise aufgekauften Kautschukmengen der Deutschen Regierung nach Ankunft in Japan gutgeschrieben werden, bezw. wenn bei sich bietender Gelegenheit von den in Japan lagernden Kautschukmengen jeweils äquivalente Mengen Deutschland zum Abtransport zur Verfügung gestellt werden".

Die Firma Hamburg-Thai schätzte, dass sie in der Lage sein würde, monatlich bis zu ca. 500 Tonnen Kautschuk liefern zu können."

[Quelle: Catthiyakorn Sasitharamas [คัททิยากร ศศิธรามาส]: Die deutsch-thailändischen Beziehungen in der Zeit der Weimarer Republik bis zum Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs. -- Hamburg : Kovač, 2012. -- 346 S. ; 21 cm. -- (Schriftenreihe Schriften zur Geschichtsforschung des 20. Jahrhunderts ; Bd. 4). -- ISBN 978-3-8300-6361-2. -- Zugl.: Hamburg, Univ., Diss., 2012. -- S.  215f. -- Fair use]

1941-07-28

Phibun ernennt sich zum Feldmarschall aller Waffengattungen (จอมพล จอมพลเรือ จอมพลอากาศ). Außerdem lässt er sich verschieden hohe Orden verleihen.

1941-07-28

Aus einer Erklärung des japanischen Finanzministers Masatsune Ogura (小倉 正恆, 1875 - 1961):

"But the East Asia autarchic system," he said, "will be complete only if French Indo-China, the Netherlands East Indies, British Malaya, Borneo, the Philippines, Australia, and Thailand enter the greater coprosperity sphere."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 179. -- Fair use]

1941-08

Der Oberkommandierende des britischen Fernost-Kommandos, Luftmarschall Brooke-Popham (1878 - 1953), entwickelt Operation Matador

"Die Operation Matador war ein Verteidigungsplan für Britisch-Malaya, der massive Truppenverschiebungen auf der malaiischen Halbinsel bis nach Thailand hinein vorsah, um einer japanischen Invasion entgegenzuwirken. Die ersten Prognosen dazu wurden 1937 vom damaligen kommandierenden Offizier in Malaysia, Generalmajor William Dobbie (1879 - 1964), erarbeitet, auf denen der dann im August 1941 von Luftmarschall Robert Brooke-Popham (Henry Robert Moore Brooke-Popham,  1878 - 1953) erarbeitete Plan fußte.

Generalmajor Dobbie inspizierte 1937 die Verteidigungsanlagen der Briten auf der malaiischen Halbinsel und kam zu dem Schluss, dass während der Monsunzeit zwischen Oktober und März feindliche Truppen an der Küste landen und bis nach Thailand vordringen könnten. Als besonders gefährdet dafür hielt er die Strände bei Singora (Songkhla - สงขลา) und Pattani (ปัตตานี) in Thailand, sowie Kota Bharu (كوت بهارو) in Malaysia. Er schlug vor entsprechende Gegenmaßnahmen durch Truppenverlegungen und Verstärkungen vorzunehmen. Seine Ansichten sollten sich später als richtig herausstellen, aber sie wurden ignoriert.

Erst im August 1941 entwickelte der damalige Oberkommandierende des britischen Fernost-Kommandos Luftmarschall Brooke-Popham wieder einen Plan mit dem Kodenamen Matador und übermittelte ihn nach London zur Bewilligung (PRO record FO 371/28163). Der Plan basierte auf der Annahme, dass die Japaner an der thailändischen Ostküste bei Singora und Pattani landen würden, anschließend südlich bis Jitra und weiter bis nach Kroh vorstoßen würden. Booke-Popham hielt zwei Einheiten für ausreichend, um die Japaner aufzuhalten, bis die Hauptstreitmacht eintreffen und eingreifen würde. Aber es gab einige Probleme mit diesem Plan. Zusätzliche schon Anfang 1941 angeforderte Einheiten konnten nicht entsandt werden und der britische Botschafter in Thailand, Sir Josiah Cosby (1880 - 1958), hatte schon im Jahr davor mit dem thailändischen Premierminister Plaek Pibulsonggram (1897 - 1964) einen Nichtangriffspakt unterzeichnet. Außerdem wollten die Briten die volle Unterstützung der USA zur Ausführung, die ihnen aber vorerst verwehrt blieb.

Am 5. Dezember, als ein Kriegsausbruch immer wahrscheinlicher wurde, änderten die Briten den Plan ab, um mit den vorhandenen Truppen den Japanern entgegentreten zu können. Er sollte unmittelbar vor einer Invasion in Kraft treten. Der Plan beinhaltete das Einrücken britischer Einheiten nach Südthailand, falls gegnerische Einheiten bei Singora und Pattani landen sollten. Zur Ausführung stand die 11. Indische Infanteriedivision unter Generalmajor Murray-Lyon (David Murrey Murray-Lyon, 1890 – 1975) zur Verfügung, die aber auch die Aufgabe hatte Jitra zu verteidigen, was ihre Linien weit auseinander ziehen würde. Noch am selben Tag akzeptierte London den Plan und überließ dem Oberkommando Fernost die Entscheidung ihn auszulösen. Die wichtigste strategische Entscheidung betraf dabei ein Vorrücken der Truppen nach Thailand, noch bevor die Japaner gelandet wären. Nach einer weiteren schnellen Überarbeitung standen am 6. Dezember die Truppen bereit, um die Einsatzräume zu beziehen. Auf einem nachmittäglichen Treffen zwischen Brooke-Popham, General Arthur Percival (1887 - 1966) und Gouverneur Shenton Thomas (Shenton Whitelegge Thomas, 1879 - 1962) fiel aber die Entscheidung, die Operation vorerst auszusetzen und am nächsten Morgen einen erneuten Beschluss darüber zu fällen, obwohl schon ein japanischer Konvoi im Südchinesischen Meer gesichtet worden war. Im Rückblick erwies sich dies als falsch: kurz nach Mitternacht begann am 8. Dezember die japanische Invasion der Malaiischen Halbinsel.

Die japanische Armee hatte für den Fall, dass Matador ausgelöst worden wäre, einen Gegenplan entwickelt. Mittels Landungen auf dem Flughafen von Bangkok und Flugfeldern im Süden Thailands sollte eine Luftüberlegenheit hergestellt werden, die es den am Isthmus von Kra (คอคอดกระ) gelandeten Bodentruppen erleichtern sollte, nach Süden vorzurücken.

Ein weiterer Plan mit Namen Matador war von der Royal Navy zur Verteidigung von Singapur ausgearbeitet worden."

[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Matador_%28Malaya%29. -- Zugriff am 2015-01-13]

1941-08-05

"August 5. Another war scare appeared to be in the making. Japanese troops, not content with occupying key points in French Indo-China, had marched across Cambodia right to the new frontier of Thailand, and the way the Japanese press played up this news suggested that they might continue going. Especially since the press bewailed the fact that Thailand had been placed under the "merciless pressure" of Britain, the United States, and Chungking so that her national security was at stake. Thailand’s declaration that she was not oppressed economically or militarily by any country was brushed aside as a product of that country’s sorry plight which called for Japanese sympathy. The Thais, said the press, should draw a moral from French Indo-China, whose sovereignty and security were guaranteed by Japanese troops, and follow her example. That sounded ominous. But Thai troops were lining up on the other side of the border and British mechanized units were moving into position at the Thai-Malayan border, while new reinforcements were being landed at Singapore."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 221f. -- Fair use]

1941-08-06

"August 6. The new war scare increased when the press played up sensational reports that Great Britain was preparing to occupy vital points in Thailand. Writing about it, I expressed the view that Thailand had assumed the role of an Eastern Poland and that a military violation of Thailand by either side would precipitate the Pacific war. The best opinion was, however, that Japan was still testing out the resistance of America and Britain, and that the scare would pass again. But the growing tension was beginning to show itself in the increasingly sullen attitude of the populace toward all foreigners."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 222. -- Fair use]

1941-08-07

"August 7. The issue over Thailand came to a showdown today when the Japanese press announced that America and Great Britain had warned Japan against the occupation of Thailand on pain of "grave consequences," and had likewise submitted to Thailand the joint advice to resist aggression, which implied the promise of aid. That was almost an ultimatum, which, moreover, had been announced publicly by Eden [Robert Anthony Eden, 1. Earl of Avon, 1897 - 1977, britischer Außenminister] in the Commons, by Hull [Cordell Hull, 1871 – 1955, US-Außenminister] at a press conference. Japanese government circles were boiling with rage. What would they do?

I called up the Cabinet Board of Information, and though I did not expect it to know the military plans, I got some reassurance. Hidesabura Yokayama, secretary of the board, categorically declared that Eden’s and Hull’s statements were "based on no warrantable facts," which was one way of saying that Japan would not march further, at least at the moment. He angrily accused the British of creating a new crisis in the Pacific analogous to that of last February "when all allegations against Japan likewise proved untrue."

I cabled it to New York for what it was worth. But just how much it was worth remained in doubt."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 222f. -- Fair use]

1941-08-08

Phibun erklärt in einer Rundfunkansprache, dass Thailand sich verteidigen wird und ausländischer Aggression keinen Fingerbreit weichen werde. Ein paar Tage später ruft er das Volk dazu auf, Vorräte an Giftgas zu halten, um sie im Bedarfsfall dem Militär zur Verfügung zu stellen.

1941-08-08

"August 8. The doubts were removed today. The immediate war scare over Thailand was over. Confronted by American and British joint opposition, Japan had backed down. If Japan had used the threat against Thailand to test American and British resistance, she now knew where these countries stood. And everybody knew that any further Japanese move would mean war.

[...]

Lieutenant Commander Tota Ishimaru [石丸藤太, 1881-1942] charged in the press that America and Great Britain had drawn a "cordon sanitaire" around Japan to strangle Japan’s fighting forces, but declared that with the aid of China, Manchukuo, French Indo-China, "and Thailand," Japan could survive. As for getting oil from the Netherlands East Indies and rubber from Malaya, he said "that might be a bit difficult, but it should be easy if we tackle the problem after the German fashion. . . . Japan," he affirmed, "has ways of breaking the encirclement."

[...]

But the handling of the Thailand affair, leading to a public humiliation for Japan, had apparently caused dissatisfaction even in conservative circles. The Asahi [朝日新聞] told Toyoda [Teijirō Toyoda -豊田 貞次郎, 1885 – 1961, Außenminister] openly that "it would be too much to expect him to be a master of diplomatic technique," and urged him to appoint a Vice-Foreign Minister of "wide experience and abundant knowledge and capacity." The Kokumin [国民] warned Konoye [Ministerpräsident Konoe Fumimaro - 近衞 文麿1891 - 1945] against further compromises, saying that the proposed "great renovation meant fighting," and that those who propagated it must be "loyal heroes willing to die."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 224. -- Fair use]

1941-08-10 - 1942-06-12

Phibun lässt im Radio die "Dialoge zwischen Mr. Man Chuchart (มั่น ชูชาติ) und Mr. Khong Rakthai (คง รักไทย)" ausstrahlen. Sie sollen den Nationalismus und die Kriegslust der Thais stärken. Man + Khong (มั่นคง) =dauerhaft, zuverlässig, stabil; Chu Chart (ชูชาติ) = die Nation hochhhalten; Rak Thai (รักไทย) = "die Thais lieben".

Übersetzung aller Dialoge in Thai politics (1979), S. 260 - 316.

1941-08-10

"August 10. The showdown over Thailand had apparently precipitated a showdown at home. I learned that the ultranationalists, nominally led by Nakano [Seigō Nakano - 中野 正剛, 1886 – 1943] but backed by the Army and the Black Dragon Society [黑龍會] under Toyama [Tōyama Mitsuru - 頭山 満, 1855 - 1944], had determined to eliminate the conservative elements from the Government, if necessary by another assassination wave, and they had the gunmen ready to do so. The Nakano group was sending out open assassination threats to various statesmen, warning them against further opposition to war. Such threats were reported to have reached both Konoye [Ministerpräsident Konoe Fumimaro - 近衞 文麿1891 - 1945] and Hiranuma [Ex-Ministerpräsident Hiranuma Kiichirō - 平沼 騏一郎; 1867 - 1952], which gave added piquancy to Konoye’s recent luncheon with Toyama, although a meeting between the assassin and his prospective victim was by no means unprecedented in Japan."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 224f. -- Fair use]

1941-08-14

US-Präsident Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882 - 1945) und der britische Ministerpräsident Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill (1874 - 1965) formulieren in der Atlantic Charta die Grundsätze ihrer gemeinsamen internationalen Politik.


Abb.: Churchill's Kopie des Entwurfs
[Bildquelel: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

"Joint Statement by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill, August 14, 1941:

The following statement signed by the President of the United States and the Prime Minister of Great Britain is released for the information of the Press:

The President of the United States and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, have met at sea.

They have been accompanied by officials of their two Governments, including high ranking officers of the Military, Naval and Air Services.

The whole problem of the supply of munitions of war, as provided by the Lease-Lend Act, for the armed forces of the United States and for those countries actively engaged in resisting aggression has been further examined.

Lord Beaverbrook, the Minister of Supply of the British Government, has joined in these conferences. He is going to proceed to Washington to discuss further details with appropriate officials of the United States Government. These conferences will also cover the supply problems of the Soviet Union.

The President and the Prime Minister have had several conferences They have considered the dangers to world civilization arising from the policies of military domination by conquest upon which the Hitlerite government of Germany and other governments associated therewith have embarked, and have made clear the stress which their countries are respectively taking for their safety in the face of these dangers.

They have agreed upon the following joint declaration:

Joint declaration of the President of the United States of America and the Prime Minister, Mr. Churchill, representing His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, being met together, deem it right to make known certain common principles in the national policies of their respective countries on which they base their hopes for a better future for the world.

First, their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other;

Second, they desire to see no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned;

Third, they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live; and they wish to see sovereign rights and self government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them;

Fourth, they will endeavor, with due respect for their existing obligations, to further the enjoyment by all States, great or small, victor or vanquished, of access, on equal terms, to the trade and to the raw materials of the world which are needed for their economic prosperity;

Fifth, they desire to bring about the fullest collaboration between all nations in the economic field with the object of securing, for all, improved labor standards, economic advancement and social security;

Sixth, after the final destruction of the Nazi tyranny, they hope to see established a peace which will afford to all nations the means of dwelling in safety within their own boundaries, and which will afford assurance that all the men in all the lands may live out their lives in freedom from fear and want;

Seventh, such a peace should enable all men to traverse the high seas and oceans without hindrance;

Eighth, they believe that all of the nations of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual reasons must come to the abandonment of the use of force. Since no future peace can be maintained if land, sea or air armaments continue to be employed by nations which threaten, or may threaten, aggression outside of their frontiers, they believe, pending the establishment of a wider and permanent system of general security, that the disarmament of such nations is essential. They will likewise aid and encourage all other practicable measures which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of armaments.

Signed by: Franklin D. Roosevelt & Winston S. Churchill"

[Quelle: https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Atlantic_Charter. -- Zugriff am 2015-10-29]

1941-08-16

Die diplomatische Vertretung Japans wird zum Rang einer Botschaft erhoben. Erster Botschafter ist ab Oktober bis 1944-09-09 Teiji Tsubogami (坪上 貞二, 1884 - 1979). Er ist dadurch Doyen des diplomatischen Corps.

1941-08-21


Abb.: "Leading members of a recent Thailand delegation to Japan outside the Imperial Hotel, Tokyo. Prince Varnvaidyakara Varavarn (holding hat), chief delegate, with the Thailand Minister Phya Sri Sena to the left, and Group Captain Phra Silpa Sastrakom to the right. (Evening Post, 21 August 1941)"
[Bildquelle: "Leading members of a recent, Thailand delegation to Japan outside the Imperial Hotel,- Tokio. Prince Varnvaidyakara Varavarn (holding hat), chief delegate, with the Thailand Minister Phya Sri Sena, to the left, and Group Captain Phra Silpa Sastrakom to the right. (Evening Post, 21 August 1941). Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. http://natlib.govt.nz/records/20092995" -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

1941-08-27

Tod des Pharmazeuten Dr. Tua Laphanukrom (ตั้ว ลพานุกรม, 1898 - 1941).


Abb.: Titelblatt des TJPP mit Bild von Dr. Tua Laphanukrom (ตั้ว ลพานุกรม)
[Fair use]

1941-08-19 - 1941-12-08

Der China-Experte Willys R. (Ruggles) Peck (1882 - 1952) ist Gesandter der USA in Bangkok. Er fordert die US-Regierung auf, Thailand jede mögliche Form von Wirtschaftshilfe zu geben, damit Thailand Japan widerstehen kann. Die USA solle von Thailand keine politische Gegenleistung verlangen, sondern Thailands Neutralität unterstützen.

1941-09

Bangkok: Etablierung des japanischen Geheimdienstes Fujiwara Kikan (藤原機関)

"Fujiwara kikan (藤原機関 Fujiwara or Efu (F) Kikan?) was a military intelligence operation established by the IGHQ (Imperial General Headquarters - 大本営) in September 1941. The Unit was transferred to Bangkok at the end of that month and headed by Major Fujiwara Iwaichi (藤原 岩市, 1908 − 1986), chief of intelligence of the 15th army (第15軍). Its task was to contact the Indian independence movement, the overseas Chinese and the Malayan Sultans with the aim of encouraging friendship and cooperation with Japan.[1] The unit was notable for its success in establishing cooperative ties between the Empire of Japan and the Indian independence movement, overseas Chinese and various Malay sultans.

History and development

Based on experiences in China, the Imperial Japanese Army established a semi-autonomous unit to carry out liaison duties with local independence movements in Southeast Asia and transmit intelligence gathered from these movements back to the army command. Two such units were established before the outbreak of World War II in South-East Asia: the Minami Kikan and the F Kikan.[2]

The F-Kikan was named after its leader, Major Fujiwara Iwaichi, chief of intelligence of the Japanese 15th Army, initially stationed in Bangkok in late 1941. Fujiwara's staff included five commissioned officers and two Hindi-speaking interpreters. Fujiwara's motto was that the intelligence activity for Imperial Japanese Army is "ultimate sincereness".

After the attack on Pearl Harbor, the 15th Army was tasked with the invasion of Malaya, during which time F-Kikan rescued Sultan Abdul Hamid Halim (1864 - 1943) of Kedah ( قدح) and his family. His son (and future Malaysian Prime Minister) Tunku Abdul Rahman ( تونكو عبدالرحمن ڤوترا الهاج ابن المرحوم سلطان عبدالحميد حاليم شه‎) m (1930 - 1990) made a radio announcement urging the Malay people to cooperate with Japan. F-Kikan also attempted to mobilize the anti-British Kesatuan Melayu Muda, but since most of its leadership had been arrested by the British shortly after the start of the war, its impact was minor.

The F-Kikan was also instrumental in establishing relations with Indonesians resistance movements against Dutch colonial rule, especially in Aceh in northern Sumatra, which formed a backdrop to the Japanese occupation of Indonesia.[3]

However, F-Kikan's greatest success was in its contacts with Indian independence leader Giani Pritam Singh Dhillon (ਗਿਆਨੀ ਪ੍ਰੀਤਮ ਸਿੰਘ ਢਿਲੋਂ , - 1942)and Captain Mohan Singh (ਮੋਹਨ ਸਿਂਘ, 1909–1989), and recruitment of some 40,000 Indian prisoners of war into what eventually became the Indian National Army (आज़ाद हिन्द फ़ौज).[4] This development was a tremendous coup for the Japanese government, and was a direct threat to the British position in India.

After the British surrender of Singapore in 1942, F-Kikan was dissolved, and replaced by a new liaison agency, the Iwakuro Kikan, or "I-Kikan", to coordinate activities between the Indian National Army and the Japanese army."

[Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/F_Kikan. -- Zugriff am 2016-09-21]

1941-09 + 1941-11

Die laotische Zeitung ລາວໃຫຍ່ [Lao Nhai - Groß-Laos] im Fortsetzungsroman Khamson und Sisamut:

"Earlier both banks of the Mekong used to be one Lao territory (pen mueang lao hao an diao kan) [ເປັນເມືອງລາວ ... ດຽວກັນ] and was under the King of Lan Xang Hom Khao [ລ້ານຊ້າງຂາວຂາວ] who had established his palace in Vientiane [ວຽງຈັນ]. Today our brothers and sisters [west of the Mekong] are not under the Lan Xang flag as they used to be. But soon you will have the opportunity to go and visit the right-bank. Then you will discover that people in the villages follow the same traditions as we do."

"The people you will see when you perform are all Lao to the very bone. They speak Lao and uphold the traditions we Lao have respected since our forefathers. Even though you will see that some people have changed their dress and speech, these people are few in number. [...] Therefore, younger brother, you have to know they are like our race-fellows/fellow-nationals (phuean huam sat) [ເພື່ອນ​ຮ່ວມ​ຊາດ] in Thahae [ທ່າເຮ], Pakse [ປາກເຊ], Savannakhet and [ສະຫວັນນະເຂດ] Thakhek [ທ່າແຂກ]."

Subsequently, Sisamud takes great pleasure in observing how the people living on the Khorat Plateau belong to the same race (sat) [ຊາດ] as himself.

[Übersetzung: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 162f.]

1941-09-02

Friedensappell an die Welt von Wichit Wichitwathakan  (วิจิตร วิจิตรวาทการ, 1898 - 1962)

"Im September 1941 richtete' Wichit Wathakan einen Friedensappell an die Welt, denn Thailand

"...is impelled to do so by her feelings as a Buddhist nation ... As Thailand is a leader of all the Buddhists in the world (sic!), she feels it to be her duty to appeal to the belligerents to stop fighting".

Thailand sei zwar ein kleines Land, doch sollte es dennoch bei den Weltmächten Gehör finden. Wichit Wathakan ging dabei so weit, dass er den indischen König Ashoka als Vorbild anführte, der - nachdem er die Lehre des Buddha anerkannt hatte - damit aufgehört habe, Krieg zu führen."

[Quelle: Skrobanek, Walter <1941 - 2006>: Buddhistische Politik in Thailand : mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des heterodoxen Messianismus. -- Wiesbaden : Steiner, 1976. -- 315 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Beiträge zur Südasienforschung ; 23). -- ISBN 3-515-02390-9. -- Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1972. -- S. 219. -- Mit Erlaubnis des inzwischen verstorbenen Autors]

1941-09-06

Japanische Geheimkonferenz in Anwesenheit des Kaisers: Der Präsident des Kaiserlichen Rats, Yoshimichi Hara (原嘉道, 1867 - 1944),  erklärt als Ergebnis der Beratung: "Wir werden ab sofort zum Krieg rüsten." Die Konferenz setzt vorraus, dass Thailand auf der Seite Japans stehen wird.


Abb.: Yoshimichi Hara (原嘉道)
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941-09-08

The Duty of the Thai pepole during war act

"Section 5: All Thai people must resist the enemy in every way with weapon supply, monetary supply, and other supplies according to the order of the government.

But if the order of the government can not be transmitted, all Thai people must resist the force of the enemy in ways possible until the end. If they cannot resist the enemy, they must obstruct or create a situation which will be inconvenient to the enemy. They must also destroy tools, equipment, household supply, consumption supply, houses, living quarters, beast of burden, and other supplies which will be of benefit to the enemy regardless of whether the owners are themselves, others, or the government."

[Übersetzt von Thinaphan Nakhata [ทินพันธุ์ นาคะตะ] <1934 - >. -- In: Thai politics : extracts and documents 1932 - 1957 / ed. by Thak Chaloemtirana <ทักษ์ เฉลิมเตียรณ>. -- Bangkok : Social Science Ass., 1978. -- 884 S. ;  25 cm. -- S. 449. -- Fair use]

1941-09-17

Das britische Foreign Office schlägt dem Gesandten Josiah Crosby (1880 - 1958) vor, die chinesische Bevölkerung Thailands als Spione und Gegenspione gegen Japan zu verwenden und durch dei Chinesen Thailand Schwierigkeiten zu bereiten, eine Marionette Japans zu werden. Auch soll es eine Kooperation Chinas und Thailands gegen die japanische Aggression geben.

1941-09-22

Carlos F. Romulo (1899-1985), Herausgeber der DMHM (El Debate, Mabuhay, The Philippines Herald, and Monday Mail) Newspapers in Manila (Philippinen) veröffentlicht ein autorisiertes Interview mit Direk Jayanama (ดิเรก ชัยนาม, 1905 - 1965) und Prinz Wan Waithayakon (พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้า วรรณไวทยากร กรมหมื่นนราธิปพงศ์ประพันธ์, 1891 - 1976). Darin betonen die beiden die strikte Neutralität Thailands. Der Artikel wird in 122 Zeitungen Nord- und Südamerikas abgedruckt.

1941-10

Es erscheint das grundlegende Werk:

Thompson, Virgina <1903 - 1990>: Thailand the new Siam. -- New York : Macmillan, 1941. -- 865 S. : 24 cm.


Abb.: Titelblatt

"Although many Siamese feel that the rural population is well enough off in its present primitive and self-sufficient state, they nevertheless want their Government to enjoy the revenues essential to upholding their country’s prestige among the nations of the world; and this can only be achieved by expanding agricultural commerce. As yet, however, there is little realization on the part of patriotic Siamese of the sacrifices and energy that must go into commercializing their nation. Before the depression there was even less appreciation of this. The younger generation was sure that everything would be rosy and splendid. Although they resented seeing their country being developed by foreigners, they overlooked the intermediary stages between dispensing with outside aid and themselves participating in that development to a larger degree.

The Siamese have not yet learned business methods. They find it hard to make an estimate on any piece of work, as to its cost in time or money, and are also careless in its execution. They lack the Chinese urge to make money; they insist on a higher standard of living, but they regard a job as a status in life and not as an opportunity for advancement. Caught between Chinese industry and stamina and the technical knowledge and capital of Occidentals, the Siamese until now have lacked the desire and perseverance to carve out a commercial slice for themselves."

[a.a.O., S. 413]
"To this day Siam is virtually a roadless land. For years the only roads that existed were confined to the capital and were built mostly for the pleasure of the wealthier Siamese. The transportation of the people end of the country's produce was and is still carried by river and on a network of canals throughout the country."

[a.a.O., S. 506]
"Only Phuket Island has metalled roads, and these can be used by ox-carts only after dark because the heat melts the asphalt during the day."

[a.a.O., S. 508f.]
"Ancient Siam was a nation of small householders, and even today a man is contemptuously spoken of by his neighbors if he is not the owner of his house. The first question asked of a prospective bridegroom is whether or not he lives under his own roof, and the rental of even the most luxurious apartment is considered a quite inadequate substitute. Social prestige requires a Siamese to own his house even if it is mortgaged up to the hilt.

Housing is not a middle-class Siamese problem, but it is a very crucial one for the poorer people. In the old days a man was either master or servant, and in the latter case he lived in the master’s home. This large household system, which is characteristic of feudalism, the then prevailing cheapness of living, and the perennial retreat offered by the monasteries, placed food and shelter within everyone’s easy grasp. With the abolition of slavery and the increased cost of living, the old households broke up; and thousands of former retainers and poor relations found themselves for the first time without assurance of the necessities of life.

Long before this, however, the changing order had created a Siamese version of the Western tenement, the hong tao [ห้องแถว], a familiar eyesore and menace to public health in most Siamese towns. The expansion of Bangkok in the last decade of the nineteenth century was accompanied by a period of wild speculation. Land values suddenly rose steeply both in the business districts and in the suburbs, which became residences restricted to the wealthy. On the credit side Bangkok gained streets of modern buildings in place of a large number of old shanties; but the old arrangement had at least left much open space where little or none is now left, and there was no better provision for sanitation in the new structures. All these new streets were provided with big fever-breeding drains, which became characteristic of Bangkok; and great holes were dug in vacant lots and filled in with germ-laden garbage. The new "improvements" made the long-felt need of a sanitary system even more imperative.


Abb.: hong tao [ห้องแถว], Bangkok, 2005
[Bildquelle: xophe_g. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/55038808@N08/6158250541. -- Zugriff am 2013-12-26. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

The hong tao [ห้องแถว] was regarded as an excellent investment. The Privy Purse became one of the biggest owners of this type of real estate, as well as of much vacant land in both the city and the suburbs. Detached cottages for families of moderate means were and still are totally lacking. The absence of taxation made it easy to hold property on which cheap buildings could be profitably erected and from which the return was sure; and if not hard pressed for cash, owners cared little whether or not they were sold or rented. This was the chief reason why the House and Land Tax imposed in the last days of the absolute monarchy provoked so much opposition. This tax on real estate amounted to 15 per cent of the annual rental value. Vacant houses were still exempt, however, and only a negligible tax was placed on land not appurtenant to buildings. Although one of the avowed purposes of this law was to bring down the ridiculously high land values in Bangkok, which became more oppressive during the depression and had at all times impeded commercial development, it failed to do so because the Government’s main objective was revenue. Land values in the capital collapsed, however, and have been falling ever since.

The lodging of the indigent was nobody’s business, and the fact that Bangkok’s poor needed better homes at lower rentals aroused the Government not at all. Building regulations were discussed for thirty years before the Government recognized any responsibility in the matter; and when it finally did so, its work was incomplete. Even in the recent Local Government Act housing was omitted from the items in which the municipalities might interest themselves. The Department of Public Health under Prince Sakol [หม่อมเจ้า สกล วรวรรณากร วรวรรณ - M. C. Sakol Varavarn, 1888 - 1952] took up housing as a hobby, but it was hard to make other people understand it."

[a.a.O., S. 535f.]
"Since the time of Chulalongkorn the State has been trying to curtail cremations, but they still represent an enormous drain on time and money. A man will frequently spend his savings of twenty years- on the cremation of his wife, which requires a minimum of six ceremonies; and for persons of high rank it .takes two years of weekly rites, which degenerate into a social gathering for the relatives. The monks have a vested interest in maintaining this practice, and there has been considerable sub rosa opposition to the Government’s attempts to change it."

[a.a.O., S. 641]
"Juvenile Delinquency and Child Welfare

The depression accelerated the draining of rural districts towards the capital, with the inevitable result of an increase in juvenile delinquency there. Even before this the old Siamese family life had been dissolving for a quarter of a century; and more and more children are now leaving home and coming to the cities. Urban housing has always left much to be desired; and with overcrowding, conditions in the capital have become conspicuously bad. When whole families drift to the cities, the parents take to crime if they remain for long unemployed; and if they get work, the children are left too much alone since Bangkok has not enough schools to care for the overflow. This is also true on a smaller scale of the provincial towns, where there is no security apart from government service since there is not enough local purchasing power for any profession to flourish.

Anyone parking his car of an evening before a Bangkok entertainment hall has to fight off a crowd of hoodlums who battle for the privilege of "guarding" it and who exercise effective revenge if they are not tipped. The Government has made little effort to deal directly with these juvenile groups. There are vagrancy laws, but they are so ineffective that diseased beggars roam the city streets and country roads. The government reformatory at Kohsi- chang has been far from adequate in tackling the problem of youthful criminals. A new reform school is projected for the near future, and there has been a general quickening of interest in the whole problem.

Until the last two years the Government took practically no direct interest in child welfare. The boy scout and yuvajon movements were fostered as a training for good citizenship—and incidentally acquired a fatal military tinge; and there was a considerable amount of propaganda for the improvement of the national physique by means of a more balanced diet and the encouragement of sport. But for years only the Catholic mission cared for the homeless waifs, until the semi-official Red Cross took a hand in the task.

The Government is now considering opening free vocational schools for homeless pauper children, and the responsibility for hygiene and child welfare is being transferred to municipal shoulders. Municipal councils are now obliged to provide amenities for their communities in the form of better roads, a water supply, and medical facilities, and above all to attempt to keep down the high infant mortality rate. The charity work begun and financed by Lady Yomarej [ท่านผู้หญิงตลับ ยมราช, 1868 - 1931] was handed over to the Bangkok Municipality in June 1938 to become the nucleus of its child welfare organization."

[a.a.O., S. 690f.]
"In the absence of Siamese clinics in the northeast, the Siamese cross over to Indo-China for treatment at the Vientiane [ວຽງຈັນ] clinics"

[a.a.O., S. 721]


Abb.: Lage von Vientiane [ວຽງຈັນ]
"One handicap that still persists is the time and energy consumed in getting the consent of all the patient’s relatives to an operation and in making them understand that the doctor cannot be held responsible—at a time when a few minutes may mean the life or death of the patient. In the case of royalty the formalities that have to be gone through in prescribing even a cathartic are formidable, and in any case there is usually no one to see that the medicine is taken in the proper dosage. Though many say that the Siamese are too poor to pay for Western medicine, a considerable sum is spent annually on unqualified practitioners; but far more serious is the fact that there are not enough Western-trained doctors to go around."

[a.a.O., S. 721]
"The work of the preventive service [against illegal opium trade] is not supported by public opinion. In Chiengrai [เชียงราย], which is the center of the illicit trade, all classes and all nationalities take part in smuggling. A valise full of opium means a fortune to a Siamese. Vehicles are only perfunctorily examined at the four police barricades along the only motor road in the region, which leads to Lampang [ลำปาง]. Being caught is simply regarded as bad luck, and it never happens except when the police have been tipped off. Through contraband connections a gendarme who gets from Tcs. 20 to Tcs. 60 a month can easily triple his income. The risks involved and the many palms that have to be oiled along the way account for the difference in the cost of the contraband article at the frontier and in the capital."

[a.a.O., S. 731]


Abb.: Lage von Chiengrai [เชียงราย] und Lampang [ลำปาง]
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]
"There are only two broadcasting stations operating in Siam, both run by the Post and Telegraph Department. The evening programs are wholly in Siamese, though there is an occasional broadcast for the benefit of the Western-educated Siamese. The Government has also recently launched two afternoon broadcasts a week especially for schools. The programs are chiefly music, lectures, Siamese plays, and official news; and news reports, interspersed with propaganda, are also provided by the international services.

Recently Chungking [Chongqing - 重庆], Singapore, and Saigon [heute: Ho-Chi-Minh-Stadt] have been broadcasting in the Siamese language. There is practically no commercial advertising on the radio, since newspaper advertising is far cheaper."

[a.a.O., S. 803f.]


Abb.: Lage von Chungking [Chongqing - 重庆], Singapur, Saigon [heute: Ho-Chi-Minh-Stadt]
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941-10-04

Der US-Gesandte Willys R. (Ruggles) Peck (1882 - 1952) an das US-Außenministerium:

"It would be preferable to support the Government's official policy of international Impartiality and make this policy continuously advantageous to Thailand. The result would be tantamount to "neutralizing" the country without the necessity of obtaining Japan's assent"

[Zitiert in: Charivat Santaputra [จริย์วัฒน์ สันตะบุตร]: Thai foreign policy 1932-1946. -- Bangkok : Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University, 1985. -- 465 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 974-335-091-8. -- S. 258]

1941-10-14

Act on Buddhist Brotherhood (gaṇa saṅgha), B. E. 2484 (พระราชบัญญัติคณะสงฆ์ พุทธศักราช ๒๔๘๔). Mit diesem Gesetz wird u.a. versucht, Mahanikay (มหานิกาย) und Thammayutnikay (ธรรมยุติกนิกาย) zu vereinigen; dies scheitert am Widerstand des Thammayutnikay.


Abb.: Verwaltungsstruktur des buddhistischen Ordens
[Bildquelle: Phra Dharmakosajarn [พระธรรมโกศาจารย์ aka. Prayoon Dhammacitto - ประยูร ธมฺมจิตฺโต] <1955 - >: Regulations of Sangha administration. -- Lamsai : Mahachulalongkornrajavidyalaya University, 2010. -- 143 S. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 9789743649035. -- S. 61]

"Es scheint zwar naheliegend, dass der Thammayutika-Nikaya [ธรรมยุติกนิกาย] die gesamte Zeit hindurch der geplanten Verschmelzung der beiden Nikayas [นิกาย] nichtöffentlich Widerstand entgegengesetzt hatte. Das politische Tauziehen wurde jedoch erst dann der Öffentlichkeit offenbar, als das Gesetz unmittelbar vor seiner Verabschiedung stand. Im September 1941, als das Parlament bereits über die Gesetzesvorlage Beratungen abhielt, trat ein Ausschuss von Wat Bowoniwet [วัดบวรนิเวศวิหาร], dem Sitz des Thammayutika-Nikaya, mit einem Appell an die Parlamentsabgeordneten an die Öffentlichkeit. Darin wird das Parlament vor den Konsequenzen eines solchen Schritts gewarnt, die beiden Nikayas zu vereinigen. Die Oberhäupter der beiden Nikayas - so wurde verbreitet - seien längst darin übereingekommen, dass es falsch sei, Laien oder Mönche zu einer bestimmten Glaubenshaltung zu zwingen. Damit würde sich das Gesetz auch in Widerspruch zu der verfassungsmäßig garantierten Religionsfreiheit setzen. Außerdem seien beide Nikayas darin überein gekommen, dass eine Verschmelzung zum gegenwärtigen Zeitpunkt nicht möglich sei. Demgegenüber erklärte ein hoher Thera [พระเถระ] des Mahanikaya [มหานิกาย], Phra Phrommuni [พระพรหมมุนี (ปลด กิตฺติโสภณ), 1889 - 1962], ihm sei von einer solchen Übereinkunft nichts bekannt und er sehe auch keinen Grund, der gegen eine Vereinigung der beiden Nikayas sprechen würde .

Das glatte Gegenteil wurde von einem Vertreter jener Gruppen behauptet, die auf eine Verschmelzung der beiden Nikayas hinarbeiteten. Der Politiker Wichit Wathakan [วิจิตร วิจิตรวาทการ, 1898 - 1961], der auch dem Ausschuss für den Entwurf des neuen Ordensgesetzes angehörte, versicherte, dass die Stellungnahme des Thammayutika-Nikaya völlig unverständlich sei, da doch beide Nikayas in Wat Phra Kaeo [วัดพระแก้ว] vor dem "Emerald Buddha" [พระแก้วมรกต] gelobt hätten, sie seien zu einer Vereinigung zu einem einzigen Nikaya bereit . Dieser Vorwurf wurde wiederum in scharfer Form von einem Thera des Thammayutika-Nikaya, Phra Suphotmuni [พระสุพจน์มุนี], zurückgewiesen, der selbst an den gemeinsamen Beratungen der beiden Nikayas über die Ordensverfassung in der Kapelle des Emerald Buddha teilgenommen hatte.

Es steht außer Zweifel, dass der Widerstand des Thammayutika-Nikaya so heftig war, dass die Regierung Unruhen im buddhistischen Orden befürchten musste, wenn sie ihr Vorhaben durchgesetzt hätte. Schon einen Tag nach dem Protest des Thammayutika-Nikaya war die Vereinigung der beiden Nikayas nicht mehr auf der Tagesordnung parlamentarischer Beratungen und Wichit Wathakan, der gerade erst den Thammayutika-Nikaya mit Vorwürfen bedacht hatte, erklärte umgehend, die Kritik an der Regierung durch die Mönche sei höchst ungerecht, weil dieser Punkt im geplanten neuen Ordensgesetz bereits längst zurückgezogen sei.

Eine veränderte Fassung des Gesetzes wurde schließlich vom Parlament mit überwältigender Mehrheit gebilligt. Der Minister für das Erziehungswesen erklärte bei dieser Gelegenheit, dass es besser sei, die Funktionsfähigkeit des neuen Ordensgesetzes nicht durch die Frage der Verschmelzung der beiden Nikayas zu belasten. Gleichzeitig gab er allerdings auch der Hoffnung Ausdruck, dass eine längere Zusammenarbeit der Mitglieder des buddhistischen Ordens auf der Grundlage des neuen Ordensgesetzes eines Tages die Voraussetzungen für eine Vereinigung der beiden Nikayas schaffen könne.

Das Ordensgesetz ist ein Kompromiss zwischen den Interessen des Staates und denen des Ordens. Da besonders der Mahanikaya Gleichberechtigung und Demokratisierung gefordert hatte und die Regierung ihren konstitutionellen Charakter in den Augen der Öffentlichkeit wahren wollte, sind verschiedene demokratische Forderungen in das Ordensgesetz aufgenommen worden. Mit der Einführung des Prinzips der Gewaltenteilung sowie in der Art der administrativen Rangstufung folgte das Ordensgesetz der formellen politischen Struktur des Landes in der damaligen Zeit. Nominell übte der Patriarch [สังฆราช] (vielleicht ähnlich wie der König damals) seine Gewalt über die drei Bereiche von Exekutive, Legislative und Judikative aus, doch faktisch war seine Macht geschmälert.

Die Legislative wurde von einem Ordensparlament (Sangkha-Sapha [สังฆสภา]) ausgeübt, das aus nicht mehr als 45 Mitgliedern bestehen sollte. Die Auswahl der Mitglieder war bis zu einem gewissen Grad objektiviert, als sie den Kriterien von Rang, dem Grad der Gelehrsamkeit und dem Senioritätsprinzip folgte. Die Exekutive übte der Geistliche Ministerrat [คณะสังฆมนตรี] aus, der vom Patriarchen ernannt wurde und aus einem Vorsitzenden (Sangkha-Nayok [สังฆนายก]) sowie höchstens neun weiteren Mitgliedern, ressortgebundenen Ordensminister (Sangkha-Montri [สังฆมนตรี]) und Stellvertretern, bestand. Die Mitglieder des Geistlichen Ministerrates brauchten nicht unbedingt aus dem Ordensparlament hervorgehen. Die Judikative lag bei dem Rat für die Ordensdisziplin (Khana Winaithon [คณะวินัยธร]), dessen Ernennungsmodalitäten und Verfahrensordnung erst später durch das Ordensparlament festgelegt wurden. Das Ordensgesetz von 1941 verpflichtete diesen Rat jedoch auf unabhängige Entscheidungen.

Diesen demokratischen Zugeständnissen standen verschiedene Klauseln gegenüber, mit denen sich die Regierung der Kontrolle über den buddhistischen Orden versicherte. Das Recht der Ernennung, das schon von alters her beim König lag, fiel praktisch an die Regierung. Dies bezog sich besonders auf den Posten des Patriarchenamtes. Doch auch die Ernennung der Mitglieder des Geistlichen Ministerrates, was Aufgabe des Patriarchen war, bedurfte der Bestätigung durch das zuständige Ministerium. Das Ministerium konnte auch das Ausscheiden eines Mitglieds aus dem Geistlichen Ministerrat erzwingen. Auch fungierte das Department für Religiöse Angelegenheiten als Sekretariat des Ordensparlaments. Auf die Zusammensetzung dieses legislativen Entscheidungsgremiums hatte die Regierung indirekt dadurch Einfluss, als die mönchischen Ränge vom König und damit praktisch von der Regierung vergeben wurden. Auch das Präsidium des Ordensparlaments, das aus Wahlen hervorging, bedurfte der Bestätigung durch das Ministerium. Die enge Zusammenarbeit zwischen Staat und buddhistischem Orden wurde vom stellvertretenden Patriarchen bei der Eröffnung des Ordensparlaments im Jahre 1942 deutlich ausgesprochen:

"Religion and Nation are interlocked together and cannot be separated and religion helps to keep the Thai nation together. Such united front spells progress for the country. I call upon all of you to co-operate in seeing that your religious duty is laways well carried out..."."

[Quelle: Skrobanek, Walter <1941 - 2006>: Buddhistische Politik in Thailand : mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des heterodoxen Messianismus. -- Wiesbaden : Steiner, 1976. -- 315 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Beiträge zur Südasienforschung ; 23). -- ISBN 3-515-02390-9. -- Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1972. -- S. 212ff. -- Mit Erlaubnis des inzwischen verstorbenen Autors]

1941-10-16

Die Pflicht, einen Familiennamen zu haben, wird jetzt durchgesetzt.

1941-10-17 - 1944-07-22

Hideki Tōjō (東條 英機, 1884 - 1948) ist Ministerpräsident von Japan.


Abb.: Hideki Tojo, Hitler und Mussolini
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941-10-18ff.

In mehreren Kabinettsitzungen entwickelt Phibun die Überzeugung, dass Thailand an die Seite Japans treten soll, um kein Schlachtfeld zu werden. Von Großbritannien sei keine Hilfe bei der Verteidigung zu erwarten.

Gegenüber dem japanische Militärattache Hiroshi Tamura (田村宏) betont Phibun wiederholt, dass sein Hauptanliegen ist, dass Thailand so wenig Schaden wie möglich erleidet.

1941-10-28

US-Außenminister, Cordell Hull (1871 – 1955) telegraphiert dem Gesandten Willys R. (Ruggles) Peck (1882 - 1952), dass die USA Thailand gleich wie China einstufen würden, falls Thailand sich im Falle eines Angriffs bemüht, sich zu verteidigen.

1941-10-Ende

Ototsugu Saito (斎藤乙嗣 ?), Direktor des South Seas Bureau im japanischen Außenministerium, wird als Berater an die japanische Botschaft in Bangkok versetzt. Er gilt als Befürworter der Expansion Japans nach Süden.

1941-11

Großbritannien bietet Thailand eine beschränkte Menge Artillerie-Munition und Flugbenzin an. Feldmarschall Pibun weist das zurück.

1941-11

Sisavang Vong (ພຣະບາດສົມເດັດພຣະເຈົ້າມະຫາສີວິທາ ລ້ານຊ້າງຮົ່ມຂາວ ພຣະຣາຊອານາຈັກລາວ ບໍຣົມມະເຊດຖາ ຂັດຕິຍະສຸຣິຍະວໍຣະມັນ ພຣະມະຫາສີສວ່າງວໍຣະມັນ, 1885 - 1959), der König von Luang Prabang (ພຣະຣາຊອານາຈັກຫລວງພະບາງ) besucht auf seiner Reise nach Phnom Penh (ភ្នំពេញ, Kambodscha) erstmals Thakhek (ທ່າແຂກ), Savannakhet (ສະຫວັນນະເຂດ) und Pakse (ປາກເຊ).


Abb.: Lage von Luang Prabang (ຫລວງພະບາງ), Thakhek (ທ່າແຂກ), Savannakhet (ສະຫວັນນະເຂດ), Pakse (ປາກເຊ),Phnom Penh (ភ្នំពេញ)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1941-11

Die laotische Zeitung ລາວໃຫຍ່ [Lao Nhai - Groß-Laos]:


Abb.: Der Wert der Bildung
[Bildquelle: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 183]


Abb.: "Es nützt dir nicht, Vaters Brille anzuziehen, um zu lesen, wenn du nicht zur Schule gehst."
[Bildquelle: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 185]

1941-11

Fackellauf durch Indochina. In Angkor (អង្គរ) entzündet König Norodom Sihanouk (នរោត្តម សីហនុ, 1922 - 2012 ) feierlich die Flamme, die durch Kambodscha, Cochin China und Annam nach Tonkin als Symbol der Einheit Französisch-Indochinas getragen wird. Entlang der Strecke in Kambodscha knien die Menschen vor der Flamme als Symbol des Königs nieder.


Abb.: Lage von Angkor (អង្គរ)

1941-11-05

"And what Japan’s "immutable policies" entailed was outlined in another editorial in the Japan Times Advertiser which bore the stamp of Foreign Office manufacture and presumably represented the "last word" to which Ishii had referred. It contained a list of what the United States must do, "or face the alternatives," as follows:
  1. All military and economic aid to Chungking [重庆] must cease.
  2. China must be left "free to deal with Japan," and Chungking must be advised to make peace with Japan.
  3. Military and economic encirclement of Japan must end.
  4. Japan’s "Coprosperity Sphere" must be acknowledged and Manchukuo [滿洲国], China, Indo-China, Thailand, the Netherlands East Indies, and other states and protectorates must be allowed to establish their own political and economic relations with Japan without interference of any kind.
  5. Manchukuo must be recognized; "Nobody will undo what has been done there."
  6. The freezing of Japanese and Chinese assets must be ended unconditionally.
  7. Trade treaties must be restored and all restrictions on shipping and commerce ended."

[Quelle: Tolischus, Otto D. (Otto David) <1890 - 1967>: Tokyo record. -- New York : Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943. -- 462 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 286f. -- Fair use]

1941-11-06

Terauchi Hisaichi  (寺内 寿一, 1879 - 1946) wird Oberbefehlshaber der neugebildeten japanischen Südarmee (南方軍 - Southern Expeditionary Army).


Abb.: Terauchi Hisaichi  (寺内 寿一) / von Kobayakawa Shusei (小早川秋聲, 1884-1973)
[Bildquelle: http://www.muse.dti.ne.jp/hhtmk/kobayakawa.htm. -- Zugriff am 2013-11-05. -- Fair use]

"Am 6. November 1941 übernahm Terauchi Hisaichi  (寺内 寿一, 1879 - 1946)  die Führung der japanischen Südarmee. Zusammen mit Admiral Yamamoto Isoroku (山本 五十六, 1884 - 1943) arbeitete er an den japanischen Kriegsplänen, die die Eroberung des gesamten indonesischen Archipels sicherstellen sollten. Nach den erfolgreichen Eroberungszügen in Südostasien, die er in ihrer Gesamtheit überwachte, errichtete Terauchi sein Hauptquartier am 4. Dezember 1941 in Singapur. Er war bekannt dafür, dass er die Meinung der ihm untergeordneten Generäle und Admiräle stets in seine Entscheidungen mit einbezog. Im Juni 1943 wurde er zum Feldmarschall ernannt.

Im Mai 1944 verlegte Terauchi sein Hauptquartier auf die Philippinen. Als die Inseln von den amerikanischen Truppen bedroht wurden, verlegte er sein Hauptquartier im November nach Saigon in Indochina. Dort ließ er am 9. März 1945 die Verwaltung des Landes durch französische Kolonialtruppen unter Admiral Jean Decoux beenden. Am 10. April 1945 erlitt er einen Schlaganfall, als er über den Verlust von Burma unterrichtet wurde. Von der sich daraus ergebenden Gehirnblutung konnte er sich nicht erholen und daher am 21. August nicht an der allgemeinen Kapitulationszeremonie der japanischen Streitkräfte in Singapur teilnehmen. Er ergab sich Lord Mountbatten (1900 - 1979) am 30. November 1945. Terauchi Hisaichi starb 1946 in einem Kriegsgefangenenlager."

[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terauchi_Hisaichi. -- Zugriff am 2013-11-05]

"Die Südarmee wurde am 6. November 1941 als Teil des Kaiserlichen Heeres aufgestellt und unterstand dem Daihon'ei. Anfangs bestand sie aus mehreren untergeordneten Einheiten, unter ihnen einige Regionalarmeen, wie die 14. Regionalarmee (第14方面軍) (Gen. Yamashita Tomoyuki - 山下 奉文, 1885 - 1946) und die 18. Regionalarmee (Gen. Nakamura Aketo), und mehreren Armeen, wie die 18. Armee (第18軍) (Gen. Adachi Hatazō - 安達 二十三, 1890 - 1947) und die 15. Armee (Gen. Iida Shōjirō - 飯田 祥二郎, 1888 - 1980). Die Südarmee stand unter dem Kommando von Feldmarschall Terauchi Hisaichi (寺内 寿一, 1879 - 1946) und ihr Zentralhauptquartier war in Saigon. Ihre Aufgabe war es, bei der japanischen Invasion Südostasiens 1942, Burma, Thailand, Indochina, Borneo, die Philippinen, Neuguinea, die Salomonen und weitere kleinere Inselstützpunkte im Pazifik einzunehmen und zu verteidigen. Fast alle Einheiten dieser Armee wurden in den Kämpfen 1943 bis 1945 von den alliierten Truppen in Burma, Neuguinea, den Philippinen und im Pazifik aufgerieben. Die Armee wurde am 31. August 1945 nach der Kapitulation Japans aufgelöst."

[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/S%C3%BCdarmee_%28Japanisches_Kaiserreich%29. -- Zugriff am 2015-05-03]

1941-11-12

Ministerpräsident Phibunsongkram (พิบูลสงคราม, 1897 - 1964) wird Oberbefehlshaber der Streitmächte. Sein Stellvertreter ist Colonel Luang Prom Yothi (หลวงพรหมโยธี , 1896 - 1966)

1941-11-18

Der Oberbefehlshaber der Streitkräfte, d.h.  Phibunsongkram (พิบูลสงคราม, 1897 - 1964), erhält absolute Befehlsgewalt über die Oberkommandierenden von Armee, Luftwaffe und Kriegsmarine. Er darf nach seinem Gutdünken Offiziere ernennen.

1941-11-20

Die japanische Botschaft informiert geheim Ministerpräsident Phibun darüber, dass Japan das militärische Durchzugsrecht durch Thailand benötigt. Sie schlägt eine Allianz mit Thailand vor. Phibun ersucht in den Kabinettsitzung vom 25. November und 3. Dezember erfolglos um Zustimmung zu so einer Allianz.

1941-11-24

Der britische Gesandte, Josiah Crosby (1880 - 1958), teilt Ministerpräsident Phibun mit, dass Großbritannien Thailand 12 Feldkanonen und 24 Haubitzen samt Munition aus Singapur liefern kann.

1941-11-25

Der britische Botschafter in den USA übergibt der US-Regierung einen Bericht des britischen Gesandten in Thailand, Josiah Crosby (1880 - 1958), dass, wenn Thailand nicht unterstützt wird, es unter japanischen Einfliudss komme.

1941-11-29

Der britische Geheimdienst fängt eine Telegramm des japanischen Botschafters in Bangkok an die Regierung in Tokyo ab. Darin rät der Botschafter, dass Japan bei der Invasion von Britisch-Malaya Thai-Territorium vermeiden soll, sondern auf britischem Territorium an der Grenze Thailands landen soll. Dies werde höchstwahrscheinlich dazu führen, dass Großbritannien auf Thai-Territorium vordringe.

[Nach diesem Plan hätte Japan einen guten Vorwand, als Beschützer der Unabhängigkeit thailands einzumarschieren.]

1941-11-30

Der britische Ministerpräsident, Winston Leonard Spencer-Churchill (1874 - 1965), schlägt US-Präsident Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882 - 1945) eine gemeinsame oder parallele Warnung an Japan vor, weiter zu expandieren.

1941-12

M. R. Seni Pramoj (หม่อมราชวงศ์เสนีย์ ปราโมช, 1905 - 1997), Botschafter Thailands in Washington DC, gründet die Widerstandsbewegung Seri Thai (ขบวนการเสรีไทย - Free Thai Movement)


Abb.: Abzeichen von Seri Thai
[Bildquelle: Pi@k / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Abb.: Lage von Washington DC
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Botschafter M. R. Seni Pramoj - หม่อมราชวงศ์เสนีย์ ปราโมช mit Gattin, Washington DC, USA, 1944-09
[Bildquelle: United States. Office of War Information. Overseas Picture Division. Washington Division / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

"List of famous Free Thai members
  • Queen Ramphaiphanni (รำไพพรรณี, 1904 - 1984), widow of King Prajadhipok and nominal head of the Seri Thai in the United Kingdom
  • Khuang Abhaiwongse (ควง อภัยวงศ์, 1902 - 1968), head of the Thai Democrat Party, Prime Minister of Thailand 1944-45, 1946, 1948
  • Police General Adul Aduldejajaras, one time Deputy Minister of the Interior
  • Luang Bannakornkowit, Cabinet Member
  • Tawee Boonyaket (ทวี บุณยเกตุ, 1904 - 1971), Prime Minister of Thailand 1945
  • Ananda Chintakanond, renowned career diplomat who later worked for ECAFE
  • Luang Dithakarnpakdi, renowned career diplomat
  • Direk Jayanama (ดิเรก ชัยนาม, 1905 - 1967), one time Minister of Finance and Foreign Affairs
  • Air Marshal Thawee Junlasap (1914 - 1996)
  • Kusa Panyarachun, Thai travel/tourism industry pioneer
  • Seni Pramoj (เสนีย์ ปราโมช, 1905 - 1997), Prime Minister of Thailand 1945-46, 1975, 1976
  • Pridi Phanomyong (ปรีดี พนมยงค์, 1900 - 1983), Prime Minister of Thailand 1946
  • Siddhi Savetsila (สิทธิ เศวตศิลา, 1919 - ), later Air Chief Marshal of the Royal Thai Air Force and a Foreign Minister of Thailand
  • Captain Luang Suphachalasai, one time Minister of the Interior
  • Rear Admiral Sangvara Suwannacheep, one time Deputy Minister of Defence
  • Lieutenant General Chit Munsilpa Sinadyodharaksa, Minister of Defence 1945
  • Tiang Sirikhanth (เตียง ศิริขันธ์, 1909 - 1952), Assemblyman
  • Sanguan Tularaksa (สงวน ตุลารักษ์, 1902 - 1995), Cabinet Member
  • Dr. Puey Ungpakorn (ป๋วย อึ๊งภากรณ์, 1916 - 1999), London-educated economist who headed the Bank of Thailand and later served as rector of Thammasat University"

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seri_Thai. -- Zugriff am 2011-10-07]

Les Forces Thaïlandaises Libres (Free Thai Movement ou Khabuankarn Seri Thai) étaient un mouvement de résistance clandestin contre le Japon durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Le mouvement a été une importante source de renseignement militaire pour les Alliés dans cette région. Les Forces Thaïlandaises Libres était le seul mouvement de résistance de la Seconde Guerre mondiale qui a utilisé ses propres avions de combat1.Historique

Les Forces Thaïlandaises Libres furent créées et dirigées par Seni Pramoj, ambassadeur de Thaïlande à Washington de 1940 à 1945.

Les officiers sont principalement formés aux États-Unis par l'OSS. De fait, la résistance armée thaïlandaise souffrira de la rivalité politique entre Américains et Britanniques, ces derniers ayant intégré des Thaïlandais dans leur Force 136. En effet, les Américains suspectent les Britanniques, au travers de leurs clauses de capitulation très sévères, de vouloir imposer un statut de type colonial à la Thaïlande d’après guerre.

Le Docteur Puey Ungpakorn (1916-1999, MBE) est le chef du courant pro-britannique des étudiants thaïs libres. Commandant à titre temporaire (General List) dans l'armée britannique (Force 136), il est promu Membre de l’Ordre de l'Empire britannique (MBE) à titre militaire le 29 août 19462.

Après la guerre, économiste renommé, il est directeur de la Banque de Thaïlande de 1959 à 1971. Recteur de l’université Thammasat de Bangkok, il trouve refuge en Angleterre en 1976 à la suite d’un coup d’État de droite.

Le Prince Subha Chin Svasti Svastivat (OBE) appartient aussi au courant pro-britannique. Ancien officier de l’armée thaïlandaise, il accompagne la famille royale qui s'exile en Angleterre en 1935, sa sœur étant la femme du roi de Thaïlande. Après une formation complémentaire à l’Académie militaire royale de Woolwich, il est nommé sous-lieutenant de la General List (officier sans spécialité) le 28 décembre 1942.

Chargé dans un premier temps de fonctions administratives, il se porte volontaire pour opérer dans son pays quand Anthony Eden autorise l’envoi de volontaires thaïs. Lieutenant-colonel à titre temporaire à la fin de la guerre, il est nommé Officier de l’Empire Britannique (OBE) à titre militaire le 29 août 19462.

Bibliographie et sources
  • Article sur le mouvement Free Thai
  • Journal officiel britannique, London Gazette du 27 août 1946 : décorations attribuées aux officiers Thaïs Libres de la Force 136
  • E. Bruce Reynolds Thailand’s Secret War. The Free Thai, OSS, and SOE during World War II, Cambridge University Press, 2004. Extraits en ligne. Le colonel David Smiley est photographié page 377 avec son équipe de la Force 136.
  • Colonel David Smiley Au cœur de l’action clandestine. Des Commandos au MI6, L’Esprit du Livre Éditions, 2008 (ISBN 978-2-915960-27-3), avec un cahier de photographies. Traduction de (en) Irregular Regular, Michael Russell, Norwich, 1994 (ISBN 0 85955 202 01994). Cet officier du SOE en Albanie puis du SOE en Asie du Sud-Est, parachuté en Thaïlande en 1945, a collaboré avec les Thaïs de la Force 136 et s'est opposé aux agents de l'OSS.
Références
  1. Wiwat Mungkandi, William Warren, A Century and a half of Thai-American relations, Chulalongkorn University Press, 1982, p 172, ISBN 9789745615311
  2. Voir London Gazette du 27 août 1946"

[Quelle: http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forces_Tha%C3%AFlandaises_Libres. -- Zugriff am 2011-10-07]

1941-12-01

In der letzten Imperial Conference vor Kriegsbeginn zweifelt der japanische Ministerpräsident und Kriegsminister Tōjō Hideki (東條 英機, 1884 - 1948) immer noch, auf welche Seite Phibun wirklich neigt.

1941-12-02

Der US-amerikanische Geheimdienst fängt folgende japanische Geheimbotschaft ab:

"[Secret] From Canton To: Tokyo
December 2,1941
J-19

#512 Secret outside the department If hostilities are to begin we here are all prepared. The army has completed all preparations to move immediately upon Thailand. Should the British resist to the bitter end, it is understood that the army is prepared to go so far as to militarily occupy the country.

 (Japanese) Army 26103"

[Abgedruckt in: Burslem, Chris: Tales of old Bangkok. -- Hong Kong : Earnshaw, 2012. -- ISBN 13-978-988-19984-2-2. -- S. 124]

An alle japanischen Militärkommandanten ergeht der Befehl "Climb Mount Niitaka 1208" (新高山登レ一二〇八), d.h.: greift die Euch zugeordneten Ziele am 8. Dezember Tokyo Zeit kurz nach Mitternacht an.

1941-12-03

Ministerpräsident Phibun erklärt in einer Kabinettsitzung, dass ihm Japan versprochen habe, dass Theiland verlorene Territorien zurückbekäme, falls Thailand sich mit Japan verbünde und den Krieg gewinne. Wenn Thailand zum Kriegsschauplatz würde, werde Thailand zerstört, falls es sich nicht mit Japan verbünde. Phibun erwartet, dass innerhalb von zei Wochen Krieg ausbrechen werde.

1941-12-06 21:00

US-Präsident Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882 - 1945) an Kaiser Hirohito (裕仁, 1901 - 1989) von Japan:


Abb.: Hirohito (裕仁), Hitler, Mussolini, 1942/43
[Bildquelle: U.S. National Archives and Records Administration / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

"[WASHINGTON,] December 6, 1941

Almost a century ago the President of the United States addressed to the Emperor of Japan a message extending an offer of friendship of the people of the United States to the people of Japan. That offer was accepted, and in the long period of unbroken peace and friendship which has followed, our respective nations, through the virtues of their peoples and the wisdom of their rulers have prospered and have substantially helped humanity.

Only in situations of extraordinary importance to our two countries need I address to Your Majesty messages on matters of state. I feel I should now so address you because of the deep and far-reaching emergency which appears to be in formation.

Developments are occurring in the Pacific area which threaten to deprive each of our nations and all humanity of the beneficial influence of the long peace between our two countries. These developments contain tragic possibilities.

The people of the United States, believing in peace and in the right of nations to live and let lives have eagerly watched the conversations between our two Governments during these past months. We have hoped for a termination of the present conflict between Japan and China. We have hoped that a peace of the Pacific could be consummated in such a way that nationalities of many diverse peoples could exist side by side without fear of invasion; that unbearable burdens of armaments could be lifted for them all; and that all peoples would resume commerce without discrimination against or in favor of any nation.

I am certain that it will be clear to Your Majesty, as it is to me, that in seeking these great objectives both Japan and the United States should agree to eliminate any form of military threat. This seemed essential to the attainment of the high objectives.

More than a year ago Your Majesty's Government concluded an agreement with the Vichy Government by which five or six thousand Japanese troops were permitted to enter into Northern French Indochina for the protection of Japanese troops which were operating against China further north. And this Spring and Summer the Vichy Government permitted further Japanese military forces to enter into Southern French Indochina for the common defense of French Indochina. I think I am correct in saying that no attack has been made upon Indochina, nor that any has been contemplated.

During the past few weeks it has become clear to the world that Japanese military, naval and air forces have been sent to Southern Indo-China in such large numbers as to create a reasonable doubt on the part of other nations that this continuing concentration in Indochina is not defensive in its character.


Because these continuing concentrations in Indo-China have reached such large proportions and because they extend now to the southeast and the southwest corners of that Peninsula, it is only reasonable that the people of the Philippines, of the hundreds of Islands of the East Indies, of Malaya and of Thailand itself are asking themselves whether these forces of Japan are preparing or intending to make attack in one or more of these many directions.

I am sure that Your Majesty will understand that the fear of all these peoples is a legitimate fear in as much as it involves their peace and their national existence. I am sure that Your Majesty will understand why the people of the United States in such large numbers look askance at the establishment of military, naval and air bases manned and equipped so greatly as to constitute armed forces capable of measures of offense.

It is clear that a continuance of such a situation is unthinkable. None of the peoples whom have spoken of above can sit either indefinitely or permanently on a keg of dynamite.

There is absolutely no thought on the part of the United States of invading Indo-China if every Japanese soldier or sailor were to be withdrawn therefrom.


I think that we can obtain the same assurance from the Governments of the East Indies, the Governments of Malaya and. the Government of Thailand. I would even undertake to ask for the same assurance on the part of the Government of China. Thus a withdrawal of the Japanese forces from Indo-China would result in the assurance of peace throughout the whole of the South Pacific area.

I address myself to Your Majesty at this moment in the fervent hope that Your Majesty may, as I am doing, give thought in this definite emergency to ways of dispelling the dark clouds. I am confident that both of us, for the sake of the peoples not only of our own great countries but for the sake of humanity in neighboring territories, have a sacred duty to restore traditional amity and prevent further death and destruction in the world.

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT"

[Quelle: https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/WorldWar2/fdr26.htm. -- Zugriff am 2015-01-14]

1941-12-06

Zeitungsüberschrift in Japan:

"Thailand in agony for neutrality"

[Übersetzt in: Toland, John <1912 - 2004>: The rising sun : the decline and fall of the Japanese Empire, 1936-1945. -- [Paperback ed. of the 1st ed. 1970]. -- New York : Modern Library, 2003. -- 954 1941S.; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-8129-6858-1. -- S. 189]

1941-12-07-4:15

Der britische Gesandte Josiah Crosby (1880 - 1958) telegrafiert an das Foreign Office:

"The Thai Prime Minister has positive information that a Japanese attack on Thailand was planned for December 3rd.´It was postponed at the last moment, but it is to take place in the immediate future."

[Zitiert in: Charivat Santaputra [จริย์วัฒน์ สันตะบุตร]: Thai foreign policy 1932-1946. -- Bangkok : Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University, 1985. -- 465 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 974-335-091-8. -- S. 279]

1941-12-07 14:20

Kichisaburō Nomura (野村 吉三郎, 1877 – 1964), der japanische Botschafter in den USA, händigt dem US-Außenminister, Cordell Hull (1871 – 1955) ein Memorandum aus, in dem u.a. steht:

"Again, the proposal to conclude a multilateral non-aggression pact between Japan, United States, Great Britain, China, the Soviet Union, the Netherlands and Thailand, which is patterned after the old concept of collective security, is far removed from the realities of East Asia."

[Quelle: https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/WorldWar2/memo.htm. -- Zugriff am 2015-01-13]

1941-12-07-Abend

Der britische Gesandte Josiah Crosby (1880 - 1958) informiert Direk Jayanama (ดิเรก ชัยนาม, 1905 - 1965), dass britische Aufklärungsflugzeuge gesichtet haben, dass eine japanische Flotte sich von Indochina her dem Golf von Siam nähert.

1941-12-07

Der britische Ministerpräsident Churchill sendet an Phibun via britische Gesandtschaft ein Telegramm. Der britische Gesandte Josiah Crosby (1880 - 1958) leitet das Telegramm am 1940-12-08 8:00 weiter, d.h. nachdem Thailand Waffenstillstand angeordnet hat:

"There is a possibility of an imminent Japanese attack on your country. If you are attacked, defend yourself. The preservation of the full independence and sovereignty of Thailand is a British interest and we shall regard an attack on you as an attack on ourselves."

[Zitiert in: Stowe, Judith A. <1934 - 2007>: Siam becomes Thailand : a story of intrigue. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawaii Pr., 1991. -- 394 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0-8248-1394-4. -- S. 224]

1941-12-07

Botschaft von US-Präsident Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882 - 19945) an Ministerpräsident Phibun:

  1. "that the US will regard it as a hostile act if the Japanese invade Thailand, Malaya, Burma or the Netherlands East Indies.
  2. that when peace comes, no matter what happens meanwhile, unless Thais aid the Japanese, the US and GB would work for complete restoration of Thailand's Independent sovereignty."

[Zitiert in: Charivat Santaputra [จริย์วัฒน์ สันตะบุตร]: Thai foreign policy 1932-1946. -- Bangkok : Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University, 1985. -- 465 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 974-335-091-8. -- S. 260]

1941-12-07

Japanischer Luftangriff auf die US-Marine in Pearl Harbour (Hawaii). 360 japanische Flugzeuge versenken 7 Schiffe der US-Pazifikflotte.


Abb.: Route des japanischen Angriffs
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Abb.: Zerstörung des Schlachtschiffs USS Arizona 1941-12-07
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1941-12-07

Abend: der japanische Botschafter Teiji Tsubogami (坪上 貞二, 1884 - 1979) sowie die japanischen Marine- und Militär-Attachés bitten um ein dringendes Treffen mit Ministerpräsident Phibul. Phibul, in Battambang (ក្រុងបាត់ដំបង) auf Inspektion, ist abwesend.

1941-12-07 - 1941-12-08

"As to the details of our negotiations with the Japanese on 7th December 1941, these were as follows. On the evening of 7th December 1941, sometime before 19.00 hours, the British Minister, Sir Josiah Crosby [1880 - 1958], came to see me at my house at Soi Santisuk Phra Khanong [ซอยสันติสุข พระโขนง]. He told me that during the course of their flights, British patrol planes had noticed Japanese warships conning from the Indochinese peninsula towards the Gulf of Siam. I thanked him, and said that I would report this immediately to the government. We went on to discuss the course of action to be taken in the event of Japanese troops landing in Siam. The British Minister told me that if Siam offered any resistance, she would receive the maximum support England could possibly provide.

I told him that Siam would definitely put up a fight, but for how long I really did not know. Ours was a small country and in comparison with Japan, which was like an elephant on the warpath, we were like but a five or six year old child. The British Minister said that he appreciated our position, and took his leave at about 19. 00 hours.

Police-General Adun Adunyadetcarat [อดุล เดชรัตน์ , 1894 - 1969], Director-General of the Police Department and Deputy Prime Minister, came to see me that evening, as I had already invited him to dinner. I told him about the British Minister's visit. We both felt that Japan was definitely declaring war. Police-General Adun complained that Prime Minister, Field Marshal Pibul Songkhram, should not be out of the capital at such a time of crisis. A few moments later. General Phra Boriphan Yutthakit [บริภัณฑ์ ยุทธกิจ, 1893 - 1970], the Minister of Economics, called Police-General Adun on the telephone. I do not know what he said, but Police-General Adun left my house right away without eating his dinner after telling me briefly that the situation was critical. About half an hour later a telephone call came through for me from Suan Kulap Palace [วังสวนกุหลาบ], which was then the Office of the Prime Minister, telling me to go there without delay.

On my arrival at Suan Kulap Palace I saw that Mr. [Teiji] Tsubokami [坪上 貞二, 1884 - 9179], the Japanese Ambassador, and his party were already there. With him were the assistant military attaché, the assistant naval attaché, the embassy adviser and an interpreter. I took the back door upstairs to see Police-General Adun, who told me that the Japanese delegation had come to see the Prime Minister. Since the Prime Minister was away, they had asked to see him instead as he was the Deputy Prime Minister. Police-General Adun told me that he was, however, most reluctant to see the members of the Japanese delegation, and asked that I go and receive them in his stead.

I therefore went down into the reception room to meet the members of the Japanese delegation. The Director-General of the Department of Commerce, Mr. Wanit Pananon [วนิช ปานานนท์ , - 1944], was already there in the room. After the usual exchange of greetings Mr. Tsubokami, the Japanese Ambassador, said that he had asked to see the Prime Minister as today the most crucial event in Japanese history had taken place. He regretted that he could not see either the Prime Minister or the Deputy Prime Minister. I explained to him that the Prime Minister was absent, I believed on an observation tour of the border, and that we had already sent a radio message to call him back to the capital. As for the Deputy Prime Minister, I explained that he felt that since the matters before us concerned foreign policy, I should receive the members of the Japanese delegation in his stead.

The Japanese Ambassador thereupon continued that all of us must be aware by now that the United States and England had constantly been putting pressure on Japan. Japan had decided that she could tolerate this no longer. Japan was now rising up in self-defence, and had today declared war on the United States and Britain. The Ambassador had received instructions from his government to inform the Siamese Prime Minister that the Japanese Army must therefore request the right to send its troops through our country on their way to attack those two countries which had now become Japan's enemies [i. e. Burma and Malaya —Ed. ] Since the Prime Minister was away and the Deputy Prime Minister indisposed, he had therefore to make this official request to me. I replied that Siam, as he well realized, had already declared itself a neutral country. Our policy was therefore one of withholding support for either side in the conflict. The Japanese Ambassador replied that this was, however, a matter of life and death for Japan. It was vital and absolutely imperative that she receive our permission to move her troops through our territory by land, sea and air. I explained that I had no authority to either grant or refuse his request, for he well knew already that I was only the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and it was the Prime Minister alone, as Commander-in-Chief of the Siamese Army who had the authority to order the army to withhold its resistance. Besides, I pointed out. the Ambassador was well aware that the Commander-in-Chief of the Army, on behalf of the government, had already passed a standing order that the Siamese army should offer full resistance against aggression by any forces invading our territory. The only person who could, then, revoke this order was the Commander-in- Chief himself.

At that moment Colonel Tamura [田村], the assistant military attaché, spoke out and said that I should be aware that any delay would lead to bloodshed, as Japanese troops were about to land at various places in Siam. I told him that as I had already explained, I had no authority in such matters. However, I would report the matter immediately to the Deputy Prime Minister so that he could straightaway call a meeting of the Cabinet. I would then let the members of the delegation know what the Cabinet had decided. They agreed to this proposal and waited in the reception room.

As soon as I returned and reported on the position to Police-General Adun Adunyadetcarat, he agreed to call a meeting of the Cabinet at once. Most of the Cabinet Ministers were already waiting there. The meeting began at about 23. 00 hours. Police-General Adun instructed me to tell the Cabinet members about my discussion with the Japanese delegation. After members of the Cabinet had consulted and discussed with one another, it was concluded that we could do nothing except await the return of the Prime Minister. The Cabinet then chose Mr. Pridi Phanomyong. the Minister of Finance, H. R. H. Prince Wan Waithayakorn [พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้า วรรณไวทยากร กรมหมื่นนราธิป พงศ์ประพันธ์, 1891 - 1976], Adviser to the Office of the Prime Minister, and myself to go out and meet the Japanese delegates and suggest to them that they either return to their residences, in which case we would invite them to see the Prime Minister as soon as he got back, although we had no idea when this might be, or else stay on and wait.

The Japanese Ambassador chose to wait. In the meantime, members of the Cabinet sat waiting for the Prime Minister, while Police-General Adun asked me to go to the Posts and Telegraphs Department with him to contact the Prime Minister. I did not learn where the Prime Minister was, as Police-General Adun did not tell me, but found out that he would be back for the Cabinet meeting around dawn. Police-General Adun and I then went back and informed the Cabinet of this, and I went to tell the members of the Japanese delegation that they should return home, which they did, and come back to the Office of the Prime Minister again at about 05. 00 hours.

At about 07. 00 hours the Prime Minister arrived for the meeting. Police-General Adun asked me to repeat the above course of events again. Before I could even finish the report, however, the Prime Minister asked what we should decide to do. Mr. Pridi Phanomyong [ปรีดี พนมยงค์, 1900 - 1983], the Finance Minister, proposed that before coming to any definite decision, we should first consider the pros and cons of the situation. We should reflect on what the results might be if we were to give in to or refuse the Japanese request, lest we suffer world criticism, for this, he claimed, was a historic decision. The Prime Minister replied that we had no time to hold discussions on the matter, as the Japanese had already landed on our territory. All he wanted, then, was an expression of opinion as to whether we should yield or fight.

He turned to ask certain Ministers responsible for military affairs whether we had enough forces to resist, and received a negative reply. Police-General Adun Adunyadetcarat debated the pros and cons and concluded that we had no chance if we resisted, and that the Allies would not come to our aid. The Prime Minister thereupon asked the opinion of a few more Ministers, who replied that they saw no way of our putting up an effective resistance. The Prime Minister therefore declared finally that it would be futile to resist as we had insufficient force to do so, particularly as England and the United States had more or less stated that they could not help us when pressed for effective aid by the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

After this the Prime Minister rose to go and meet the members of the Japanese delegation. I do not know the details of their discussions, as I did not follow him out of the Cabinet meeting, but about half an hour later the Prime Minister brought Mr. Wanit Pananon back, and asked him to tell the Cabinet of Japan's proposals. Mr. Wanit explained that the Japanese delegation had proposed three possible plans for co-operation on the part of Siam. The first asked merely for the passage of troops, the second that Siam and Japan sign an alliance for the defence of Siam, and the third that Siam and Japan become allies in the war against Britain and the United States, in which case Japan was ready to give us back all the territories we had lost to France and England.

Opinions were divided on the matter in the Cabinet. One group chose the third plan on the grounds that as we had to allow the passage of Japanese troops anyway, we might as well derive the greatest possible benefit from the situation. Another group made no comment at all. As Minister of Foreign Affairs, I proposed that as we had to give in to Japan's request since we were not strong enough to resist her, we should give in at most only to the extent of allowing the passage of Japanese troops. If we were to choose one of the other plans. I argued, we would definitely be criticised by the world and have it said that our erstwhile strict declarations of neutrality had been made merely to disguise our co-operation with Japan, since we were not only giving in to Japan, but also joining her as an ally. Police-General Adun Adunyadetcarat and Mr. Pridi Phanomyong supported my proposal, and in the end the Cabinet voted to accept only the first plan. Mr. Wanit Pananon was sent to deliver the message to the Japanese delegates. About an hour later an agreement was signed between the Japanese Ambassador and myself in which Siam agreed to grant Japan the right to send troops through our territory.

After the Cabinet meeting, I was instructed to relay the details of the new situation to all foreign diplomatic representatives in Bangkok. I told the British and American Ministers every detail about what had taken place, and the essential features of these reports, given in Foreign Relations [of the United States] 1941, [Vol. V —Ed. ] referred to earlier in this book, tally with my account here.

On the same day the government announced that on 8th December 1941, from 02. 00 hours onwards, Japanese troops had been landing in Siam at Songkhla [สงขลา], Pattani [ปัตตานี], Prachuap Khiri Khan [ประจวบคีรีขันธ์], Nakhon Si Thammarat [นครศรีธรรมราช], Surat Thani [สุราษฎร์ธานี] and Bangphu, and had penetrated inland to the provinces of Phatthalung [พัทลุง] and Samut Songkhram [สมุทรสงคราม]. The Siamese army and police forces, the announcement continued, had been putting up fierce resistance almost everywhere.

In addition, the announcement went on, we had also heard news from abroad that the Japanese navy had launched attacks on Hawaii and the Philippines, and that it had landed troops at Kota Bharu in Malaya and heavily bombarded Singapore.

At 22. 30 hours on 7th December 1 941, the announcement continued, the Japanese Ambassador had come to the Office of the Prime Minister and informed the Minister of Foreign Affairs that Japan had already declared war on Britain and the United States. Although she did not regard Siam as an enemy of Japan, she had therefore to ask for the right of passage through Siamese territory.

The government of His Majesty the King [of Siam] had given careful consideration to the matter, the communiqué declared. It felt that the events which had taken place were unavoidable. In spite of all our efforts, continued resistance on our part could only result in a futile loss of Siamese lives. We had therefore considered the proposal of the Japanese government, and had decided to grant the Japanese army the right of passage through our territory on receiving an undertaking in writing that Japan would respect the independence, sovereignty and honour of Siam. The Siamese government had then granted Japanese troops rights of passage, and fighting between Japan and Siam had come to an end."

[Quelle: Direck Jayanama [ดิเรก ชัยนาม] <1905 - 1967>: Siam and World War II / English ed. prepared and ed. by Jane Godfrey Keyes. -- Bangkok : The Social Science Association of Thailand Press, 2521 [1978]. -- 358 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- Originaltitel: ไทยกับสงครามโลกครั้งที่ 2 (2.ed., 1967). -- S. 61 - 64. -- Fair use]
"After considering all the main possibilities before us, Police-General Adun Adunyadetcarat [อดุล เดชรัตน์ , 1894 - 1969] pointed out that Japan had not asked us to declare war on the United States and England, nor did we intend making such a declaration. The United States and England should therefore be sympathetic towards our plight, particularly as they were unable to come to our aid, even to the extent of sending us military equipment. Meanwhile, during the time that we had had to await a final decision on the part of the Prime Minister, our soldiers had made every effort to ward off Japanese attacks. This demonstrated that we had put up resistance and had not given way to Japan right away without offering any effective opposition. The clashes in Pattani [ปัตตานี] and Songkhla [สงขลา], where fierce and brave efforts had been made by our soldiers, as well as the fighting going in other places from which we had not yet received [full] reports, all clearly showed that we had done our best to uphold our neutrality."

[Quelle: Thawi Bunyaket [ทวี บุณยเกตุ] <1904 - 1971>. -- In: Direck Jayanama [ดิเรก ชัยนาม] <1905 - 1967>: Siam and World War II / English ed. prepared and ed. by Jane Godfrey Keyes. -- Bangkok : The Social Science Association of Thailand Press, 2521 [1978]. -- 358 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- Originaltitel: ไทยกับสงครามโลกครั้งที่ 2 (2.ed., 1967). -- S. 113. -- Fair use]

1941-12-08

Japan erklärt offiziell den USA, Großbritannien, Kanada und Australien den Krieg. Die USA und Großbritannien erklären Japan den Krieg.

"IMPERIAL RESCRIPT


By the grace of Heaven, Emperor of Japan Emperor Shōwa, seated on the throne occupied by the same dynasty from time immemorial, enjoin upon ye, Our loyal and brave subjects:

We hereby declare War on the United States of America and the British Empire. The men and officers of Our Army and Navy shall do their utmost in prosecuting the war. Our public servants of various departments shall perform faithfully and diligently their respective duties; the entire nation with a united will shall mobilize their total strength so that nothing will miscarry in the attainment of Our war aims.

To ensure the stability of East Asia and to contribute to world peace is the far-sighted policy which was formulated by Our Great Illustrious Imperial Grandsire [Emperor Meiji] and Our Great Imperial Sire succeeding Him [Emperor Taishō], and which We lay constantly to heart. To cultivate friendship among nations and to enjoy prosperity in common with all nations, has always been the guiding principle of Our Empire's foreign policy. It has been truly unavoidable and far from Our wishes that Our Empire has been brought to cross swords with America and Britain. More than four years have passed since China, failing to comprehend the true intentions of Our Empire, and recklessly courting trouble, disturbed the peace of East Asia and compelled Our Empire to take up arms. Although there has been reestablished the National Government of China, with which Japan had effected neighborly intercourse and cooperation, the regime which has survived in Chungking, relying upon American and British protection, still continues its fratricidal opposition. Eager for the realization of their inordinate ambition to dominate the Orient, both America and Britain, giving support to the Chungking regime, have aggravated the disturbances in East Asia. Moreover these two Powers, inducing other countries to follow suit, increased military preparations on all sides of Our Empire to challenge Us. They have obstructed by every means Our peaceful commerce and finally resorted to a direct severance of economic relations, menacing gravely the existence of Our Empire. Patiently have We waited and long have We endured, in the hope that Our government might retrieve the situation in peace. But Our adversaries, showing not the least spirit of conciliation, have unduly delayed a settlement; and in the meantime they have intensified the economic and political pressure to compel thereby Our Empire to submission. This trend of affairs, would, if left unchecked, not only nullify Our Empire's efforts of many years for the sake of the stabilization of East Asia, but also endanger the very existence of Our nation. The situation being such as it is, Our Empire, for its existence and self-defense has no other recourse but to appeal to arms and to crush every obstacle in its path.

The hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors guarding Us from above, We rely upon the loyalty and courage of Our subjects in Our confident expectation that the task bequeathed by Our forefathers will be carried forward and that the sources of evil will be speedily eradicated and an enduring peace immutably established in East Asia, preserving thereby the glory of Our Empire.

In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hand and caused the Grand Seal of the Empire to be affixed at the Imperial Palace, Tokyo, this seventh day of the 12th month of the 15th year of Shōwa, corresponding to the 2,602nd year from the accession to the throne of Emperor Jimmu.
 

(Released by the Board of Information, December 8, 1941. Japan Times & Advertiser)

[Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_declaration_of_war_on_the_United_States_and_the_British_Empire. -- Zugriff am 2016-03-25]

"JOINT RESOLUTION Declaring that a state of war exists between the Imperial Government of Japan and the Government and the people of the United States and making provisions to prosecute the same.

Whereas the Imperial Government of Japan has committed unprovoked acts of war against the Government and the people of the United States of America:

Therefore be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of war between the United States and the Imperial Government of Japan which has thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and the President is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial Government of Japan; and, to bring the conflict to a successful termination, all the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States."

[Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_declaration_of_war_upon_Japan. -- Zugriff am 2016-03-25]

 

Japanische Invasion in Thailand.


Abb.: Japanische Invasion am 1941-12-08
[Bildquelle: Pi@k / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

"Thailand responded pragmatically to the military and political pressures of World War II. When sporadic fighting broke out between Thai and French forces along Thailand's eastern frontier in late 1940 and early 1941, Japan used its influence with the Vichy regime in France to obtain concessions for Thailand. As a result, France agreed in March 1941 to cede 54,000 square kilometers of Laotian territory west of the Mekong and most of the Cambodian province of Battambang to Thailand. The recovery of this lost territory and the regime's apparent victory over a European colonial power greatly enhanced Phibun's reputation.

Then, on December 8, 1941, after several hours of fighting between Thai and Japanese troops at Chumphon, Thailand had to accede to Japanese demands for access through the country for Japanese forces invading Burma and Malaya. Phibun assured the country that the Japanese action was prearranged with a sympathetic Thai government. Later in the month Phibun signed a mutual defense pact with Japan. Pridi resigned from the cabinet in protest but subsequently accepted the nonpolitical position of regent for the absent Ananda Mahidol.

Under pressure from Japan, the Phibun regime declared war on Britain and the United States in January 1942, but the Thai ambassador in Washington, Seni Pramoj, refused to deliver the declaration to the United States government. Accordingly, the United States refrained from declaring war on Thailand. With American assistance Seni, a conservative aristocrat whose antiJapanese credentials were well established, organized the Free Thai Movement, recruiting Thai students in the United States to work with the United States Office of Strategic Services (OSS). The OSS trained Thai personnel for underground activities, and units were readied to infiltrate Thailand. From the office of the regent in Thailand, Pridi ran a clandestine movement that by the end of the war had with Allied aid armed more than 50,000 Thai to resist the Japanese.

Thailand was rewarded for Phibun's close cooperation with Japan during the early years of war with the return of further territory that had once been under Bangkok's control, including portions of the Shan states in Burma and the four northernmost Malay states. Japan meanwhile had stationed 150,000 troops on Thai soil and built the infamous "death railway" through Thailand using Allied prisoners of war.

As the war dragged on, however, the Japanese presence grew more irksome. Trade came to a halt, and Japanese military personnel requisitioning supplies increasingly dealt with Thailand as a conquered territory rather than as an ally. Allied bombing raids damaged Bangkok and other targets and caused several thousand casualties. Public opinion and, even more important, the sympathies of the civilian political elite, moved perceptibly against the Phibun regime and the military. In June 1944, Phibun was forced from office and replaced by the first predominantly civilian government since the 1932 coup."

[Quelle: http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field%28DOCID+th0031%29. -- Zugriff am 2011-10-06. -- Public domain]

"The Japanese invasion of Thailand occurred on December 8, 1941. It was fought between Thailand and the Empire of Japan. Despite fierce fighting in Southern Thailand, Thai resistance lasted only a few hours before ending in a ceasefire.

Background

To invade Malaya and Burma the Japanese needed to make use of Thai ports, railways, and airfields. The Thai people, however, were fiercely proud of never having been colonised and were determined to maintain their independence, having just beaten Vichy France in the French-Thai War. The Thai army was far from negligible and their soldiers were at combat readiness. If heavy Japanese casualties were to be avoided it was vital that early landings across the beaches in southern Thailand should be unopposed.[1]

To facilitate this the Japanese opened secret negotiations with the Thai government. At the time it looked as though the Axis powers were winning the war in Europe, and in October 1940, Thai dictator Plaek Pibulsonggram, gave a secret verbal promise to support them in the event of a Japanese invasion of Malaya. In return for his secret alliance, the Japanese guaranteed Thailand provinces in Malaya which were ceded to the British in 1909, as well as Burma's Shan State.[2]

However, Phibun seemed to have been quite ready to forget this promise if circumstances had changed and asked both the British and Americans in 1941 for guarantees of effective support if they were invaded. Neither country could give them, although British Prime Minister Winston Churchill was in favour of giving a public warning to Japan that an invasion of the southeast Asian kingdom would result in a British declaration of war.

This drove the Japanese planners to distraction as they unsuccessfully strove to obtain agreement to a right of passage through Thai territory, on which their whole operational plan depended. Finally it was General Count Terauchi (寺内 寿) who took the decision for the invasion fleet to sail and land in Thailand with or without permission.

“ There is a possibility of imminent Japanese invasion of your country. If you are attacked, defend yourselves. The preservation of the true independence and sovereignty of Thailand is a British interest, and we shall regard an attack on you as an attack upon ourselves. - Prime Minister Winston Churchill's message to Field Marshal Plaek Pibulsonggram, which was promptly ignored whilst seeking an armistice with Japan[3] ”
 

Japan Invades

Before 8 December 1941

Royal Thai Army started to set up the new military units in the South including:[4]

  • Chumphon (ชุมพร)
    • the 38th Infantry Battalion stationed at Ban Na Nian, Tambon Wang Mai (วังใหม่), Muang District of Chumphon (9 km from Provincial Hall)
  • Nakhon Si Thammarat (นครศรีธรรมราช)
    • the 39th Infantry Battalion stationed at Tambon Pak Phoon (ปากพูน), Muang District of Nakhon Si Thammarat
    • the 15th Artillery Battalion stationed at Tambon Pak Phoon (ปากพูน), Muang District of Nakhon Si Thammarat
    • Headquarter of the Sixth Division at Tambon Pak Phoon (ปากพูน), Muang District of Nakhon Si Thammarat
  • Trang (ตรัง)
    • the 40th Infantry Battalion
  • Songkla (สงขลา)
    • the 5th Infantry Battalion stationed at Tambon Khao Kho Hong (คอหงส์), Hat Yai (หาดใหญ่) District of Songkla, transferred from Bang Sue to Hat Yai by military train on 18 February 1940 - the first Unit that move to the South
    • the 41st Infantry Battalion stationed at Suan Tun, Tambon Khao Roob Chang (เขารูปช้าง), Muang District of Songkla
    • the 13th Artillery Battalion stationed at Suan Tun, Tambon Khao Roob Chang (เขารูปช้าง), Muang District of Songkla
  • Pattani (ปัตตานี)
    • the 42nd Infantry Battalion stationed at Tambon Bo Thong (บ่อทอง), Nong Jik (หนองจิก) District of Pattani
Battambang (ក្រុងបាត់ដំបង)

At dawn the Imperial Guards Division, spearheading the 15th Army, crossed the border into Thailand's recently reclaimed Battambang Province at Tambon Savay Donkeo, Athuek Thewadej District (Russei - កោះបស្សី) of Battambang. The Japanese encountered no resistance, and from Sisophon (សិរីសោភ័ណ) swung north-westwards into Aranyaprathet (อรัญประเทศ) (then still a district of Prachinburi Province) along the nearly finished railway link between Aranyaprathet and Monkhol Bourei. (the actual opening date for traffic was 11 April 1942) [5] [6]

Chumphon (ชุมพร)

The Japanese 1st Infantry Battalion of the 143rd Infantry Regiment landed at Chumphon on the morning of December 8. They managed to form a perimeter around their landing areas, but were pinned down by determined resistance by Thai Youth Army (the 52nd Youth Army Training Unit, Sriyaphai School) along with the 38th Infantry Battalion and Provincial Police of Chumpon. Fighting ended in the afternoon when the Thais received orders to cease fire. Thai Forces has lost Captain Thawin Niyomsen (ร้อยเอกถวิล นิยมเสน) (the 52nd Youth Army Training Unit - posthumously promoted to Lt. Col.), a few provincial police and a few civilians.[7]

Nakhon Si Thammarat (นครศรีธรรมราช)

Nakhon Si Thammarat was the site of the Thai Sixth Army Division’s Headquarters and 39th Infantry Battalion. Three Japanese troopships dropped anchor a few kilometres off the coast during the night of December 7. The ships carried the 3rd Infantry Battalion of the 143rd Infantry Regiment, the 18th Air District Regiment along with an army air force signals unit, the 32nd Anti-Aircraft Battalion, and the 6th Labour Construction Company. Shortly after midnight, they began disembarking their troops at Tha Phae (ท่าแพ) canal (AKA Pak Phoon Canal) - North of Camp Vajiravudh.

The landing was made adjacent to the main Thai army camp, Camp Vajiravudh. The Thais, notified earlier of the Japanese invasion at Songkhla, immediately went into action. The battle lasted until midday, when the prime minister’s orders for a cease fire were received.[8]

Pattani (ปัตตานี)

Due to its closeness to the Malayan border, Pattani was the second most important objective of the Japanese 25th Army. The landings were made despite the rough seas and on unsuitable landing grounds. The invaders were effectively opposed by the Thai 42nd Infantry Battalion, Pattani Provincial Police and Thai Youth Army units (the 66th Youth Army Training Unit from Benjama Rachoothit School) until the battalion was ordered to cease fire at midday. The Thai battalion commander, Khun Inkhayutboriharn, was killed in action along with 23 other ranks, 5 Provincial Police, 4 Youth Army members and 9 Civilians.[9]

Prachuap Khiri Khan (ประจวบคีรีขันธ์)

Prachuap Khiri Khan was home to the Royal Thai Air Force’s Fifth Wing, under the command of Wing Commander M.L. Pravat Chumsai. The Japanese 2nd Infantry Battalion of the 143rd Infantry Regiment landed at 03:00 am, and occupied the town after having crushed police resistance there.

Further landings took place near the airfield to the south. The Japanese laid siege to the airfield, but the Thai airmen along with Prachuap Khirikhan Provincial Police managed to hold out until noon on the next day, when they received orders from the Thai government to cease fighting. The Japanese lost 115 dead according to Japanese estimates and 217 dead and 300+ wounded according to Thai estimates. The Thais lost 37 dead and 27 wounded.[10]

Samut Prakan (สมุทรปราการ)

The Japanese 3rd Battalion of the Imperial Guards Regiment landed at Samut Prakan in the early hours of December 8. It was tasked with the capture of Bangkok. The force was met by a small Thai police detachment. Despite a tense confrontation, fighting did not occur and the Japanese subsequently agreed not to enter the Thai capital until formal negotiations were concluded.[5]

Songkhla (สงขลา)

The port city of Songkhla was one of the main objectives of Yamashita’s 25th Army. The Japanese landings occurred during the early hours of December 8.

Thai garrison at Khao Khor Hong (คอหงส์) (the 41st Infantry Battalion and the 13th Artillery battalion) immediately occupied positions alongside the roads leading down to Malaya, but were brushed aside into positions the main Japanese advance could ignore. A further clash occurred at Hat Yai. The Thais lost 15 dead (8 KIA from 41st Inf. Bat. and 7 from the 5th Inf. bat.) and 30-55 wounded.

The fighting ceased at noon when orders for an armistice to be arranged was received.[11]

Surat Thani (สุราษฎร์ธานี)

A Japanese infantry company from the 1st Battalion of the 143rd Infantry Regiment landed at the coastal village of Ban Don in the early hours of December 8. They marched into Surat Thani, where they were opposed by Royal Thai Police and civilian volunteers. The desultory fighting took place amid a rainstorm, and only ended in the afternoon when the hard-pressed Thais received orders to lay down their arms. The Thais lost 17-18 dead but the injured was not known exactly.[12]

Bangkok (กรุงเทพฯ)

While police rounded up Japanese residents the Thai cabinet debated its options.[13] Some favoured continued resistance, including the establishment of a government-in-exile, but when Phibun finally returned they relented, and the Thai's caved in to Japan's demands.

Aftermath

Plaek Pibulsonggram's decision to sign an armistice with Japan effectively ended Churchill's hopes of forging an alliance with Thailand. He also granted Japan permission to use Thailand as a base of operations to invade Malaya. Within hours after the armistice came into effect, squadrons of Japanese aircraft had flown into Songkla airfield from Indochina, allowing them to carry out air raids on strategic bases in Malaya and Singapore from a short distance. At the time of the ceasefire, Great Britain and the United States regarded Thailand as Japanese-occupied territory.[2]

On 14 December, Pibulsonggram signed a secret agreement with the Japanese committing Thai troops in the Burma Campaign. An alliance between Thailand and Japan was formally signed on December 21, 1941. On January 25, 1942, the Thai government declared war on the United States and the United Kingdom. In response, all Thai assets in the United States were frozen by the federal government. While the Thai ambassador in London delivered the declaration of war to the British administration, Seni Pramoj, Thai ambassador to Washington D.C., refused to do so, instead organising a Free Thai movement.[2][14]

References
  1. Grant, Ian Lyall. and Tamayama, Kazuo. (1999) Burma 1942: The Japanese Invasion. The Zampi Press. p.33
  2. A Forgotten Invasion: Thailand in Shan State, 1941-45, CPAmedia.com, retrieved 2010-05-02
  3. Prime Minister Winston Churchill's Broadcast on War With Japan
  4. "สงครามมหาเอเซียบูรพา - ก่อนจะถึงวันวีรไทย". samphan. I See History dot com. September 2009. Retrieved 8 August2010.
  5. "วันวีรไทย - บางปู ปราจีนบุรี". samphan. I See History dot com. September 2009. Retrieved 8 August2010.
  6. "บก. สูงสุด 2.4.1.6/6 การจัดรถในราชการไทยไปต่อกับรถของญี่ปุ่น". wisarut. Rotfai Thai dot com. 7 July 2007. Retrieved 8 August2010.
  7. "วันวีรไทย - ชุมพร". samphan. I See History dot com. September 2009. Retrieved 8 August2010.
  8. "วันวีรไทย - นครศรีธรรมราช". samphan. I See History dot com. September 2009. Retrieved 8 August2010.
  9. "วันวีรไทย - ปัตตานี". samphan. I See History dot com. September 2009. Retrieved 8 August2010.
  10. "วันวีรไทย - ประจวบคีรีขันธ์". samphan. I See History dot com. September 2009. Retrieved 8 August2010.
  11. "วันวีรไทย - สงขลา". samphan. I See History dot com. September 2009. Retrieved 8 August2010.
  12. "วีรไทย - สุราษฎร์ธานี". samphan. I See History dot com. September 2009. Retrieved 8 August2010.
  13. E. Bruce Reynolds. (1994) Thailand and Japan's Southern Advance 1940-1945. St. Martin's Press.
  14. "สงครามมหาเอเซียบูรพา - จากวันวีรไทย ถึง วันประกาศสงคราม". samphan. I See History dot com. September 2009. Retrieved 8 August 2010."

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_invasion_of_Thailand. -- Zugriff am 2011-10-07]

Ursprünglich war geplant worden, dass japanische Soldaten in Thai-Uniformen in Omnibussen zusammen mit Prostituierten (als Thai-typische Tarnung !) nach Thailand eingeschleust werden sollen. Der japanische Geheimagent in Thailand, der die Aktion durchführen sollte, verbrannte aber das Kodebuch zu früh, sodass keine geheimdienstliche Kommunikation möglich war.

"Wohl das einzige Land, in dem sich die Japaner einigermaßen gesittet verhielten, war Thailand, das sich ihnen kampflos geöffnet hatte, doch selbst unter den Thais griff schon bald kritische Ernüchterung Platz. 'Wenn wir lachen', bemerkte einer von ihnen, 'dann lachen wir mit all unseren Türen und Fenstern weit offen. Wenn die Japaner lächeln, knirschen sie zugleich mit den Zähnen.'"

[Quelle: Zich, Arthur <1934 - 2012>: Die aufgehende Sonne / Arthur Zich [u.a.]. -- Amsterdam : Time-Life International, 1979. -- 208 S. : Ill. ; 30 cm. -- (Time-Life Bücher ; Der Zweite Weltkrieg). -- Originaltitel: The rising sun  (1977). -- S. 149]

Das japanische Militär bestzt sehr bald The Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Bangkok und macht sie zum Hauptquartier.

Japan baut in der Folgezeit eine Infrastruktur für die Besetzung Burmas auf, so u.a. die erste Straße nach Mae Hong Son (แม่ฮ่องสอน)


Abb.: Lage von Mae Hong Son (แม่ฮ่องสอน)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Auf Khao Khanap Nam (เขาขนาบน้ำ) bei Krabi (กระบี) halten die Japaner - so die örtliche Überlieferung - später britische Soldaten aus Malaya gefangen. Viele sterben. Die Bewohner der umliegenden Dörfer fürchten heute noch die Geister der verstorbenen Soldaten.


Abb.: Lage von Khao Khanap Nam (เขาขนาบน้ำ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1941-12-08-2:00

Japanische Truppen landen in Singora (= Songkhla - สงขลา), Pattani (ปัตตานี) und Kota Bharu (Malaya).


Abb.: Lage von Singora (= Songkhla - สงขลา, Pattani (ปัตตานี) und Kota Bharu (Malaya) und Routen des japanischen Vorstoßes bei der Eroberung von Britisch Malaya und Singapore
[Bildquelle: http://www.cofepow.org.uk/pages/armedforces_m_campaign.html. -- Zugriff am 2013-10-29. -- Used for pesdagogical and research purposes]

"When the Japanese fleet dispersed in the Gulf of Thailand on December 7, several troop transports with a light naval escort headed towards Prachuap Kirikhan [ประจวบคีรีขันธ์], Chumpon [ชุมพร] and Nakorn Srithamarat [นครศรีธรรมราช] to land detachments of the 15th Army [第15軍]. Their task was to seize control of rail and road links between central and southern Thailand as well as stage a lightning strike across the peninsula at British forces in the southernmost tip of Burma. During their landings they met with considerable resistance from local Thai garrisons backed up by police and Yuvachon [ยุวชนทหาร - Jugendsoldaten]. Without waiting for orders from Bangkok, they all acted on the law making it mandatory to oppose any foreign forces setting foot on Thai soil. Much further south too, at Pattani [ปัตตานี] near the border with Malaya, the Thai army put up stiff resistance against units of Yamashita’s [Tomoyuki Yamashita - 山下 奉文, 1885 – 1946] 25th Army [第25軍], which had to fight their way ashore.

There were other problems at Songkla [สงขลา] where Yamashita and his staff were due to land. They were preceded ashore by 1,000 Japanese troops dressed in Thai military uniforms. Their orders were to procure some local transport plus the cooperation of Thai forces so that they could all proceed rapidly down the only motorable road in the area to the Malayan border under the pretence they were fleeing the Japanese. Then having fooled the British and been allowed to cross into Malaya, their objective was to seize vital bridges to stop them from being blown up.

The plan did not succeed. The troops involved in this special operation expected to find a Japanese army colonel, who had been working incognito at their consulate in Songkla, waiting to meet them on the beach with their transport already lined up. He was nowhere in sight; in an excess of zeal, he had destroyed his codes too early and was unable to make sense of the message conveying the invasion date. Thus the officer commanding the landing party had to commandeer a samlor [สามล้อ] to get to the Japanese consulate where he was greeted in astonishment by an official who had had several drinks too many. It led to considerable commotion and more delay. The Thai police, too, became suspicious when a group of Japanese soldiers tried to hire transport and bribe their cooperation with a large sum of money brought ashore specially for the purpose. Fighting broke out, units of the Thai army joined in, and it was about twelve hours before the Japanese gained control of the situation in Songkla."

[Quelle: Stowe, Judith A. <1934 - 2007>: Siam becomes Thailand : a story of intrigue. -- Honolulu : Univ. of Hawaii Pr., 1991. -- 394 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0-8248-1394-4. -- S. 219ff.]

Die japanischen Soldaten waren auf den Krieg in Südostasien vorbereitet worden mit einem 70seitigen Ratgeber von Oberst Masanobu Tsuji (辻 政信, 1901 – ca.1961): "Lies dies - und wir gewinnen den Krieg" (Kore dake Yomeba Ware wa Kateru).


Abb.: Einbandtitel

Auszüge daraus:

"Wir Japaner haben uns seit einiger Zeit gedankenlos angewöhnt, in den Europäern höhere Wesen zu sehen und auf die Chinesen und die Völker des Südens herabzusehen. Das ist eine Einstellung, mit der wir uns gewissermaßen selber ins Gesicht spucken.

Sobald ihr in die Gebiete des Feindes kommt, wird euch bewusst werden, was die Unterdrückung durch den weißen Mann bedeutet. Imposante, prächtige Gebäude blicken von Bergeshöhen oder Hügeln auf die winzigen Hütten der Eingeborenen hinab. Finanziert wird der luxuriöse Lebensstil der Weißen mit dem Geld, das diese kleinen Minderheiten durch blutige Unterdrückung aus Asiaten herauspressen.

Infolge der jahrhundertelangen Unterdrückung durch europäische Kolonialmächte sind die Eingeborenen unterwürfige Sklaven geworden. Unser Wunsch, aus ihnen baldmöglichst wieder Männer zu machen, dürfte zunächst auf erhebliche Schwierigkeiten stoßen.

Waffen sind lebende Wesen, und Gewehre verabscheuen Hitze ebenso wie der Soldat. Hält der Soldat Rast, sollte er auch seinem Gewehr eine Ruhepause gönnen und ihm anstelle von Wasser ausgiebig Öl zu trinken geben.

Nimm dich vor Giftschlangen in acht! Diese lauern im dichten Gras oder liegen auf Baumästen, und wer nicht auf seine Hände und Füße aufpasst, läuft Gefahr, von ihnen gebissen zu werden. Wenn du eine gefährliche Giftschlange siehst, musst du sie natürlich töten. Du solltest dann die Leber roh verzehren und das Fleisch kochen. Es gibt kein besseres Stärkungsmittel.

Durst kann man gut mit Ananas und Kokosnüssen löschen, in gebirgigen Gegenden auch bis zu einem gewissen Grade durch Saugen an abgeschnittenen Wistarienzweigen.

Wenn du nach erfolgter Landung auf den Feind triffst, so sieh in dir einen Rächer, dem es endlich gelungen ist, den Mörder seines Vaters zu stellen. Hier stößt du auf den, dessen Tod dein Herz von dem in ihm brennenden Zorn zu entlasten vermag. Erst wenn du ihn völlig vernichtet hast, wirst du wieder zur Ruhe kommen.

Vor deinem ersten Kampfeinsatz - allerspätestens auf dem Schiff - solltest du, um zu jeder Zeit und an jedem Ort todesbereit zu sein, dein Testament machen und demselben eine Haarlocke und ein Stück Fingernägel beifügen. Der Soldat, der seine Angelegenheiten im voraus regelt, handelt nur vernünftig."

[Zitiert und übersetzt in: Zich, Arthur <1934 - 2012>: Die aufgehende Sonne / Arthur Zich [u.a.]. -- Amsterdam : Time-Life International, 1979. -- 208 S. : Ill. ; 30 cm. -- (Time-Life Bücher ; Der Zweite Weltkrieg). -- Originaltitel: The rising sun  (1977). -- S. 123.]

1941-12-08-7:00

Phibun trifft in Bangkok beim Kabinett ein.

1941-12-08-7:30

Thailand befiehlt seinen Truppen Waffenstillstand

1941-12-08-10:10

Das Kabinett vier Prinzipien für die weiteren Verhandlungen mit Japan zu:

  1. "Japanese passage through Thailand was agreed but Thai forces must not be disarmed;
  2. Japanese troops could pass through Thailand, but without stopping at Bangkok;
  3. The agreement was limited to a military agreement; and
  4.  This agreement was to be final, without any later additions."

[Quelle: Charivat Santaputra [จริย์วัฒน์ สันตะบุตร]: Thai foreign policy 1932-1946. -- Bangkok : Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University, 1985. -- 465 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 974-335-091-8. -- S. 276]

1941-12-08

Radiogramm von Rama VIII. aus Lausanne (Schweiz) an die Regierung Thailands (trifft bei der Regierung vier Tage später ein):

"As trouble is very near us I am hoping with all my heart that we will be able to keep our (sic) strick neutrality STOP Best of luck to all

Ananda Mahldol"

[Zitiert in: Charivat Santaputra [จริย์วัฒน์ สันตะบุตร]: Thai foreign policy 1932-1946. -- Bangkok : Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University, 1985. -- 465 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 974-335-091-8. -- S. 191]

1941-12-08

Japan besetzt Kelantan (كلنتن دار النعيم). Kelantan kommt später unter die Verwaltung Siams.


Abb.: Lage von Kelantan (كلنتن دار النعيم)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Abb.: Briefmarke Kelantans mit Thai-Überstempelung, 1943
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1941-12-08

Der US-Gesandte Willys R. (Ruggles) Peck (1882 - 1952) telegraphiert an das US-Außenministerium über sein Treffen mit Außenminister Direk Jayanama (ดิเรก ชัยนาม, 1905 - 1967:

"The foreign minister was deeply moved; he recalled the efforts made by his country to obtain arms for just such a contingency and he expressed gratitude for the friendliness shown by the United States. He said that the hearts of the Thai were with the United States and Great Britain and I could not but admit the sincerity of the country’s effort to resist Japan and the overwhelming force to which it finally yielded. "

[Zitiert in: The Eagle and the elephant : Thai-American relations since 1833 = ความสัมพันธ์ไทย-อเมริกัน ตั้งแต่ พ.ศ. 2376. -- Golden Jubilee ed. = ฉบับกาญจนาภิเซกสมโภช / ed. Patricia Norland [u.a.]. -- Bangkok : United States Information Service, 1997. -- 279 S. : Ill. ; 29 cm. -- ISBN 974-89415-1-5. -- S. 81]

1941-12-08 Nachmittag

Phibun teilt dem britischen Gesandten Josiah Crosby (1880 - 1958) telephonisch mit, dass es keine Einwände oder Widerstand gäbe, falls britische Truppen von Malaya aus die Grenze nach Thailand überschreiten.

1941-12-08

Der Thai-Gesandte Seni Pramoj (หม่อมราชวงศ์ เสนีย์ ปราโมช, 1905 - 1997) teilt telefonisch US-Außenminister Cordell Hull (1871 - 1955) mit, dass die Thai-Gesandtschaft mit den USA gegen Japan zusammenarbeiten will. Der Waffenstillstand Thailands sei das Werk pro-japanischer Elemente, die gegen den Willen des Thai-Volkes handeln.

1941-12-08

Indienststellung des US-Hubschraubers Sikorsky VS-300. Es ist der erste für praktische Zwecke einsetzbare Hubschrauber der USA.


Abb.: Sikorsky VS-300, 1941
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941-12-09


Abb.: In Bangkok ansässige Japaner begrüßen fahnenschwenkend den Einzug japanischen Militärs, 1941-12-09
[Bildquelle: Mainichi Shimbun (毎日新聞). -- Fair use]

1941-12-09

Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulles (1890 - 1970) Gouvernement provisoire de la République française erklärt Deutschland und Japan den Krieg.

1941-12-11

Das Propagandaministerium verkündet: "Japan ist Thailands Freund. Wir werden zusammenarbeiten, um unseren Ruhm zu mehren."

1941-12-11

Telegramm des Gesandten Thailands in den USA, Seni Pramoj (หม่อมราชวงศ์เสนีย์ ปราโมช, 1905 – 1997), an das Außenministerium in Bangkok:

"I announced at press conference 4:50 p.m. today my intention to work for re-establishment of Independent Thailand. I shall henceforth carry out only orders which in my opinion are of His Majesty's Government's free will."

[Zitiert in: Charivat Santaputra [จริย์วัฒน์ สันตะบุตร]: Thai foreign policy 1932-1946. -- Bangkok : Thai Khadi Research Institute, Thammasat University, 1985. -- 465 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 974-335-091-8. -- S. 310]

1941-12-12

Der Gesandte Thailands in den USA, Seni Pramoj (หม่อมราชวงศ์เสนีย์ ปราโมช, 1905 – 1997), informiert das Department of State, dass er der Meinung ist, dass die Allianz Thailands mit Japan nicht den wahren Willen des Thaivolkes repräsentiert.

Die USA betrachten die Allianz als unfreundlichen Akt und ruft ihren Gesandten in Thailand zurück. Die USA betrachten Seni "as the representative in the US of the free people of Thailand."

1941-12-14

Phibun befiehlt der Nord-West-Armee sich nahe an die chinesische Grenze zu begeben

1941-12-14

Militärabkommen mit Japan. Wird 1941-12-21 in den Beistandspakt integriert.

1941-12-15

Jean Decoux (1884 – 1963), Gouverneur général de l'Indochine française, verbietet den Ausdruck "indigène" im Amtgebrauch. Stattdessen muss "Indochinois" gebraucht werden.

1941-12-21

Militärischer Beistandspakt zwischen Thailand und Japan (Pact of alliance between Thailand and Japan). Der Pakt hat einen geheimen Annex, in dem Japan zusagt, Thailand bei der Rückgewinnung der verlorenen Territorien beizustehen.

Ministerpräsident Phibun fasst den Entschluss dazu im Wat Phra Kaeo (วัดพระแก้ว).

Später verpflichtet Ministerpräsident Phibun alle Staatsbeamten zu einem Treue-Eid zur pro-japanischen Haltung der Regierung.

Später wird "The Joint Thai-Japanese Committee" geschaffen, später umbenannt in "Allied Coordinating Department". Es ist die Verbindung zwischen der Regierung Thailands und dem japanischen Militär.


Abb.: Thai-japanische Allianz, 1940er-Jahre

"On December 21, 1941, a mutual offensive-defensive alliance pact between the two countries [Japan and Thailand] was signed[4] The agreement, revised on December 30, gave the Japanese full access to Thai railways, roads, airfields, naval bases, warehouses, communications systems, and barracks. To facilitate greater economic cooperation, Pridi was removed from the cabinet and offered a seat on the politically impotent Regency Council for the absent king, which he subsequently accepted.[10][4]

Later on, as a result of Japanese pressure, the Thai government declared war on Britain and the United States on January 25, 1942.[4][10]

Thailand was rewarded for Phibun's close cooperation with Japan during the early years of war with the return of further territory that had once been under Bangkok's control, namely the four northernmost Malay states. In addition, with Japan confirmed, the Thai Phayap Army was permitted to invade and annex the north-eastern Shan States of Burma.[4][10][11] Japan meanwhile had stationed 150,000 troops on Thai soil and built the infamous Death Railway through Thailand using Asian laborers and Allied prisoners of war.

Although the majority of Thais were initially "intoxicated" with Japan's string of brilliant victories in early 1942, by the end of the year there was widespread resentment as a result of arrogant Japanese behavior and war-induced economic problems.[4] Even during the early stages of the war there was friction over issues such as the confiscation of Allied property, economic and monetary matters, as well as the treatment of Thailand's ethnic Chinese community.

A vicious contest for saw mills and teak logs owned by British companies erupted early on, followed by similar disputes over the control of enemy energy and shipping facilities within the country. Other problems were more severe. For a time Germany continued actively purchasing local products, but once shipping difficulties became unsolvable, Japan became Thailand's sole significant trading partner. Similarly, Thailand had to rely on the Japanese for consumer goods previously imported from Europe and the United States; goods which Japan was increasingly unable to provide as the war wore on. A shortage of commodities quickly developed, with inflation soaring and standards of living dropping. Worse yet, the Japanese had aggressively claimed the right to import goods duty-free, significantly reducing the Thai government's revenues.[4]

Things came to a head in December 1942 when an armed confrontation between Japanese troops and Thai villagers and police escalated into a shoot-out in Ratchaburi. Although the Ban Pong (บ้านโป่ง) incident was promptly and peacefully resolved, it served as "a warning signal that alerted Tokyo to the seriousness of the problems in Thailand."[4] This led to General Aketo Nakamura (中村明人) being sent to command the newly formed Thailand Garrison Army. Nakamura's ability to understand the Thai perspective, combined with his affable personality, significantly helped to improve Thai-Japanese relations.[12][4][10]

This more conciliatory stance occurred at a moment when the tide began to turn against Japan, something which many within the Thai government recognized. Realizing that the Allies had seized the initiative in the war, Phibun, well aware of the troublesome personal predicament his relationship with Tokyo had put him in, started distancing him from the Japanese.[4] In January 1943 he had two of the Phayap Army's divisional commanders arrange the return of a group of Chinese prisoners-of-war as a gesture of friendship designed to open secret negotiations with Chungking.[13]

But the prime minister's star was waning at a much faster rate than he had thought. With the Allies intensifying their bombing raids on Bangkok public confidence in Phibun, already tested by his idiosyncratic domestic policies, was sagging fast. His frequent absence from Bangkok led morale to plummet, while a sudden proclamation for the capital and its inhabitants to be immediately moved north to malaria-infested Phetchabun (เพชรบูรณ์) was greeted with near-universal bemusement and discontent.[10] And it wasn't only the public. The kingdom's ruling elite too was becoming increasingly weary of Phibun, whose intimidation and demotion of dissenters within the government ironically served to further unite his opponents, who were gathering around Pridi.[4]

Even the Japanese were becoming disaffected with Phibun. That a military scheme lay behind Phibun's attempt to relocate the seat of government certainly wasn't lost on the Japanese.[4] Remote, with the nearest rail connection being at Phitsanulok (พิษณุโลก), a half-day's drive away, Phetchabun's main asset was its suitability as a mountainous fortress; moreover, the site was located in a region where the majority of the Thai army was based.[14][4][10]

Coinciding with the beginnings of Phibun's efforts to distance himself – through prolonged trips to the provinces – from the Japanese was the downfall of Benito Mussolini in Italy, an event which sent shock waves throughout the Thai elite, to the point that an emergency cabinet meeting was convened to discuss the European war situation.[4] Analogies with Italy was soon being made by many: while "Badoglio" became an increasingly popular Thai political epithet, the Japanese envoy in Berlin was advised by Reichsmarschall Göring to keep a close watch on the Thai, lest they turn into an "Oriental Italy."[4]

However, in spite of increasing domestic discontent and Japanese distrust, it would not be until the following year that Phibun's political demise would come."

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_occupation_of_Thailand. -- Zugriff am 2011-10-07]

1941-12-21

Die Chinese Chamber of Commerce (CCC) erklärt Phibun, dass die Chinesen Thailands aus vollem Herzen die Allianz mit Japan begrüßt. Und dass die CCC überzeugt ist, dass die Allianz mit Japan allen Asiaten zugute kommt.

1941-12-21

Erstes Training der Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA, Tentera Anti-Jepun Penduduk Tanah Melayu)

"Die Malayan People's Anti-Japanese Army (MPAJA) war eine Widerstandsgruppierung auf der malaiischen Halbinsel, die einen Guerillakrieg gegen die japanischen Besatzer während des Pazifikkriegs führten. Nach Kriegsende wandten sie sich unter der Führung der Kommunistischen Partei Malaysias gegen die britischen Kolonialherren und nannten sich Malayan Races Liberation Army (MRLA). Sie führten ihren Unabhängigkeitskampf bis Ende der 1950er Jahre.

Im Rahmen der Planungen einer Verteidigung gegen ein japanisches Vordringen nach Südostasien und damit auch auf die malaiische Halbinsel, eröffneten die Briten im Mai 1941 eine Auslandsmission in Singapur. Von dort planten sie Gegenaktionen in vom Feind besetzten Gebieten. Zu den dafür vorgesehenen Gruppierungen gehörten auch die Überseechinesen, die ein spezielles Training durchliefen. Kurz vor dem Fall Singapurs im Februar 1942 schickten die Briten die Chinesen in den Dschungel, damit diese von dort aus gegen die japanische Armee einen Guerillakampf führen sollten. Den Chinesen schlossen sich auch einige der überlebenden Europäer an, sowie Reste der freiwilligen Überseearmee Chinas (→ Dalforce - 星华义勇军).

Insgesamt bestand die MPAJA aus elf Bataillonen mit rund 13.000 Kämpfern. Als im Mai 1943 die britische Force 136 bei Segari in Perak landete, gelang ihr etwa drei Monate später eine Kontaktaufnahme zur MPAJA. Im November des Jahres unterzeichneten Vertreter der MPAJA und der Briten ein Abkommen, das den Kämpfern der MPAJA Unterstützung hinsichtlich Nachschublieferungen an Waffen, Munition und sonstigen Materialien zusicherte. Zudem wurden MPAJA-Angehörige von britischen Ausbildern militärisch trainiert. Die MPAJA wurde dem Oberkommandierenden Südostasiens, Lord Louis Mountbatten (1900 - 1979) unterstellt.

Im Februar 1945 sprangen weitere britische Soldaten der Force 136 über der malaiischen Halbinsel ab, um die Rückeroberung vorzubereiten. Doch noch bevor ein großangelegter Aufstand stattfinden konnte, kapitulierten die Japaner und der Krieg war beendet.

Die Angehörigen der MPAJA kamen nach Kriegsende aus dem Dschungel, brachen mit den Briten und begannen einen Freiheitskampf unter dem Oberkommando der malaiischen Kommunisten. Sie besetzten Dörfer und Städte mit dem Ziel, eine eigenständige malaiische Regierung zu bilden. Erst nachdem der britische Oberst John Davies (Colonel) mit dem Führer der Kommunisten Chin Peng (陳平, 1922 - 2013)zweimonatige, langwierige Verhandlungen geführt hatte, ließ sich die MPLA am 1. Dezember 1945 entwaffnen. Jeder Kämpfer bekam 350$ als Entschädigungszahlung und die MPAJA wurde offiziell aufgelöst.

Im Mai 1948 verließen die wichtigsten Führer der malaiischen Kommunisten Singapur, um in der malaiischen Föderation ihren Kampf wieder aufzunehmen. Viele ehemalige MPAJA-Mitglieder wurden wieder angeworben. Der Kampf dauerte fast zwölf Jahre."

[Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malayan_Peoples'_Anti-Japanese_Army. -- Zugriff am 2016-03-24]

1941-12-22

Bangkok, großer Saal des Silpakorn Theater: Gründung des Indian National Council im Beisein des Außenministers Thailands

"The Indian National Council was an organisation founded in December 1941 in Bangkok by Indian Nationalists residing in Thailand.[1] The organisation was founded from the Thai-Bharat Cultural Lodge (อาศรมวัฒนธรรมไทย-ภารต) on 22 December 1941.[2] The founding president of the Council was Swami Satyananda Puri (= Prafulla Kumar Sen), along with Debnath Das as the founding secretary.[2][3] Along with the Indian Independence League, it came to be one of the two prominent Indian associations that corresponded with I Fujiwara's ((藤原 岩市, 1908 - 1986) F Kikan (藤原機関) on the scopes of Japanese assistance to the Indian movement.[3][4]

However, the Indian National Council emphasised solidarity with the Indian National Congress and, at a time when Japan began her successful Malayan Campaign, the council reflected the Congress leadership's reluctance to appear Quisling of the Japanese.[5] The council also had differences with the Indian Independence League, with Puri openly questioning Tokyo's anti-imperialist credibility in light of her actions in Korea and China.[6] Puri was killed in a plane crash, along with Giani Pritam Singh en route to the Conference in Tokyo in 1942 that saw Rash Behari Bose (রাসবিহারী বসু , 1886 - 1945) accepted as the leader of the expatriate Indian movement in South-east Asia. Later, the council sent delegates to attend the Bangkok Conference.[7]"

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indian_National_Council. -- Zugriff am 2013-11-04]

1941-12-23

Pridi Banomyong (ปรีดี พนมยงค์, 1900 - 1983) wird zum Regenten (ผู้สำเร็จราชการแทนพระองค์) für König Ananda Mahidol (พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรเมนทรมหาอานันทมหิดลฯ พระอัฐมรามาธิบดินทร, 1925 - 1946) ernannt.


Abb.: Pridi Banomyong (ปรีดี พนมยงค์), Briefmarke 2011
[Fair use]

Von 1941-12 bis 1943-2 veranlassen Pridi und seine Anhänger keinerlei Widerstand gegen Japan.

"Around 20th December 1941, the Prime Minister sent Police-General Adun Adunyadetcarat [อดุล เดชรัตน์ , 1894 - 1969], Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy Minister of the Interior, to sound me out on the Prime Minister's view that as Siamese policy toward Japan had now changed considerably, to the extent of our having formed an alliance with Japan, we should change our ambassador in Tokyo. The Prime Minister wished me to be that new ambassador.

I asked Police-General Adun how I could represent my country in Japan when my attitude towards Japan remained the same as it had always been. I told him I did not think I could carry out my duties effectively, as Japan would distrust me, and that I could not therefore see that such an appointment would be in the national interest.

Police-General Adun replied that this had already been discussed, however, and it had been concluded that on the contrary, such an appointment would be [especially] effective, as Japan would have more confidence in us on seeing that the Siamese government had sent as its representative a man who had not been popular with Japan in the past. Besides, he continued, I was a man of some political influence. It was believed that Japan would therefore heed my opinion somewhat. I persisted in my refusal, however. Two to three days later. Field Marshal Pibul Songkhram called me over to Government House and we had a discussion together with Police-General Adun Adunyadetcarat. Field Marshal Pibul Songkhram insisted that I take up the appointment for the sake of the nation, stating that he believed Japan would trust Siam if I agreed to do so. I persisted with my arguments, however, giving the same reasons as those I had already expressed to Police- General Adun, and pointing out that this was not a question of patriotism. The Prime Minister went on to say, however, that in any event he had already requested and received official approval of my appointment from Japan. I still continued to refuse. The Prime Minister then became angry with me and left the room saying that if I refused to go to Japan then he would go himself. At this Police-General Adun and I left Government House.

That afternoon I went to visit the Regent, Nai Pridi Phanomyong [ปรีดี พนมยงค์, 1900 - 1983], and told him of my embarrassing predicament. Nai Pridi expressed the view that if the matter had gone as far as Japan's approval having been sought officially, then it was very difficult. However, he felt that if I went it might in fact do some good, for he believed that the Allies would emerge the victors in the war, and that a wrong move by Siam might later cost our country its independence. He therefore felt that given the circumstances, I had better comply, but should tr/ to use the opportunity to study the situation and see whether contacts could be made with the Government of Chiang Kai-shek so that the Allies could see that we were trying to help them in every way. He also advised me to take trustworthy people with me to be the members of my embassy staff.

That evening Police-General Adun Adunyadetcarat came to see me again, and we held a general discussion. In the end I accepted the appointment [i.e. as Ambassador to Tokyo—Ed.], but on the condition thatthe government inform the Japanese government that it had entrusted me to negotiate on any matter, so that my words would have some weight."

[Quelle: Direck Jayanama [ดิเรก ชัยนาม] <1905 - 1967>: Siam and World War II / English ed. prepared and ed. by Jane Godfrey Keyes. -- Bangkok : The Social Science Association of Thailand Press, 2521 [1978]. -- 358 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- Originaltitel: ไทยกับสงครามโลกครั้งที่ 2 (2.ed., 1967). -- S. 73. -- Fair use]

1941-12-23

Japanischer Angriff mit ca. 60 Bomberflugzeugen auf Rangoon (Yangon, ရန်ကုန်), die Hauptstadt Britisch-Burmas. Die Bomber zerstören die Hafenanlagen und den Flugplatz und töten über 2000 Personen, die in den Straßen der Stadt zusammengeströmt waren. Massenflucht aus Rangoon beginnt: die Einwohnerzahl nimmt von 400.000 auf 150.000 ab.


Abb.: Lage von Rangoon (Yangon, ရန်ကုန်)
[Bildquelle: Japanische Karte 1943 / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941-12-24

Telegramm von Seni Pramoj (หม่อมราชวงศ์เสนีย์ ปราโมช, 1905 – 1997), Gesandter Thailands in den USA, an Sanoh Tanbunyuen (เสนาะ ตันบุญยืน, - 1999), Student am Trinity College, Cambridge (UK). Das Telgramm gilt als Geburtsstunde der Free Thai Movement (เสรีไทย) in Großbritannien:


Abb.: Telegramm
[Bildquelle: Manich Jumsai [มานิจ ชุมสาย] <1908 - 2009>: History of Anglo-Thai relations. -- 6. ed. -- Bangkok : Chalermnit, 2000. -- 494 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- S. 398]

"Highly gratified and encouraged by your cordial message showing spirit of Thais united in true cause our unswerving determination to fight for liberation of our homeland on side of Democracies must ultimately succeed. Pramoj [ปราโมช] Thai Minister. "

[Zitiert in: Manich Jumsai [มานิจ ชุมสาย] <1908 - 2009>: History of Anglo-Thai relations. -- 6. ed. -- Bangkok : Chalermnit, 2000. -- 494 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- S. 365]

1941-12-24

All-Thailand Overseas Chinese Assembly an der Chinese Chamber of Commerce. Es nehmen über 10.000 Chinesen Thailands teil, zusammen mit Angehörigen der japanischen Botschaft und des japanischen Militärs sowie Vertretern der Indian Independence League,

1941-12-25 - 1941-12-31

Phibun ruft im Radio mehrmals den chinesischen Führer Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石, 1887 – 1975)  auf, sich der Macht Japans zu beugen. Phibun preist dabei Japan.


Abb.: Chiang Kai-shek (蔣介石)
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1941-12-26

Bangkok: Gründung der Burma Independence Army (BIA). Sie besteht zunächst aus 227 Birmanen und 74 Japaner, wächst aber schnell auf 18.000 Mann an. Den birmanischen Kern bilden die "Thirty Comrades" ( ရဲဘော်သုံးကျိပ်).

1941-12-31

Es erscheint

Hymnes et pavillons d'Indochine. -- Hanoi : Presses de l'Imprimerie d'Extrême Orient, 1941. -- Eine Sammlung von Insignien, Heraldik, Nationalhymnen und Flaggen der Staaten von Französisch-Indochina (inklusive Kambodscha und Laos)


Abb.: Einbandtitel


Abb.: "Je vous sais dévoués à la France — Aimez la... Aimez aussi votre petite Patrie parce que cela vous aidera à mieux comprendre et mieux aimer la grande." -- PHILIPPE PÉTAIN, MARÉCHAL DE FRANCE CHEF DE L'ÉTAT FRANÇAIS

Kapitel über Luang Prabang (ຫຼວງພະບາງ):


Abb.: Sa Majesté Sisavang Vong (ເຈົ້າມະຫາຊີວິດສີສະຫວ່າງວົງ, 1885 – 1959), Roi de Luang-Prabang (ຫຼວງພະບາງ)


Abb.: Nationalflagge


Königsflagge


Abb.: Nationalhymne, Melodie


Abb.: Nationalhymne, laotischer Text


Abb.: Nationalhymne, französischer Text

"HYMNE LAO

Notre race Lao a jadis connu en Asie une grande renommée.
Alors les Lao étaient unis et s'aimaient.
Aujourd'hui encore ils savent aimer leur race et leur pays et se groupent autour de leurs chefs.
Ils ont conservé la religion de leurs pères et ils savent garder le sol des aïeux.
Ils ne permettront pas que quelque nation vienne les troubler ou s'emparer de leur terre.
Quiconque voudrait envahir leur pays les trouverait résolus à combattre jusqu'à la mort.
Tous ensemble ils sauront restaurer l'antique gloire du sang lao et s'entr'aider aux jours d'épreuves.

La France est là; elle nous assiste dans le malheur, elle nous éveille et nous montre la route.
Hâtons-nous, serrons les rangs et marchons vers nos destinées.
Frères lao, réveillons-nous ! Ce n'est que par la renaissance du pays lao que nous retrouverons le bonheur.
La France est notre éducatrice, elle ne cherche qu'à nous instruire et à nous élever.
Hâtons-nous ! Marchons résolument vers le progrès comme les autres nations.
Rassemblons-nous ! Unissons nos cœurs et nos forces et travaillons avec ardeur.
Nous sommes unis dans la vie, nous serons unis dans la mort, nous saurons partager en frères les jours d'épreuves et les jours de bonheur."

Abschnitt über Kambodscha


Abb.: Sa Majesté Norodom Sihanouk (នរោត្តម សីហនុ, 1922 - 2012 , Roi du Cambodge

Abb.: Nationalflagge
 

Abb.: Königsflagge

Abb.: Nationalhymne "Nokoreach" (បទនគររាជ), Melodie
 

Abb.: Nationalhymne Nokoreach (បទនគររាជ), Khmer-Text

Abb.: Nationalhymne Nokoreach (បទនគររាជ), französischer Text
 
បទនគររាជ
1st verse

សូមពួកទេព្តា រក្សាមហាក្សត្រយើង
អោយបានរុងរឿង ដោយជ័យមង្គលសិរីសួស្តី
យើងខ្ញុំព្រះអង្គ សូមជ្រកក្រោមម្លប់ព្រះបារមី
នៃព្រះនរបតី វង្សក្សត្រាដែលសាងប្រាសាទថ្ម
គ្រប់គ្រងដែនខ្មែរ បុរាណថ្កើងថ្កាន។

2nd verse

ប្រាសាទសីលា កំបាំងកណ្តាលព្រៃ
គួរអោយស្រមៃ នឹកដល់យសស័ក្តិមហានគរ
ជាតិខ្មែរដូចថ្មគង់វង្សនៅល្អរឹងប៉ឹងជំហរ
យើងសង្ឃឹមពរ ភ័ព្វព្រេងសំណាងរបស់កម្ពុជា
មហារដ្ឋកើតមាន យូរអង្វែងហើយ។

3rd verse

គ្រប់វត្តអារាម ឮតែសូរស័ព្ទធម៌
សូត្រដោយអំណរ រំឮកគុណពុទ្ធសាសនា
ចូរយើងជាអ្នក ជឿជាក់ស្មោះស្ម័គ្រតាមបែបដូនតា
គង់តែទេវត្តានឹងជួយជ្រោមជ្រែង ផ្គត់ផ្គង់ប្រយោជន៍ឱយ
ដល់ប្រទេសខ្មែរ ជាមហានគរ។

 NOKOREACH (បទនគររាជ)

1er COUPLET

Que le ciel protège notre Roi
Et Lui dispense le bonheur et la gloire
Qu'il règne sur nos coeurs et sur nos destinées
Celui qui, héritier des Souverains bâtisseurs
Gouverne le fier et vieux Royaume.

2ème COUPLET
Les temples dorment dans la forêt
Rappelant la grandeur du Moha Nokor
Comme le roc la race khmère est éternelle
Ayons confiance dans le sort du Campuchéa
L'Empire qui défie les années

3ème COUPLET

Les chants montent dans les pagodes
A la gloire de la Sainte foi Bouddhique
Soyons fidèles aux croyances de nos pères
Ainsi le ciel prodiguera-t-il tous ses bienfaits
Au vieux pays khmer, le Moha Nokor

4ème COUPLET

Dans la paix comme dans les combats
Le Campuchéa fut l'ami de la France
Le sang de leurs héros ne coula pas en vain
Car un jour se lèvera qui verra le triomphe
Ainsi que l'union de tous les Khmers.

1941-12-Ende

Die Alliierten bilden das China-Burma-India-Thater. Die Hauptquartiere;


Abb.: Division of Allied Comand responsibilities in Southeast Asia: March-April 1942
[Bildquelle: Romanus, Charles F. ; Sunderland, Riley: Stilwell's mission to China. -- Washington, D.C. : Office of the Chief of Military History, Dept. of the Army, 1953. -- S. 88]

"China Burma India Theater (CBI) was an umbrella term, used by the United States military during World War II for the China and Southeast Asian or India-Burma (IBT) theaters. Operational command of Allied forces (including US forces) in the CBI was officially the responsibility of the Supreme Commanders for South East Asia or China. However: US forces in practice were usually overseen by General Joseph Stilwell, the Deputy Allied Commander in China; the term "CBI" was significant in logistical, material and personnel matters; it was and is commonly used within the US for these theaters.

Well-known US (or joint Allied) units in the CBI included the Chinese Expeditionary Force, the Flying Tigers,[1] transport and bomber units flying the Hump, the 1st Air Commando Group, the engineers who built Ledo Road, and the 5307th Composite Unit (Provisional), popularly known as "Merrill's Marauders"."

[Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/China_Burma_India_Theater. -- Zugriff am 2016-03-26]

Verwendete Ressourcen

ausführlich: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/ressourcen.htm

Zu Chronik 1942