Chronik Thailands



Alois Payer

Chronik 1951 / B. E. 2494

Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 1951 / B. E. 2494. -- Fassung vom 2017-03-23. -- URL:    

Erstmals publiziert: 2013-04-28

Überarbeitungen: 2017-03-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-12-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-12-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-11-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-10-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-08-22 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-08-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-07-01 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-04-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-04-14 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-03-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-02-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-01-30 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-11-16 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-10-12 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-10-02 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-09-22 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-09-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-08-29 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-08-12 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-05-30 [Ergänzungen] ;  2015-04-05 [Ergänzungen] ;  2015-02-13 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-01-31 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-12 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-12-20 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-12-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-20 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-09-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-06-10 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-05-19 [Ergänzungen]

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Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Thailand von Tüpfli's Global Village Library




Gewidmet meiner lieben Frau

Margarete Payer

die seit unserem ersten Besuch in Thailand 1974 mit mir die Liebe zu den und die Sorge um die Bewohner Thailands teilt.


Vorsicht bei den Statistikdiagrammen!

Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind:

Morgenstern, Oskar <1902 - 1977>: On the accuracy of economic observations. -- 2. ed. -- Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. -- 322 S. ; 20 cm.

Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.


2494 / 1951 undatiert



Abb.: Fernverkehrswege 1951
[Bildquelle: Manich Jumsai [มานิจ ชุมสาย] <1908 - 2009>: Compulsory education in Thailand. -- Paris : UNESCO, 1951. -- 110 S. ; 22 cm. -- (Studies in compulsory education ; VIII). -- S. 10. -- Fair use]

1948 - 1956

Durch die Regierung restaurierte Tempel:

Abb.: Durch die Regierung restaurierte Tempel 1948 - 1956
[Datenquelle: Thak (1978), S. 67]


In Wat Mahathat (วัดมหาธาตุ ยุวราชรังสฤษฎิ์ ราชวรมหาวิหาร), Bangkok, beginnen Mönche, Vipassana-Meditation (วิปัสสนา) nach der Methode von Mahasi Sayadaw U Sobhana (မဟာစည်ဆရာတော် ဦးသောဘန, 1904 - 1982) zu lehren. Phra Phimontham (พระพิมลธรรม, 1903 - 1989) , der Abt von Wat Mahathat, ist der erste hochrangige Thai-Mönch, der Stadt-Mönche dazu aufruft, Studium und Meditation zu verbinden. Phra Phimontham gründet im Wat das Vipassana Meditation Center (ศูนย์ปฏิบัติวิปัสสนากรรมฐาน).

Abb.: Mahasi Sayadaw U Sobhana (မဟာစည်ဆရာတော် ဦးသောဘန)
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1951 / 1968

Anteil der Wirtschaftssektoren am Bruttosozialprodukt:

Abb.: Anteil der Wirtschaftssektoren am Bruttosozialprodukt, 1951/1968
[Datenquelle: Ingram (1971), S. 235]

Abb.: Der Anteil des Beitrags der Landwirtschaft zum Bruttosozialprodukt nimmt ab: Reisbauer, Loeng Nok Tha (เลิงนกทา), Yasothon (ยโสธร)), 2009
[Bildquelle: Nikodemus Karlsson. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-02-05. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]

Abb.: Lage von Loeng Nok Tha (เลิงนกทา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Bestandteile des Exportpreises für Reis:

Abb.: Zusammensetzung des Exportpreises (2160 Baht) für 1 Tonne Reis, 1951
[Datenquelle: Ingram (1971), S. 90]

Erläuterung: Währungsgewinn des Staats: auf dem freien Markt bekommt der Staat für 1 US$ 21 Baht, er verrechnet den Verkaufspreis in Dollar aber zum staatlich fixierten Umrechnungskurs von 12,50 Baht pro US$, das macht pro Dollar einen Gewinn des Staats von 8,50 Baht pro Dollar aus. Somit geht der Großteil des Exportpreises von Reis an den Staat.


Rural Reconstruction Programm. Versandet.


Es erscheint:

Manich Jumsai [มานิจ ชุมสาย] <1908 - 2009>: Compulsory education in Thailand. -- Paris : UNESCO, 1951. -- 110 S. ; 22 cm. -- (Studies in compulsory education ; VIII)

Abb.: Einbandtitel

"The teachers themselves have no handbooks, no details for a working programme, no suggestions of any kind to give the details of the subjects to be taught and the methods to be used. The curriculum tends towards fact-cramming, and is entirely academic. No experiments are allowed because everything is strongly centralized and controlled from the Ministry of Education. The inspectors and education officers are encumbered with unnecessary red-tape and in routine matters orders must be relayed after being submitted for approval to higher authorities. Under such centralized control inspection became merely a routine check.

As for the question of teachers’ salaries, on paper everything looked bright. As from 5 May 1948 all local teachers became Government civil servants on a par with officials of other ministries and protected under the same law of rights and privileges. Moreover, the sliding scale of salaries was introduced for teachers, whereby at the end of each year they would be promoted one step. This was an improvement over the low salary they used to get when promotions were forthcoming only every five, six or seven years. But if we look into the payroll of local and municipal primary school teachers, school officers, etc., of 1950, there were 93,781 posts’ at from 330 to 580 ticals per month (about $15 to $26). Though they were considered as Government civil servants, their pay was equivalent to that of the lowest grade civil servants engaged as clerks in other ministries. Consequently the teachers struggled to obtain other work, and old teachers were constantly leaving the profession and new ones arriving, which had a detrimental effect upon instruction.

Teachers in the provinces and districts had a rather tough ‘jack- of-all-trades’ job. Being the leaders of communities they were asked to undertake anything of a special nature that might arise apart from their regular job of teaching. For instance, teachers might be taken away from schools for months at a time to help with the taking of the census, making various surveys, entertaining guests, or even following criminals for the district officers, because the teachers happened to be the most intelligent people in the villages. The children either had to wait for the return of their teacher, or be at the disadvantage of having continual changes of teachers. Nor was school attendance very satisfactory. Provincial education officers reported that the law on primary education gave such lee-way that the children were allowed to be absent from school for seven consecutive days every month before a case could be brought against their parents; even then, the fine was slight. In 1927, the school attendance for children in local schools was 63.12 per cent and in 1939 79.34 per cent."

[a.a.O., S. 62]


The Ministry of Education has never supplied school buildings except under extreme necessity, but has continued the policy of encouraging the priests, the people, the education committees, the local authorities and, from 1935, the municipalities also, to help.

Many schools are still located in temples or used temple buildings. Also, because the schools were opened very rapidly, temporary buildings were set up with wooden floors, thatched roofs and open on all sides. The Ministry of Education has tried every means of replacing these temporary quarters by more solid and permanent buildings. In this connexion, the Ministry has encouraged the priests, the people and the local authorities to help as much as possible, while the Ministry itself contributed part of expenses for each school so built. The Ministry of Education has a small section of architects who design and standardize school plans for various purposes. Unsuitable and undurable school buildings might otherwise be erected.

Plans for local elementary schools are of various types. They are built of wood and roofed with tiles. The rooms number either four for a one-storey school, or eight for a two-storey school. The size of a classroom is usually 6 m. x 8 m. or 7 m. x 9 m. Schools are built in a straight line or they are L-shape, T-shape or E-shape, with a common passage either in the front or at the back. The passage is intended to keep the burning afternoon sun from pouring into classrooms, but the morning sun which is still mild can be admitted obliquely on the passageless side. In building a school the hot sunshine and the heavy monsoon rain have to be taken into account. Hence the school buildings are usually rectangular, and the smaller jutting sections of the L- and E-shape buildings are not used for classrooms. When funds are limited, it is practical to erect two-storey buildings the upper floor of which may be completed, and the lower floor left open on all sides; this space can then be used as a playroom for the children and a dining room during the rainy season or when the sun is too hot outside. Later, when money is available, the lower part can also be completed.

Another scheme is to encourage the construction of L-shape schools. The jutting part of the L is intended to provide rooms for the headmaster and the staff in the front of the building. When more money is available, the other wing of the main building can be constructed behind the masters’ rooms, thus:

leaving the masters’ rooms in the middle of the front part.

Another method is to add a second L-shaped wing making the building U-shape, thus:

The first method is preferred, because when more classrooms are needed, both wings can be added to without spoiling the shape of the building. The four-classroom school building would now cost about 100,000 ticals as against 5,000 ticals in pre-war days. The two-storey building of eight classrooms would cost about 200,000 ticals. There are, then, three kinds of elementary local school buildings: the permanent solid type, the temporary type and the temple building used as a school."

[a.a.O., S. 72ff. -- Fair use]


Beginn der Vorarbeiten zum Cha Cheong Sao [ฉะเชิงเทรา] Educational Pilot Project der UNESCO (endet 1959-11) und zum TUFEC (Thailand UNESCO Fundamental Educational Center, Beginn 1953-12-09)

"This, then, was the general environment in which the Cha Cheong Sao Educational Pilot Project began. In 1951 the project 'was established by the Thai Ministry of Education and general aims were agreed upon between the Ministry and UNESCO as the sponsoring body. The purpose of the project was to set up on an experimental basis a prototype school system extending from the pre-primary classes through secondary and vocational education to teacher training and adult education. It sought to demonstrate:
  1. a type of school organization that would provide functional education for all children at various levels;
  2. improved methods of teaching that would enable the pupils to gain the maximum possible benefit from the education they were receiving;
  3. the responsibility of schools for the improvement of the life of all people in the community.

During 1951-52 a further survey was undertaken by the United Nations in Thailand in an effort to establish the feasibility of creating a Fundamental Education Center. "Fundamental Education" was a popular term, especially within unesco where it was seen as a means of bridging the gap between skills required for modernization and the dearth of these skills within a community. The concept was later spelled out in some detail:

The term "Fundamental Education" was adopted by UNESCO at the first session of its General Conference in 1946 and has since been used widely, if loosely, throughout the world. To simplify and shorten the standard definition, fundamental education is "that kind of education that helps children and adults who have had little or no schooling to understand the problems of their daily life and their rights and duties as citizens and to get the knowledge and skills necessary for improving the living conditions of themselves and their community.

To assess the possibility of implementing a project that might embrace the general concepts of fundamental education, UNESCO sent a distinguished sociologist to Thailand in 1951. In his lengthy report this investigator gave a somewhat glowing account of Thailand as a setting for the major changes that had to accompany a fundamental education project."

[Quelle: Nairn, Ronald C.: International aid to Thailand: the new colonialism?. -- New Haven : Yale University Press, 1966. -- 228 S. ; 22 cm. -- (Yale studies in political science ; 19). -- S. 34f. -- Fair use]


Hauptsächliche Distrikte (县/Xian) aus denen die chinesische Sprachgruppen in Bangkok stammen:

[Datenquelle: Skinner, William <1925 - 2008>: Leadership and power in the Chinese community of Thailand. -- Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell Univ.  Pr., 1958. -- 363 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Monographs of the Association for Asian Studies ; 3). -- S. 21]

Abb.: Lage von Mei Xian (梅县)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage von Wenchang Xian (文昌县)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage von Taishan Xian (台山)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage von Shantou /Swatow (汕头市)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage von Chaoyang (潮阳县), Chenghai (澄海) und Chaonan Xian (潮南县) in Shantou / Swatow (汕头市)
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Wirtschaftsbereiche, in denen bestimmte chinesische Sprachgruppen in Bangkok eine dominierende Stellung haben:

[Datenquelle: Skinner, William <1925 - 2008>: Leadership and power in the Chinese community of Thailand. -- Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell Univ.  Pr., 1958. -- 363 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Monographs of the Association for Asian Studies ; 3). -- S. 20]


Wahlgesetz: Thais mit einem ausländischen (meist chinesischen) Vater sind nur wahlberechtigt, wenn sie eine Schulausbildung bis Mathayom 6 haben oder mindestens fünf Jahre im Staatsdienst gearbeitet haben. Passives Wahlrecht haben nur Thai-Bürger, deren Vater Thai-Bürger ist.


Der Hafen von Bangkok und die Zufahrt auf dem Chao Phraya (แม่น้ำเจ้าพระยา) werden für tiefgängige Schiffe vertieft. Der Hafen erhält moderne Lade-Entlade-Einrichtungen. Die Port Authority of Thailand (การท่าเรือแห่งประเทศไทย) wird als Körperschaft des Verkehrsministeriums errichtet.

Abb.: ®Logo


Das Department of Public Welfare betrachtet erstmals das Wohlergehen der Bergvölker (Hill Tribes) als Aufgabe.

1951 - 1959

UNESCO-gefördertes Cha Choeng Sao [ฉะเชิงเทรา] Educational Pilot Project.

Abb.: Lage von Chachoengsao (ฉะเชิงเทรา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


"to establish a prototype school system extending from the preprimary classes through secondary and vocational education to teacher training and adult education. It sought to demonstrate:
  1. a type of school organization that would provide functional education for all children at various levels;
  2. improved methods of teaching that would enable the pupils to gain the maximum possible benefit from the education they were receiving;
  3. the responsibility of schools for the improvement of the life of all people in the community."

[Quelle: Nairn, Ronald C.: International aid to Thailand: the new colonialism?. -- New Haven : Yale University Press, 1966. -- 228 S. ; 22 cm. -- (Yale studies in political science ; 19). -- S. 34f.]

Das Projekt erreicht keines seiner vage formulierten Ziele.


Die USA beginnen das Thai National Police Departnment durch die SEA Supply Corporation, einer Tarnorganisation des CIA, zu unterstützen. Schwerpunkt ist die Gründung der Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน). Der CIA hilft bis 1953 beim Aufbau dieser paramilitärischen Truppe, um die Grenzen Thailands vor kommunistischer Infiltration zu schützen.

Abb.: Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน)
[Bildquelle: Watajantara / Wikipedia. -- License art libre (Copyleft)]

"Border Patrol Police (Thai: ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน) is a Thai paramilitary force responsible for border security and Counter-insurgency.


The Thai Border Patrol Police was organized in the 1950s with assistance from the United States Central Intelligence Agency. Although technically part of the Royal Thai Police (ตำรวจแห่งชาติ), the BPP has always enjoyed a great deal of autonomy within the national headquarters as well as in its multifaceted field operations. The royal family was a principal patron of the organization. This traditional relationship benefited both the palace and its paramilitary protectors. Many BPP commanders were former army officers.

Organization National Organization
  • Headquarters Border Patrol Police Bureau
    • General Staff Division
  • Tactical Training Division
  • Support Division
  • Nawut Sometya Hospital
  • Aerial Reinforcement Unit (PARU)
    • Naresuan 261 Counter-Terrorism Unit (นเรศวร 261)
  • Village Scout Center
  • BPP Regional Divisions 1, 2, 3, and 4.
 Field organization

Hundreds of Thirty-two-man platoons form the basic operating units of the BPP, each platoon was supported by one or more heavy weapons platoons stationed at the regional and area RTP headquarters. PARU can airlift BPP platoons to troubled areas when an emergency arises. Armed with modern light infantry equipment, the BPP also benefited from training by United States Army Special Forces advisers who helped establish an instruction program during the 1960s.

The BPP served as an important adjunct to the Thai military and often operated under army (and sometimes the Royal Thai Marine Corps - นาวิกโยธินแห่งราชอาณาจักรไทย) control during counterinsurgency operations.

BPP units stationed along the Cambodian and Laotian borders following the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1979 often served as the first line of defense and bore the brunt of Vietnamese attacks.

In order to carry out its primary intelligence mission, the BPP operates numerous civic action programs to cultivate and maintain rapport with remote area villagers and hill tribes. They have built and operate numerous schools in remote areas and helping the army to construct offices for civilian administration, they also operate rural medical aid stations, gave farmers agricultural assistance, and built small airstrips for communication and transportation purposes.

 Border Patrol Police Aerial Reinforcement Unit

The Border Patrol Police Aerial Reinforcement Unit (BPP PARU or just PARU) is the BPP's special forces unit responsible for training and supporting airborne operations, airborne reinforcement, disaster and accident rescue, and supporting special missions under the command of the Border Patrol Police. All members of PARU are trained for airborne operations including free-fall jumps. PARU provides support to the BPP Headquarters within 2 hours.

PARU also conducts training for the following:

  • unconventional warfare, international counter-terrorism prevention, and parachute training of the Royal Thai Police.
  • disaster and accident rescue on land and water including air-sea rescue.
 Subordinate paramilitary forces

Volunteer Defense Corps

The BPP organized the paramilitary Volunteer Defense Corps or VDC ( the Or Sor, also called the Village Scouts[2][3] - ลูกเสือชาวบ้าน) in 1954 to provide law and order and emergency or natural disaster response. This was done in response to complaints of banditry and harassment by subversive organizations. The VDC had the main responsibility for protecting local inhabitants from threats and intimidation by guerrillas who had infiltrated the border provinces from neighboring Laos, Cambodia, and Malaysia. Its mission is to deny the insurgents access to the food and other supplies that made villages and farms favorite targets. VDC members were trained by the BPP. In 1974 it was expanded by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC - กองอำนวยการรักษาความมั่นคงภายใน abbrev. กอ.รมน.) to urban areas to fight left-wing political activism. The Village Scouts were subsequently involved in the Thammasat University massacre of 1976 (เหตุการณ์ 6 ตุลา). In the late 1980s, VDC strength was estimated at roughly 33,000, down from a peak of about 52,000 in 1980. Part of the reduction was absorbed by the formation of the Thahan Phran, a paramilitary unit formed to counter communist insurgents. In the 21st century Internet censorship, the village-scout concept was extended to ลูกเสือบนเครือข่ายอินเทอร์เน็ต or cyber scouts.[4]

 Thahan Phran (ทหารพราน)

The 10,600 member Thahan Phran was formed as a volunteer militia force deployed in active trouble spots along the Cambodian and Burmese borders. The organization followed a military structure and had 32 regiments and 196 companies. The Thahan Phran gained considerable publicity and incurred significant casualties during Vietnamese bombardments and local assaults along the Cambodian border[5]."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-03-16]

"The Border Patrol Police are given the following responsibilities:
  1. Prevent infiltration.
  2. Maintain peace and security of the borders.
  3. Collect intelligence vital to border security.
  4. Support the welfare and well being of the Hill Tribes and others who live in remote areas in accordance with the national development plan.
  5. Assist victims of air accidents.
  6. Prepare to join forces with the military for the defence of the kingdom by both conventional and unconventional means.
  7. Assist other governmental agencies in the suppression of Communism in the border areas.
  8. Assist the Immigration Department in enforcing immigration regulations.
  9. Assist other government agencies in the performance of urgent relief functions following natural calamities.
  10. In time of war, perform the functions of field guard police according to the National Defence Plan."

[Quelle: Thailand official year book 1964. -- S. 177]

In einem undatierten Dokument aus den 1960er-Jahren beschreibt USOM (United States Oparation Mission) den Zweck der Gründung der BPP so:

"an effort to gain and maintain a favorable government image with the remote area peoples inhabiting the border regions. The basic objective of the civic action program is to develop a community of interest among the border population which will give them a vested interest in supporting government agencies such as the BPP with voluntary intelligence on the movements and activities of communists or criminals in the critical border areas. Additional objectives are to develop relations between the Border Patrol Police and the local populations to the point that sizeable percentages of the population will engage in active and aggressive support of the Border Patrol Police or other government agencies in the event a serious insurgency situation arises."

[Zitiert in: Randolph, R. Sean: The United States and Thailand : alliance dynamics, 1950-1985. -- Berkeley : Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1986. -- 245 S. ; 23 cm. -- (Research papers and policy studies, 12). -- ISBN 0-912966-92-0. -- S. 99]


Auf USS Cape Esperance liefern die USA fünfzig Kampfflugzeuge Grumman F8F Bearcat. Außerdem errichten die USA eine Allwetterlandebahn,

Abb.: Lieferung eines Sturzkampfflugzeugs Curtiss SB2C-5 Helldiver an die Royal Thai Airforce, 1951
"The Helldivers were transported to Bangkok on board the U.S. escort carrier USS Cape Esperance (T-CVE-88) and then had to be taken on barges to their destination airfield."
[Bildquelle: USN / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Grumman F8F-1 Bearcat der Thai Luftwaffe, Bangkok, 2009
[Bildquelle: Andre Wadman / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

1951 - 1952

10 Thai besuchen über ein Jahr lang die Politische Schule der Kommunistischen Partei Chinas (中國共產黨 / 中国共产党) in Zhongnanhai (中南海), Peking. Dazu gehören:

Abb.: Lage von Zhongnanhai (中南海)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Gründung des Women and Children's Hospital für werdende Mütter.


Gründung der Federation of Women Laborers unter dem Patronat von Phibuns Gattin, La-iad Phibunsonkhram (ละเอียด พิบูลสงคราม, geb. พันธุ์กระวี, 1903 - 1984)


"For example, in 1951, members of the Thai Labor Association were trained in anticommunist techniques under the direction of Sang Pattanothai [สังข์ พัธโนทัย, 1915 - 1986)]. Members of government-run labor organizations traveled to rural areas to put up anticommunist posters. Sometimes they shaved their heads and put on yellow robes; phony photographs of these "monks" being used by the communist to plow rice fields were later used in anticommunist propaganda campaigns."

[Quelle: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. 183]


Mit einem Fulbright-Stipendium kommt ein US-Bibliothekar nach Thailand und gibt Kurzkurse zur Ausbildung von Bibliothekspersonal. Die Fulbright Foundation gibt auch Thais Stipendien zur Ausbildung als Bibliothekar in den USA.


Infolge des Korea-Kriegs steigt der Preis pro 500 Bogen Druckpapier von 72 Baht auf 200 Baht.


Baptisten Missionar Harold Mason Young (1901 - 1975) kommt nach Chiang Mai und wird dort CIA-Agent.

"Harold Young, born and raised in the mountains of Burma and China, was one of dozens of missionaries recruited by the American Office of Strategic Services (OSS) to shed light on the darkest fringes of US national security in the region. Speaking six local languages fluently, Harold and his family were prized for their ability to influence myriad ethnic groups in Southeast Asia who revered them as prophets and bringers of the Word of God. Unlike the European colonial powers, whose residents served for decades in Africa and Asia, the only Americans during the Cold War with on-the-ground experience and contacts abroad were missionaries."

"Like any good spy, Harold needed a cover story to disguise his covert activities in Chiang Mai. A true man of the mountains, he decided on professions closest to his heart, becoming both an entomologist and a naturalist. But unlike most agents, Harold was very passionate about his cover. He provided insect samples to the American Museum of Natural History, was frequently called upon by the Thai government as a nature conservation specialist, and collected dozens of exotic animals on the grounds of the Weluwan Villa property that were visited and beloved by kids of all ages.

Continuously expanding, Harold’s collection eventually grew too large for the Villa to handle. So the Nimmanhaemins convened a meeting with the governor of Chiang Mai and the Royal Forestry Department, who agreed to grant enough land for Harold to start a proper zoo at the base of Doi Suthep just south of Huay Kaew Road. On April 6th 1957, Harold Young became the first director of the Chiang Mai Zoological Gardens, a title he held until the day he died, nearly 18 years later."

[Quelle: The Grand Old Man of Chiang Mai: The Life of Harold Young. -- 2015-04-01. -- -- Zugriff am 2016-08-19. -- Fair use]


Das Theaterstück Ban Sai Thong - บ้านทรายทอง (Golden Sands House), aufgeführt im Chalermthai (เฉลิมไทย) Theatre ist ein großer Erfolg. Die Vorlage ist ein Roman von K.  Surangkana (กัณหา เคียงศิริ, Künstlername: ก.สุรางคนางค์, 1911 - 1999), Regie führt Prinz Bhanubandh Yugala (พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าภาณุพันธุ์ยุคล, 1910 - 1995) . Das Thema wird später öfters als Soap Opera verfilmt.

Abb.: Plakat für das Theaterstück Ban Sai Thong - บ้านทรายทอง, 1951
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

"Prinz Bhanuband Yugala (auch Bhanubandh Yukhon, Prinz Bhanu, พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าภาณุพันธุ์ยุคล, Aussprache: [pʰrá.ʤâo.wo.ra.woŋ.tʰə pʰrá.ʡoŋ.ʤâo pʰa.nú.pʰan.jú.kʰon]; * 27. November 1910 in Songkhla; † 5. Februar 1995 in Bangkok[1]) war ein thailändischer Regisseur, Filmproduzent, Drehbuchautor, Komponist und Schriftsteller.

Prinz Bhanuband war ein Enkel von König Chulalongkorn (Rama V.), Sohn von Yukhon Thikhamporn und trug den Spitznamen Sadet Ong Chaiyai. Die zwischen 1978 und 1991 mit dem Thronfolger Vajiralongkorn verheiratete Prinzessin Soamsawali ist seine Enkelin, und der Filmregisseur Chatrichalerm Yukol sein Neffe.

Junge Jahre

Prinz Bhanuband wurde von Königin Sripatcharintra persönlich aufgezogen, bis er drei Jahre alt war, und erhielt später seine Ausbildung an der Thepsirin-Schule und später in Frankreich. Er lebte in seinen Jugendjahren (nach 1922) auch in England und den USA, bevor er in den Dreißiger Jahren nach Siam, dem späteren Thailand, zurückkehrte und in die Kavallerieabteilung der Königlichen Thai Armee aufgenommen wurde. Neben seinen militärischen Aufgaben beschäftigte er sich mit dem Filmemachen.

1936 gründete Prinz Bhanubands jüngster Bruder, Prinz Anusorn Mongkolkarn, die Firma Lavoe Motion Pictures und produzierte deren ersten Film Naam Yok Ok (Der Dorn in deiner Seite). Bhanuband folgte 1938 mit der Gründung seiner eigenen Gesellschaft, der Thai Film Company, die 1938 den ersten Film Tharn Fai Kao (Die alte Flamme) herstellte. Während des Zweiten Weltkriegs wurde die Gesellschaft aufgelöst und die Anlagen an die thailändische Luftwaffe verkauft. Filmhistoriker nehmen an, dass die Filme während dieser Zeit verloren gegangen sind[2].


Nachdem Prinz Bhanuband 1942 das Stück Phantay Norasingh (Ruderer Norasingh) verfasst hatte, produzierte er nach dem Krieg einen Film mit seiner neuen Produktionsgesellschaft Assawin Pictures, für den er den renommierten Regisseur Rattana Pestonji verpflichtete. Auch einen Film über das Leben von und die Legenden um König Naresuan den Großen (reg. 1590 bis 1605).

Prinz Bhanuband beförderte Innovationen in der thailändischen Filmindustrie und gab dafür oft sein eigenes Vermögen aus, um weniger gut bemittelte Regisseure zu unterstützen. Er führte den 35-mm-Film ein, der bald den bisherigen Standard 16-mm-Film ablöste. Auch den ersten thailändischen Film in CinemaScope, Ruen Phae (Flusshaus), eine Co-Produktion mit Shaw Brothers.

Auch die Filmmusik zu mehreren seiner Filme komponierte Prinz Bhanuband selbst. Sein Tai Ton Rang wurde als erster thailändischer Roman ins Englische übersetzt.

Am 5. Februar 1995 starb Prinz Bhanuband in Bangkok an den Folgen einer Blutvergiftung.

  1. The Nation vom 11. Februar 1995
  2. The Nation vom 11. Februar 1995"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-10-12]


Premiere des Films ตุ๊กตาจ๋า (Took-gata jaa - Dear Dolly) von Rattana Pestonji (รัตน์ เปสตันยี, 1908 - 1970)

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelel: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]


Bangkok: Gründung des Witthayakhan Bookshop (วิทยาคาร) der Communist Party of Thailand - CPT (พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย - พคท) mit dem angeschlossenen Verlag Sahabannakorn Press. Leitung: Udom Srisuwan (อุดม ศรีสุวรรณ, 1920 - 1993), Chef der Abteilung für Presse und Publikation der CPT.


Es erscheint:

สุภา ศิริมานนท์ [Supha Sirimanond] <1914 - 1986>: แคปิตะลิสม์ [Kapitalismus]. -- : เคล็ดไทย, 2494 [= 1951]. -- 280 S. -- Es ist die erste auf (einer englischen Übersetzung) von Karl Marx' Kapital beruhende Studie eines marxistischen, in Thailand ausgebildeten Thai. Subha hatte das "Kapital" von Marx seit 1943 studiert

Finanziert wird die Publikation von Bunchoo Rojanasathian [บุญชู โรจนเสถียร, 1921 - 2007], einem Banker an der Bangkok Bank (ธนาคารกรุงเทพ)

Abb.: Einbandtitel

Abb.: Supha Sirimanond (สุภา ศิริมานนท์ ) mit seiner Gattin Chinta Sirimanond (จินดา ศิริมานนท์, 1917 - 2013)
[Bildquelel: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer Biographie von Bunchoo Rojanasathian [บุญชู โรจนเสถียร]
[Fair use]


Es erscheint der sozialkritische Roman:

ศรีรัตน์ สถาปนวัฒน์ [Sirat Sathapanawat] <1918 - 1980?>: แผ่นดินนี้ของใคร [Wem gehört dieses Land]. -- Laut Vorwort ist es ein Tatsachenroman.

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer der Ausgaben

"... Lebensweg und schriftstellerischer Werdegang Sirat Sathapanawats [ศรีรัตน์ สถาปนวัฒน์] (1918-1980?) auf. Sohn eines Polizeioffiziers, übte er nach Abschluss der Schule und einem abgebrochenen Universitätsstudium eine Reihe verschiedenartiger Berufe und Tätigkeiten aus (so in der Polizeibehörde, im Forstwesen und als Lehrer), ehe er sich schließlich in der Zeit nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg auf Dauer der journalistischen Arbeit zuwandte. In diesem Zeitraum setzte auch - nach vereinzelten Veröffentlichungen in früheren Jahren - seine schriftstellerische Arbeit als Autor von Romanen und Kurzgeschichten in vollem Umfang ein. Dieses Schaffen stand bis zum Jahre 1957 ganz im Zeichen der 'Literatur für das Leben' und führte unter anderem zur Veröffentlichung der beiden sozialkritischen Romane 'Wem gehört dieses Land?' [แผ่นดินนี้ของใคร] (1951) und 'Das Land der Sklaven' [เมืองทาส] (1954). Die sozialengagierte Periode in Sirat Sathapanawats literarischem Schaffen endete abrupt mit dem Beginn der Sarit-Diktatur [สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์, 1908 - 1963]. Die zahlreichen Romane, die er nach dem Jahr 1958 noch schrieb, gehörten ausnahmslos der Gattung der trivialen Unterhaltungsliteratur an. In ihm sehen wir mithin einen Autor vor uns, dessen Gesellschaftskritik von den Sanktionsdrohungen der Militärdiktatur zum Schweigen gebracht wurde."

[Quelle: Rosenberg, Klaus <1943 - 1988>: Sozialkritische Literatur in Thailand : Protest und Anklage in Romanen und Kurzgeschichten eines Landes der Dritten Welt. -- Hamburg : Ges. für Natur- u. Völkerkunde Ostasiens, 1986. -- 360 S. ; 21 cm. -- (Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens: Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens e.V. Hamburg ; Bd. 101). -- S. 44]


Es erscheint der Fortsetzungsroman:

ว. ณ ประมวญมารค [= ม. จ. วิภาวดีรังสิต] [Wo. Na Pramuanmak = M. C. Vibhavadi Rangsit] <1920 - 1977>: ปริศนา [Pritsana]

Der Roman wird 1982 fürs Kino verfilmt, 1987, 2000, 2012 und 2015 fürs Fernsehen.

Abb.: Einbandtitel von Bd. 1 und 2 einer Ausgabe

Abb.: Fernsehplakat 2000
[Fair use]


Es erscheint:

Purcell, Victor <1896 - 1965>: The Chinese in Southeast Asia. -- London : Oxford University Press, 1951. -- 801 S.

Abb.: Umschlagtitel


Es erscheint:

Michener, James A. (James Albert) <1907 - 1997>: The voice of Asia. -- New York : Random, 1951. -- 338 S. ; 22 cm. -- S. 134 - 149: Thailand. The Buddhist monk - And just a little magic - The Samlor boy - Observations

Abb.: Umschlagtitel

"Siam is the joyous land. Bangkok is the Paris of Asia. Never in my life have I left a land with more regret. In many ways Siam is a foretaste of what all Asia may some day become. Its business procedures break the hearts of American businessmen, I’m told, and absolutely no one keeps an appointment. But the nation has prospered under its own haphazard guidance for some 2,000 years. It is a gentle and wonderful place."

[a.a.O., S. 138]


Eine thailändische Wirtschaftsdelegation besucht Hamburg.


Begin der Produktion des US-Panzers M41 Walker Buldogg. Die Royal Thai Army nimmt 200 Stück in Dienst.

Abb.: Einsatz gegen das eigene Volk: M41 Walker Buldoggs beim Putsch, 2006-09-24
[Bildquelle: Roger jg / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Viele Vietnamesen werden nach Vietnam ausgewiesen. Gründe  sind z.B., dass sie ein Bild von Ho Chi Minh (1890 - 1969) aufgehängt haben.

Abb.: Ho Chi Minh, 1946
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public somain]


Thailand schließt die Southeast Asian Delegation der Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV,Việt Nam Dân chủ Cộng hòa) und weist deren Leiter, Nguyễn Đức Quý (1918? - ) aus.


Es erscheint der Song

เบญจมินทร์ (ตุ้มทอง โชคชนะ) [Benjamin (Tumthong Chokchana)] <1921 - 1994>: แมมโบ้จัมโบ้ [Mambo jambo]. -- Eine Thai-Adaptation von: Dámaso Pérez Prado <1916 - 1989>: Mambo Jambo (1951)

Der Originalsong auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:track:5RZ0Y8ae2DuIBPRNjVGkch

Künstlerlink Benjamin auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:artist:6PjRGUBMFTlY4UjGaeU5l7


Es erscheint

Music of the Orient / compiled and arranged by E. M. [Erich Moritz] von Hornbostel [1877 - 1935]. -- New York : Decca, 1951. -- 1 Langspielplatte. -- (Gold Label Series). -- DX-107. -- Enthält: Track C4: Siam - Musical Drama: Scene From The Rama Legend

Das Album auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:album:2FxsXlASUsMwV4vaOypvGd

Der Song auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:track:3JuhFHEnJLpSJIWEiezOmy

Abb.: Plattenhülle




USA: Synthese des Insektizids Malathion. Es wird in Thailand u.a. zur Moskitobekämpfung eingesetzt und auch in Thailand produziert werden.

Abb.: Malathion
[Fair use]

2494 / 1951 datiert


Erste Waffenlieferung der USA an Thailand. In den nächsten 12 Monaten folgen 27 weitere Lieferungen. Die gelieferten Waffen reichen zur Ausrüstung von 12 Bataillonen. Außerdem werden Kampfflugzeuge und moderne Kriegsmarine-Schiffe geliefert.


Es erscheint die erste Nummer Wochenzeitung การเมือง (Karnmuang, "Politik") unter neuem Besitzer und Herausgeber.

Die Zeitschrift ist Organ des Thai Peace Movement, einer Tarnorganisation der Communist Party of Thailand - CPT (พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย - พคท)


Ministerpräsident erklärt, warum er im Kalten Krieg auf Seiten des Westens steht:

  1. "We are a member of the United Nations Organization;
  2. we are an agricultural country that has to depend on industrial products;
  3. the oceans that are the main routes of transportation are in the hands of the democratic camp and
  4. in terms of the economy, we still have to depend on the democratic countries."

[Übersetzt in: Kasian Tejapira [เกษียร เตชะพีระ] <1957 - >: Commodifying Marxism : the formation of modern Thai radical culture, 1927-1958. -- Kyoto : Kyoto Univ. Pr., 2001. -- 390 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm.  -- (Kyoto area studies on Asia ; 3). -- ISBN 1876843985. -- Revision of the author's thesis (doctoral) -- Cornell University, 1992. -- S. 127]


Bekanntmachung an alle Chao Khana [เจ้าคณะ] des Thammayutika-Nikaya [ธรรมยุติกนิกาย]:

"Es ist bekannt geworden, dass zur Zeit oftmals Chao Khana [เจ้าคณะ] des Mahanikaya [มหานิกาย] die Klöster des Thammayutika-Nikaya [ธรรมยุติกนิกาย] in mehreren Provinzen zwingen wollen, sich ihrer Verwaltung zu unterstellen. Dies verletzt den Grundsatz der Glaubensfreiheit und widerspricht damit der Verfassung des Königreich Thailand vom Jahre 1949.

um Grundlagen für die künftige Verfahrensweise und Haltung des Thammayutika-Nikaya zu erhalten, wurde diese Angelegenheit dem Rat des Thammayutika-Nikaya zur Beratung vorgelegt.

Nach eingehender Beratung vertrat der Rat des Thammayutika-Nikaya folgende Auffassung: Der Thammayutika-Nikaya hat das Recht und die Freiheit, sich selbst zu verwalten. Dies ist aus der Zeitklausel des Ordensgesetzes von 1941 [พระราชบัญญัติคณะสงฆ์ พุทธศักราช ๒๔๘๔] abzuleiten. Außerdem garantiert die Verfassung des Königreichs Thailand von 1949 die Religionsfreiheit der Nikayas sowie deren Unabhängigkeit. Selbst im Bereich des Ausbildungswesens hat der zuständige Geistliche Minister durch seine Verfahrensweise die Trennung der Nikayas deutlich kundgetan: Die Mittel für die Förderung des Ausbildungswesen sind für jeden Amphoe [อำเภอ] so aufgeteilt, dass der Mahanikaya 90 Baht und der Thammayutika-Nikaya 30 Baht erhält. - Deshalb hat der Rat beschlossen, dass die Klöster des Thammayutika-Nikaya in ihren früheren Stand versetzt werden und gemäß dem Ordensgesetz von 1902 [พระราชบัญญัติ. ลักษณะปกครองคณะสงฆ์ ร.ศ.๑๒๑] verfahren wird.

Nachdem das Oberhaupt des Thammayutika-Nikaya diesen Beschluss gebilligt hat, ergeht nun die Anordnung an alle Klöster des Thammayutika-Nikaya im Lande, so wie ursprünglich zu verfahren. Das heißt, dass die Klöster den Chao Khana des Thammayutika-Nikaya unterstellt sind und. zwar in der Rangfolge bis hinauf zum Oberhaupt des Thammayutika-Nikaya, aber keineswegs dem Chao Khana irgendeines anderen Nikaya..."

[Übersetzung: Skrobanek, Walter <1941 - 2006>: Buddhistische Politik in Thailand : mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des heterodoxen Messianismus. -- Wiesbaden : Steiner, 1976. -- 315 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Beiträge zur Südasienforschung ; 23). -- ISBN 3-515-02390-9. -- Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1972. -- S. 129f.. -- Mit Erlaubnis des inzwischen verstorbenen Autors]


Blick in den "fortschrittlichen Westen": Bundesrepublik Deutschland: Premiere des Films Die Sünderin mit Hildegard Knef (1925 - 2002)

"Ursprünglich wollte Willi Forst (1903 - 1980) in Marina eine moderne, sündige Maria Magdalena präsentieren, verzichtete aber auf Anraten der kirchlichen Filmreferenten Anton Kochs (katholisch) und Werner Hess (1914 - 2003, evangelisch) auf den religiösen Aspekt und arbeitete das Drehbuch grundlegend um. Die neue Fassung führte er im November 1950 Kochs und einem evangelischen Geistlichen vor. Beide waren auch davon nicht angetan, lehnten den Film aber nicht grundlegend ab.

Wenige Tage vor der für den 18. Januar 1951 vorgesehenen Filmpremiere reichte der Herzog-Filmverleih den Streifen bei der FSK ein und erhielt unerwartet am 15. Januar drei Tage vor der Premiere die Nachricht von der einstimmigen Verweigerung der Freigabe. Die sechs Prüfer, darunter eine Frau, hielten es für nicht hinnehmbar, dass Marina „die Prostituierung als einen selbstverständlichen Ausweg aus ihrer menschlichen und wirtschaftlichen Notlage wählt.“[1] Weiterhin werde Selbstmord und die Tötung auf Verlangen „als Selbstverständlichkeit und einzig richtiger Ausweg hingestellt“ und könne so „als Ideal erscheinen und zur Nachahmung anreizen.“[2] Dabei kritisierte der Ausschuss außerdem, es werde nicht genügend deutlich, dass Marina ein Versprechen einhalte und somit Tötung auf Verlangen vorliege.

Die Vertreter der Produktions- und der Verleihfirma setzten umgehend eine Krisensitzung am 16. Januar durch. Dabei äußerte Willi Forst, sein Film sei ein Kunstwerk und er fasse die Entscheidung des Ausschusses als persönliche Beleidigung auf. Er verlangte völlige Revision der Entscheidung, andernfalls werde er an die Presse gehen. Als die FSK-Vertreter seine Forderung ablehnten, verließ er die Besprechung. Produzent Rolf Meyer (1910 - 1963) drohte, das FSK-Urteil zu übergehen und die FSK damit bloßzustellen.

Daraufhin legte die SPIO (Spitzenorganisation der Filmwirtschaft e. V.) für den Morgen des 18. Januars eine Krisensitzung des Hauptausschusses fest, die SPIO-Präsident Ludwig Fasler leitete. Besonders der Vertreter der Hamburger Kultusbehörde kritisierte die Kirchenvertreter wegen ihrer Bedenken. Nach eineinhalbstündiger Diskussion über die mögliche schädliche Wirkung des Films wurde mit 9:4 Stimmen die Freigabe des Films beschlossen. Es wurde lediglich der Filmfirma empfohlen, Änderungen an zwei Aussagen Marinas vorzunehmen.

Wegen angeblicher Glorifizierung von Prostitution, Sterbehilfe, Euthanasie und des Suizids verweigerte die Kirche die weitere Mitarbeit an der FSK. Schon am Tag nach der entscheidenden Hauptausschusssitzung, die zur Freigabe des Films geführt hatte, trat der evangelische Filmbeauftragte Werner Hess mit der Begründung zurück, er könne einem Gremium, das derart entsittlichende Filme freigebe, nicht länger angehören. Daraufhin zog auch die katholische Kirche ihren Vertreter aus der FSK ab. Bereits wenige Tage später einigten sich Länder, Filmwirtschaft und Kirchen jedoch über die weitere Zusammenarbeit in der FSK.

Der Film wurde Anlass eines Skandals und war monatelang Thema in Zeitungen und Zeitschriften. Schon in der ersten Woche nach der Premiere gab es vereinzelte Demonstrationen, darunter in Osnabrück. Anfang Februar rief der katholische Film-Dienst alle Katholiken zum Boykott der Sünderin auf. Das Kinoprogramm der meisten Städte erreichte der Film erst im Februar und März. Bei seinem Erscheinen wiederholten vielfach örtliche Honoratioren den Boykottaufruf.

Der Erzbischof von Köln, Kardinal Joseph Frings (1897 - 1978), verurteilte den Film in einem Hirtenbrief, der Ende Februar beim Anlaufen des Films in der Erzdiözese Köln verlesen wurde, und forderte in einer Predigt im Kölner Dom am 17. März "eine mächtige Phalanx" und gegebenenfalls die "Selbsthilfe". Mit gewalttätigen Protesten gingen unter anderem der als Ruhrkaplan bekannte Pfarrer Carl Klinkhammer (1903 - 1997) mit Jugendlichen gegen den Film vor. Dabei wurden Stinkbomben in Kinosäle geworfen und gegen die Polizei agiert. Deshalb wurden Klinkhammer, ein weiterer Priester und fünf weitere Angeklagte vor Gericht gestellt.[3] Politiker verteilten Flugblätter mit Texten wie „Die Sünderin – Ein Faustschlag ins Gesicht jeder anständigen deutschen Frau! Hurerei und Selbstmord! Sollen das die Ideale eines Volkes sein?“[4].

Die zeitweisen Aufführungsverbote und die öffentliche Verurteilung von den Kanzeln verhalf dem Streifen zum großen Publikumserfolg. In größeren Städten wurden Diskussionsveranstaltungen organisiert, und es bildeten sich Aktionskomitees gegen den Film. Die größten Demonstrationen mit über 1000 Teilnehmern gab es nach Angaben des katholischen Film-Dienstes in Düsseldorf, Köln, Oberhausen, Ulm und Regensburg. In Regensburg kam es zu einer dreitägigen heftigen Auseinandersetzung zwischen Filmgegnern, Filmbefürwortern und der Polizei, wobei Stinkbomben auf der einen und Wasserwerfer auf der anderen Seite eingesetzt wurden.

Die Rheinische Post fragte am 5. März 1951 hinsichtlich der Situation in Köln: „Muß Polizei einen Schundfilm schützen?“ Da alle Versuche, ein Aufführungsverbot zu bewirken, vergeblich gewesen seien, könne nur eine „machtvolle Demonstration des Willens der gesund empfindenden Bevölkerung“ helfen.[5] In einem Duisburger Kino setzten, wie die Rheinische Post am 21. März 1951 berichtete, Filmgegner weiße Mäuse gegen die Sünderin ein, um eine Panik hervorzurufen.

Schon im Sommer 1951 verschwand der Film aus den Kinos. Die evangelische Filmgilde und die katholische Filmliga erhielten in der Folge des Skandals großen Zulauf. Im Oktober 1951 forderten die katholischen deutschen Bischöfe in einem Hirtenwort ausdrücklich alle Katholiken auf, der Filmliga beizutreten, weil viele von ihnen dem Film gegenüber noch nicht die notwendige Sicherheit und Selbständigkeit gewonnen hätten. Binnen eines Jahres folgten über eineinhalb Millionen Katholiken diesem Aufruf und verpflichteten sich als Mitglieder der Filmliga, nur vom Film-Dienst mit den Bewertungen „1“ oder „2“ empfohlene Filme zu besuchen."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-01-19]


Demonstrationen an der Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์): gefordert werden Vorlesungen über Kapitalismus.

Abb.: Lage der Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Da eine Nummer der kommunistischen Wochenzeitung Mahachon (, "Massen") nicht termingerecht erscheint, bringt die vom Propagandaministerium gesteuerte antikommunistischen สันนิบาตเสรีพันธ (League of Free Assemblies") eine gefälschte Nummer 207 heraus, die gezielt zur Verbreitung der Kommunistenangst verbreitet wird.


"In February 1951, U.S. ambassador Edwin F. Stanton (1901 - 1968) delivered a scandalously interventionist letter to Prime Minister Phibun questioning the wisdom of retaining the head of the newly formed social democratic Ratsadorn Party [คณะราษฎร, Volkspartei] and MP for Si Sa Ket [ศรีสะเกษ], Thep Chotnuchit [เทพ โชตินุชิต, 1907 - 1974], in the cabinet as deputy minister of commerce. Pressed to appease his generous American donors, ever allergic to "reds" and "pinks," and yet in need of the Ratsadorn MPs’ support in parliament, Phibun stage-managed a witch-hunt of Thep and his younger brother, Phethai Chotnuchit [เพทาย โชตินุชิต] (MP for Thonburi [ธนบุรี], former editor of Karnmuang [การเมือง], and secretary-general of the Ratsadorn Party) in radio-broadcast hearings à la HUAC [House Committee on Un-American Activities] for Thai and American audiences. However, if the American original was a serious tragedy, the Thai copy was a shallow farce in which the Chotnuchit brothers were simply asked to denounce and swear to resist "the evil doctrine of communism" in front of the deputy prime minister without any in-depth probing or questioning. When asked to account for his authorship of a book entitled Soviet russia kab khommunit [โซเวียตรัสเซียกับคอมมิวนิสต์] (Soviet Russia and communism), Thep explained that he had written the book to condemn the cruelty and mistakes of communism, not commend it. If by chance, however, what he had written happened to promote communism, he deeply regretted it because he had not intended to do so! The inquisition wound up with these solemn words:

Thep [เทพ]: If I ever believe in this evil doctrine of communism, I am ready to be deprived of everything even my life.

[เพทาย] Phethai: Let me swear to Phra Thai Thewathiraj [พระไทยเทวาธิราช] [the Thai Guardian Angel] that I am willing to sacrifice everything to resist communism and will join hands and hearts with others in eliminating and opposing it in every possible way.

Deputy Prime Minister: Thank you two brothers for proving yourselves and submitting your statements to me as evidence.

That done, the presiding inquisitor facilely declared himself satisfied and absolved both from the "red" taint. Put simply, Phibun played along with the anti-communist West as far as it served his own and Thailand’s immediate interests as he perceived them."

[Quelle: Kasian Tejapira [เกษียร เตชะพีระ] <1957 - >: Commodifying Marxism : the formation of modern Thai radical culture, 1927-1958. -- Kyoto : Kyoto Univ. Pr., 2001. -- 390 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm.  -- (Kyoto area studies on Asia ; 3). -- ISBN 1876843985. -- Revision of the author's thesis (doctoral) -- Cornell University, 1992. -- S. 128.]


Ausweisung zweier Mitarbeiter der kommunistischen Zeitung 川 [Chuanmin Pao] / hrsg. von  der chinesischen kommunistischen Buchhandlung 大众文化 [Dazhong Wenhua - Massenkultur] wegen anti-amerikanischer Propaganda:


Staatsempfang für US-Militärberater. Es wird das Schauspiel von König Vajiravudh ธรรมธรรมสงคราม ("Gerechte und ungerechte Kriege). Das Stück dienet ursprünglich Rechtfertigung der Teilnahme Thailands am ersten Weltkrieg auf Seiten der Alliierten. Die Neuinszenierung beim Staatsempfen bezieht es auf die Teilnahme Thailands am Koreakrieg gegen die "Roten". Der sowjetische Botschafter und sein Gefolge verlassen darum den Empfang unter Protest. Der "arch-anti-communist" (Kasian Tejapira - เกษียร เตชะพีระ) Major General M. L. Khab Kunchorn (พลโท หม่อมหลวง ขาบ กุญชร, 1905 - 1986), Sekretär des Ministerpräsidenten, erklärt das Stück auf Englisch.

Abb.: Major General M. L. Khab Kunchorn (พลโท หม่อมหลวง ขาบ กุญชร)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Jim Thompson (1906 - ?) gründet die Thai Silk Company. Das Grundkapital in Aktien beträgt 500.000 Baht. 51% des Kapitals ist in Thai-Besitz. Thompson ist Managing Director.

Abb.: Jim Thompson
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Jim-Thompson-Geschäft
[Bildquelle: Liliput. -- -- Zugriff am 2011-10-13. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]

"Thompson left the army in 1946. After his divorce, he devoted himself to revitalizing a cottage industry of hand-woven silk.

In 1948, he partnered George Barrie to found the Thai Silk Company. The establishment achieved a coup in 1951 when designer Irene Sharaff made use of Thai silk fabrics for the Rogers and Hammerstein musical, The King and I. From then on, the company prospered.

Thompson’s formula for success was not as complex as what one would make it out to be. It hinged on two factors.

“In the first instance,” he said, “we run a dependable operation. Whenever we come up with a pattern or color that sells well, we make sure we stick to its exact formula. That way, our customers can rest assured that when they re-order, they will get a consistent product.”

“Equally important,” he mentioned, “is that the cottage industry in this part of the world is more significant than what most people realize. Most of the weavers in this area either don’t care or don’t need to know who are buying their products. But it is necessary for us to know what our customers’ tastes and requirements are.”[3]

Besides inventing the bright jewel tones and dramatic color combinations nowadays associated with Thai silk, he raised thousands of Thailand's poorest people out of poverty. His determination to keep his company cottage-based was significant for the women who made up the bulk of his work force. By allowing them to work at home, they retained their position in the household while becoming breadwinners. It was only after Thompson's disappearance that the Thai Silk Company relocated its weaving operations to Khorat, a city which serves as a base of operations for the Royal Thai Army. Although it abandoned home-based weaving in favor of factories in the early 1970s, the Thai Silk Company's Khorat facility looks more like a landscaped campus than a factory."

[Quelle: . -- Tzgriff am 2011-10-12]


Übergroße Schulklassen mit über 50 Kindern (Empfehlung: 35 Schüler pro Klasse) veranlassen die Regierung, sobald wie möglich 25.000 zusätzliche Lehrer anzustellen sowie Privatschulen zu ermutigen, einzuspringen.


Teheran (Persien): Mohammad Reza Schah Pahlavi Schahanschah ( محمدرضاشاه پهلوی) (1919 - 1980) heiratet Soraya Esfandiary-Bakhtiary (ثریا اسفندیاری بختیاری) (1932 - 2001). Soraya ist in der Folgezeit eines der Lieblingsthemen deutscher Boulevard-Zeitschriften und Zeitungen.

Abb.: Der Shah und Soraya am Hochzeitstag
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

"Wer erinnert sich denn nicht mehr an den Besuch des thailändischen Königspaares in der BRD? Der König mit dem melancholischen Blick und seine grazile und schöne Gattin eroberten Deutschland im Flug. Vor allem der Gemeinde der "Heim und Welt"-Leser wurde das Königspaar seit diesem Zeitpunkt zu liebvertrauten Menschen. Sogar Soraya [ثریا اسفندیاری بختیاری , 1932 - 2001] musste zeitweise um ihren Favoritinnenplatz im deutschen Gemütsleben bangen. "

[Quelle: Thailand-Correspondenz / Hrsg. Thailand Informations- und Solidaritätskomitee München e.V. -- 1 (1977). -- S. 48. -- Fair use]


"So wird nichts über das Auftreten eines "Phu Wiset" [ผู้วิเศษ] berichtet, als im Frühjahr 1951 Furcht und Aufregung in der Provinz Chanthaburi [จันทบุรี] herrschte, als sich ein Gerücht über die unmittelbare Ankunft von menschenfressenden Giganten, Vorboten des großen Kali-Yuga , dem das Land ausgesetzt sein werde, verbreitete. Die Bevölkerung suchte sich damals dadurch zu schützen, daß sie religiöse Schutz- und Reinigungsriten ausführte und mystische Zeichen mit magischen Buchstaben an den Haustüren befestigte."

[Quelle: Skrobanek, Walter <1941 - 2006>: Buddhistische Politik in Thailand : mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des heterodoxen Messianismus. -- Wiesbaden : Steiner, 1976. -- 315 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Beiträge zur Südasienforschung ; 23). -- ISBN 3-515-02390-9. -- Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1972. -- S. 75. -- Mit Erlaubnis des inzwischen verstorbenen Autors]

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Chanthaburi [จันทบุรี]
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Bildung einer kommunistisch geführten Joint National United Front for Indochina durch


"In early March, OPC [Office of Policy Coordination] chief Joost told Li Mi that four planeloads of weapons were safely in Bangkok and would be delivered to Phao’s [เผ่า ศรียานนท์, 1910 - 1960] police in Chiang Mai [เชียงใหม่] for transport into Burma. The initial delivery included
  • 200 light machine guns,
  • 12 mortars,
  • 150 carbines (.30 caliber),
  • 4 radio sets, and
  • a large quantity of ammunition.

Thai police had already sent the Chaiyi weapons by train to Chiang Mai, where they were consolidated with the airborne shipments and moved by police vehicles to the border near Mong Hang."

[Quelle: Gibson, Richard M. ; Chen, Wenhua [陳, 文華] <1944 - >: The secret army : Chiang Kai-Shek and the drug warlords of the golden triangle. -- Singapore : Wiley, 2011. -- 338 S. ;: Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-0-470-83018-5. -- S. 62. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Mong Hang
[Bildquelle: NF 47 Mandalay [Burma, China, Laos, Thailand] Series 1301, Edition 7-TPC. -- Public domain]


Vincent Young (1903 - ) von der American Baptist Mission berichtet US-Diplomaten über seine Begegnungen mit in Burma tätigen Kuomintang-Offizieren (中國國民黨) in Mae Sai (แม่สาย)


CIA-Agent James William (Bill) Lair (1924 – 2014) kommt nach Thailand. Er gründet Camp Erawan (ค่ายเอราวัณ) bei Lopburi (ลพบุรี) zur Ausbildung von Thai Polizisten und Militärs. 1953 wird die Ausbildungsstelle nach Hua Hin (หัวหิน) verlegt.

"James William Lair (often referred to as Bill Lair) (4 July 1924 – October 28, 2014) was an influential Central Intelligence Agency case officer. He was a native Texan, raised in a broken family, but a good student. He joined the CIA after serving in a combat unit in Europe during World War II, followed by a geology degree from Texas A&M. In his senior year, he was recruited by the CIA.

Assigned to the Kingdom of Thailand on 1 March 1951, Lair found himself training Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน) to Special Forces standards. Originally established with an aim of opposing the invasion of Thailand by the People's Liberation Army (中国人民解放军) of China, the new unit policed the Thai border areas until hostilities broke out in the neighboring Kingdom of Laos. Acting in response to the Kong Le (ກອງ​ແລ, 1932/34 - 2014)coup of 9 August 1960, Lair's unit secretively supplied the communications liaisons needed for the successful counter-coup of 14 December 1960. Once established within Laos, Lair promptly searched out Vang Pao (วังเปา, 1929 - 2011). With Lair's aid, Vang Pao raised an army of 30,000 guerrilla warriors to fight in the Laotian Civil War.

The Tonkin Gulf incident in August 1964, followed by the first American combat troops landing in Vietnam in May 1965, escalated the war. In mid-1966, the new CIA Chief of Station Ted Shackley (1927 - 2002) promulgated increased operations against the Ho Chi Minh Trail and commitment of more troops to the fight for northern Laos. U.S. air power began to be used in Laos. The Royal Lao Air Force began its struggle to become an effective close air support force. A new covert unit, the Raven Forward Air Controllers, was formed to guide the air strikes. The use of airpower as mobile artillery to clear the path for guerrillas was successful in the short run; however, Lair believed it would lead to ultimate defeat for the Hmong, as they were used as light infantry in fixed positions. Increasingly estranged from Shackley, as well as from Ambassador William H. Sullivan (1922 - 2013), Bill Lair left Laos in August 1968. After attendance at the Army War College, Lair returned to a desk job in Bangkok. He would score one last military intelligence coup, when his Thai brother-in-law visited the dying Mao Zedong and brought back information about the political maneuvering of potential successors.

Just before Lair's retirement from the CIA, he was honored with a private audience with Thai King Bhumibol (พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรมินทรมหาภูมิพลอดุลยเดช, 1927 - 2016 ). Upon his return to the United States, Lair became a long haul trucker. He remained active within the Hmong-American community.

Early life and military service

Bill Lair was born in Hilton, Oklahoma on 4 July 1924; he moved to Borger, Texas at the age of three. His mother divorced his father for idleness, and remarried. Her second husband died as a result of a freak oilfield explosion in 1937. However, Lair's grandfather, an old-time cowboy, was an important influence in young Bill's life. Lair lived in and around Borger and Panhandle, Texas until 1940, when he moved to Waco. He graduated from 11 years of schooling at Waco High School, at age 16. He took some post-high school courses while working for the Panhandle Herald and a grocery store.[1][2]

As a fifth generation Texan, Lair never lost his childhood accent. He was raised as an only child, although eventually he would come to have two younger sisters, and he grew up poor, quiet, and shy. His imagination sparked by his reading, he dreamt of becoming a pilot. He was a seventeen-year-old freshman at Texas A&M when the attack on Pearl Harbor kicked off World War II. Anxious to defend his nation, he applied for naval pilot's training, but was rejected because of substandard eyesight. He then convinced his mother to cosign his enlistment papers into the U.S. Army as a private. He saw his first combat in the invasion of Normandy. His armored unit fought its way across Europe for the next year. Lair's unit ended World War II on the Elbe River, facing a Russian unit on the far bank. It was there that Lair became convinced the American army should have continued the war, and defeated the communists.[3]

Once discharged postwar, Lair garnered a geology degree from Texas A&M in expectation of working in the petroleum industry. However, the Central Intelligence Agency recruited him just before graduation.[4]

CIA career Assignment to Thailand

Once trained, he was forwarded to the Kingdom of Thailand for his first assignment, arriving on 1 March 1951.[5] U.S. Ambassador to Thailand Edwin F. Stanton was in the throes of a postwar rapprochement between the two nations. Agreements between the two countries led to the beginning of the American buildup in Thailand; the aim was to help the Thais block any Communist Chinese incursions through the neighboring Kingdom of Laos. Lair's part in this was an assignment to train the Royal Thai Police (ตำรวจแห่งชาติ). He used an old Imperial Japanese training camp in Hua Hin (หัวหิน) to train a select crew of Thai police in guerrilla warfare, including parachuting. In the process, Lair discovered he had a knack for getting along with the Thais. His bashfulness, his aversion to eye contact, and quiet courteous demeanor were so congruent with ideal Thai manners that his policemen bonded with him, even though he spoke broken Thai with a Texas twang. He trained with them, and underwent survival exercises with them. He even married a Thai socialite.[3][6]

Assistance to the effort was supplied by Southeast Asia Supply Company, a CIA front usually referred to as "Sea Supply". When the training program was threatened with cancellation due to an apparently dwindling invasion threat, Lair convinced his boss it was worth continuance due to its low cost. With this support, Thai Police General Phao Sriyanond (เผ่า ศรียานนท์, 1910 - 1960) leaned toward a militarized police force; in this, he was building himself a counter-force to troops loyal to the other two strongmen in the government, Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram (แปลก พิบูลสงคราม, 1897 - 1964) and General Sarit Thanarat (สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์, 1908 - 1963). By 1953's end, 94 platoons of about 45 men each had been trained by Lair for Phao's command.[6]

Earlier, in April 1953, Bill Lair was appointed a captain in the Royal Thai Police. He then selected 100 out of 2,000 previous trainees for advanced instruction in unconventional warfare in Hua Hin, next to King Bhumibol's castle. This elite group would undergo a further eight months of intensive military education before turning about and schooling a further 300 recruits.[7] One of the first visitors to the new training center was Allen Dulles (1893 - 1969) then Associate Director of the CIA; he would later prevent the camp from being closed. At that time, the unit's focus was repelling a Chinese Communist invasion. Nationalist Chinese troops still threatened to cross the Burmese and Lao borders into mainland China, and in turn the Chinese Communists seemed likely to retaliate with a preemptive incursion. This period also saw Lair's first exposure to illicit drugs; he caught some of his trainees smoking marijuana and opium. The new training camp offered ample opportunity for the trainees to learn to live off the jungle.[8]

By 1955, the new unit was ready for duty as the Royal Guards (ทหารรักษาพระองค์). Later renamed to their more familiar cognomen, Police Aerial Resupply Unit, or PARU, they were under the hidden patronage of the King even though they had been split away from the Royal Guards.[7] They were deployed into the mountainous marches of northern Thailand to police the hill tribes there. They surreptitiously arrested bandits and opium smugglers while establishing ties to the tribesmen whom were despised by most Thais. During this time, many Hmong (ชาวม้ง) mentioned a promising young Hmong warrior in Laos named Vang Pao.[9]

By 1957, PARU consisted of two light infantry companies, as well as a pathfinder company personally commanded by Lair. Although dubbed "police", the extensively cross-trained PARU agents were trained to Special Forces standards. In September 1957, the PARU narrowly escaped disbandment when General Phao was forced into exile by the head of the Royal Thai Army (กองทัพบกไทย), General Sarit. In early 1958, they were renamed with the PARU designation. They began to shift their training base from Hua Hin to Phitsanulok (พิษณุโลก), which was much closer to their area of operations. In 1958, they also became involved in the CIA's international operations. They rigged parachutes for dropping weapons to insurgents in Indonesia. They packed pallets of weaponry for shipment from Takhli (ตาคลี) to the anti-Chinese Communist resistance in Tibet.[10]

Early in 1960, PARU's Pathfinder Company took up three posts along the Thai-Lao border. Each of the three stations was across the Mekong River (ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ) from an important Lao town. The stations were sited near Vientiane (ວຽງຈັນ), Mukdahan (มุกดาหาร), and Pakxan (ປາກຊັນ). On 9 August came the Kong Le coup in Vientiane. Lair and the PARU would intrude into Laos in the wake of this coup, under complex circumstances. One was that Phoumi Nosavan (1920 - 2985), who was then the Lao head of state, was a first cousin to General Sarit. The prospect of his rival Phao losing influence as casualties sapped the PARU seems to have been another reason for Sarit's acquiescence. And even as Sarit supported intervention by the PARU, Lair briefed his CIA superiors. Lair's main selling points for leading his paramilitaries into Laos was the sheer secretiveness possible because his troopers could blend seamlessly into the Lao population. It was a demographic oddity that the majority of lowland Lao actually lived south of the Lao-Thai border; most of Lair's PARU recruits were thus of Lao origin, though Thai citizens. It was also apparent to the Agency's apparatus, which had been blindsided by the coup, that it lacked reliable military intelligence sources within Laos.[11][12][13]

Move into Laos Coup and counter-coup

As Kong Le consolidated his position in the northern capital of Vientiane, Phoumi's opposition to the coup began to coalesce around the southern panhandle town of Savannakhet (ສະຫວັນນະເຂດ). On 19 October 1960, Bill Lair flew in the first installment of Lao kips (ກີບລາວ) to pay the dissident troops that had joined the Lao general. It was the first payment of the CIA's million dollar investment in a counter-coup. A few days later, five PARU teams of five espionage agents per team joined Phoumi's troops, where they blended right into headquarters units, field radios and all. By late November, Lair had set up his headquarters in Savannakhet, complete with a radio network. The radio net allowed him contact with his teams when they joined the move northward to Vientiane to unseat Kong Le. The five teams' distribution throughout the column of march was crucial to the success of the 400 kilometer thrust north to Vientiane.[14]

Once Phoumi's counter-coup succeeded on 14 December 1960, Lair moved his headquarters to Vientiane. Fitzgerald promptly joined him there. Fitzgerald saw the PARU's flawless performance in the counter-coup was based on reliable inside information, and decided that Lair and his special forces police should remain in Laos. This series of events marked the start of the Laotian Civil War. Once established there, Lair reached out to contact Vang Pao. He flew via Air America Sikorsky H-34 out to the Lao village of Tha Vieng to meet the Hmong leader on 19 January 1961. With dramatic intensity, Vang Pao told Lair that his people could not live under Vietnamese communist rule. "Either we fight or we leave. If you give me weapons, we fight," he told Lair. He promised he could call up 10,000 tribesmen for military training. They would follow him, he promised, and he pledged loyalty to the King of Laos. The approximately 4,300 Hmong who had accompanied him at Tha Vieng indicated that Vang Pao already had a sizable following. Although Lair did not know it at first, he was about to inherit a tradition of resistance to the Vietnamese. In the late 1800s the Hmong had founded zones of resistance under the command of local village chiefs. Now, many of their descendants would join the CIA effort.[15][16] Lair saw the Hmong guerrillas as a valuable supplement to the Royal Lao Army's regular forces. His seniors agreed.[17]

Lair foresaw a possible future need for the Hmong to retreat from battle through Sainyabuli Province (ໄຊຍະບູລີ) southward into Thailand. Although he suggested planning such a route, the complications of arranging agreement between Thailand, Laos, and the American embassy kept it from becoming a written plan.[18]

Founding the Clandestine Army

Lair took Vang Pao's offer back to Vientiane with him. By coincidence, Desmond Fitzgerald (1910 - 1967), head of the CIA's Far East Division, was on an official visit to the Station Chief for Laos, Gordon Jorgenson. Fitzgerald was a supporter of PARU. Lair convinced Fitzgerald, who was his boss's boss, that the Agency should support Vang Pao's proposed guerrilla army. Funding was allocated via Programs Evaluation Office for training the first 2,000 recruits into 100-man companies; the operation was classified under the code name Operation Momentum.[15] The eventual result of Lair's initiative was a clandestine army of 30,000 hill tribesmen under Vang Pao's command.[19]

To support the new effort, Lair brought in more PARU teams. By now, he had been promoted to lieutenant colonel in the Thai police, and was outranked only by the PARU commanding officer, Colonel Pranet Ritileuchai. In reality, Lair's control over supplies and his personal influence with Pranet and the PARU troops equaled de facto command of the unit. Lair was content with that setup, as it had led to their present success. However, additional CIA case officers such as Vint Lawrence began showing up unexpectedly and unannounced for assignment in Laos. To cope with this situation, Lair preferred rookie agents whom he could inculcate with his philosophy of covert operations. In quiet discursive low-key fashion that modeled the behavior needed to impress Thai or Lao, he briefed the new agents with information on the local situation even as he steered his listeners toward inevitable conclusions about the subject.[20] However, not all the new agents were rookies; experienced hands arriving included Thomas Fosmire, Tony Poe (1924 - 2003), Pat Landry, Joe Hudachek, Jack Shirley, and William Young (1924 - 2011). On the heels of the incoming case agents were the Green Berets sent as training instructors. While Lair accepted the new helpers individually, he believed that Caucasians who did not speak a local language were both too visible and too linguistically handicapped for useful secret work. Nor did they possess any military skills in short supply, as the PARU troopers had mastered the same parachute and Ranger courses as the Green Berets.[21]

Lao neutrality established

In Summer 1962, Lair arranged USAID air drops of food, medicine, and other essentials to Hmong uprooted by the burgeoning war. In June, when The Saturday Evening Post ran an article on this program, Lair was content to let Edgar Buell (1913 - 1980) be the public face of refugee relief, as a means of hiding CIA involvement.[22] In October 1962, in accordance with the International Agreement on the Neutrality of Laos, the Americans in country drew down to two CIA agents left in Laos after evacuation—Tony Poe and Vint Lawrence. However, 100 PARU troopers also remained, still engaged in training the Hmong. Lair and Landry withdrew to Nong Khai (หนองคาย), Thailand, just across the Mekong River from Vientiane. In turn, the Vietnamese Communists officially withdrew 40 soldiers, with at least 5,000 others remaining in Laos.[23]

Nong Khai being unsuitable as a headquarters, Lair moved his operation to RTAB Udorn-Thani (อุดรธานี). The CIA building there, called AB-1, became the nerve center of the secret operations in Laos. It was hidden in plain sight, under the designation 4802nd Joint Liaison Detachment. Co-located with it was the Thai covert operations for Laos, Headquarters 333; it was often called by its Thai abbreviated nickname of "Kaw Taw".[24] With the move came a promotion; Lair was now Chief of Base, in charge of all paramilitary operations in northern Laos. He and Pat Landry, sitting at facing desks, monitored message and radio traffic from the 20 PARU teams and made their tactical and logistic decisions. At times, Lair flew into Laos for a day; once a month, he visited his wife and child in Bangkok.[25]

In August 1963, Lair received an order to cut Route 7 between the Plain of Jars (ທົ່ງໄຫຫິນ) and the Vietnamese border. After Lair's training, PARU troopers, accompanying and directing 12 platoons of Hmong from their Special Guerrilla Units, infiltrated to a portion of Route 7 that ran along steep cliffs. The saboteurs planted double cratering charges in each of 120 demolition pits they dug, and exfiltrated. When the explosions blew in the middle of the night, two sections of clifftop road migrated downwards. Once again, Lair let Pop Buell serve as a beard by claiming credit.[26] The Route 7 communist supply line would remain cut until November.[27]

On 10 December 1963, King Sisavang Vatthana (ເຈົ້າສີສະຫວ່າງວັດທະນາ, 1907 - 1978) made a state visit to Long Tieng. This trip served as a seal of approval on the Hmong as Lao, and on their martial efforts. His official visit made it clear that the Hmong were accepted in Lao society, and assuaged Lair's worries that the hill tribesmen and lowland Lao might start fighting with one another.[28]

In 1964, Lair returned to the United States on home leave. While he was there, he attended a National Security Council meeting under the auspices of CIA head John McCone (1902 - 1991). When questions arose concerning the significance of Vang Pao's leadership of his clandestine army, Lair was asked to give his opinion as the officer attached to it. Lair stated that if Vang Pao should become a casualty, there were a number of competent subordinates who could take charge. McCone later thanked Lair for his apposite answer.[29]

Upon returning to Laos, Lair found that enemy activities were spreading outwards from their supply center at Tchepone (ເຊໂປນ). As the communists occupied more ground within Laos, they began to build the road network that was becoming known as the Ho Chi Minh Trail. Lair countered with Project Hardnose, in which reconnaissance teams were dispatched from Savannakhet and Pakse (ປາກເຊ) to spy on the nascent logistics route between North and South Vietnam. Air attacks seemed the only method of cutting the Trail. The Royal Lao Air Force received its first T-28 Trojans as light strike aircraft; a pilot training program for Lao dubbed Waterpump was established at Udorn.[30]

Washington's attention shifts from Laos

In late August 1964, in the wake of the Tonkin Gulf Incident, the RLAF struck the Mu Gia Pass (Đèo Mụ Giạ) and further into northern Vietnam. In an escalation of hostilities in Laos, U. S. air Force jets soon began "armed reconnaissance" missions. The Tonkin Gulf Incident, as well as the expanding Ho Chi Minh Trail, changed the emphasis of U. S. military action away from Laos and toward Vietnam.[31]

Lair was dismayed when he learned on 8 March 1965 that U. S. Marine Corps infantry had landed at Danang (Đà Nẵng). Lair believed that if American troops were being committed to combat, they should attack Hanoi to win the war. He also believed that American troops would move from training into combat operations, and that the increasing dependence entailed would sap the fighting spirit of the South Vietnamese armed forces. Yet at about the same time, Lair prompted Air America Helio Courier special-operations pilot Jim Rhyne's flight that documented the expansion and improvement of the Ho Chi Minh Trail network. It became evident the Trail was a burgeoning chain of logistic links of approximately 30 to 40 kilometers long, with porters and chauffeurs as permanent party to an assigned link.[32]

On 20 May 1965, BirdAir pilot Ernest C. Brace (1931 - 2014) landed on a dirt landing strip in Laos that had just been overrun by the communists; he was promptly captured. Ambassador William H. Sullivan (1922 - 2013) demanded information on Brace's status from the CIA Station. Meantime, Lair commandeered a Beechcraft Baron to lead a rescue effort. Once in flight, he rounded up an improvised force of an Air America helicopter for the rescue, a Caribou for radio relay duties, and American-piloted T-28s for firepower. Ambassador Leonard Unger had previously granted Lair the authority to commandeer air assets and order air strikes in emergencies. As the Air America helio landed on the strip, for the first time ever, Lair directed strafing runs of the forests on either side of the runway—first the T-28s; then American F105 fighter-bombers. Sullivan was unaware of Unger's prior permission, and was angered by Lair's impromptu one-time use of air power. Sullivan demanded Lair be reprimanded. Station Chief Douglas Blaufarb, who was Lair's superior, backed Lair.[33] Nor was this incident the only one concerning unauthorized air strikes. Ambassador Sullivan insisted on his authority to order and approve all air strikes within Laos. However, innocent civilians were being accidentally bombed. And American air power arrived according to the military's schedule, not the Ambassador's.[34]

Bill Lair had his reservations about increased use of American air power in Laos, fearing that the Hmong and other Lao forces would become too dependent upon its firepower. However, in the wake of the Battle of Nam Bac, he could see the need for organized forward air control for close air support; his proposal of placing Lao interpreters with American fighter pilots in light aircraft to direct air strikes became the Raven Forward Air Controllers.[35] Moreover, he could see the utility of pilots and infantry sharing a common language. Vang Pao had already requested training slots for Hmong cadets at Project Waterpump at Udorn, and been refused. In turn, Lair quietly and secretively scrounged a couple of Piper Cubs and began training Hmong pilots at Nong Khai.[36] A PARU pilot, Somboun Sithoon, served as the first instructor. The instructional staff would come to include two pilots on loan from the Royal Thai Air Force and six more from Continental Air Services, Inc. Three classes of Hmong pilots would graduate by mid-1967; included was the pilot who would become the star of the RLAF, Lee Lue (1935 - 1969).[37]

"Supermarket war"

See also Battle of Lima Site 85, Commando Club

By mid-1966, Lair had worked successfully under three Chiefs of Station, running his paramilitary operations with a relatively paltry annual budget of $20 million. The money came direct from CIA Headquarters, with offers of more funding available. Lair declined the extra monies, and never requested a transfer from his assignment. For 15 years, he had encouraged and nurtured native martial talent, believing the covert operation was best done with fewest Americans involved. As a result of his influence, there were fewer that 100 Americans working in northern Laos.[38]

This ended with Ted Shackley (1927 - 2002). The new Chief of Station was appointed to deal with the increasing communist infiltration of supplies along the Ho Chi Minh Trail. His solution was to advocate more American involvement in Laos, whether in the Laotian panhandle against the Trail, or in the north around the Plain of Jars.[38] He was credited with finding the equivalent of an old-fashioned general store and turning it into a modern supermarket.[39]

The swelling tide of American air power brought drastic changes to the war in Laos, and to Lair's life. Major Richard Secord (1932 - ) reported for duty; he joined forces with Lair and Landry, and managed the air operations in Laos. Lair now routinely scheduled targets for air strikes. A new covert unit, the Raven Forward Air Controllers, sprang into being to direct the increasing bombing raids. The increased CIA effort demanded greater staffing. A new enlarged headquarters building replaced AB-1, to accommodate the increase in newly assigned CIA staff. As the war escalated, there were turf conflicts within the American effort because it lacked a unified command structure.[40]

An example of the difficulties inherent in the enlarged war was the advent of Lima Site 85 on the mountaintop at Phou Pha Thi, Laos. This clandestine guidance radar facility was proposed at a mid-1967 meeting chaired by General Hunter Harris; its purpose was radar directed air raids into Hanoi. Lair's opinion of the installation was asked, as he was the local expert, and he was being charged with its defense. He predicted that the Vietnamese troops would build a road toward the radar site until they could attack it. When asked if LS 85 could be defended, Lair pointed out that guerrilla forces were not equipped or trained for fixed defensive battles. He recommended the use of special forces or other trained infantry for defense, but his request was rejected.[41] In January 1968, North Vietnamese forces bypassed the site temporarily to attack Royalist positions at the Battle of Nam Bac.[42] Despite the PAVN's delay for that battle, Lair's prediction of Lima Site 85's fall was prophetic; the radar site was captured by Vietnamese sappers on 11 March 1968 even though Hmong guerrillas and Thai mercenaries remained on the mountain. Shackley had predicted in a cable to headquarters that the site could not hold out beyond 10 March; the accuracy of his estimate burnished his reputation in the Agency.[43]

Departure from Laos

At odds with both his Station Chief and Ambassador Sullivan, tagged with the loss of Lima Site 85, and diminished by the expanding American operations of the Laotian war, Bill Lair departed Laos in August 1968. He declined a possible assignment to the Phoenix Program in Vietnam. Lair, who had become the Lawrence of Arabia (1888 - 1935) of Laos, left behind him a 30,000 man guerrilla army.[44]

Instead, he attended the Army War College, and was then stationed in Bangkok.[45] Having concluded that he would never be promoted to Chief of Station anywhere, and knowing he was tagged as a Thai/Lao specialist within the CIA, he settled into bureaucracy in his wife's hometown. His title was Assistant Chief of Station, and special operations naturally became his beat. When Leka, the exiled monarch of Albania (1939 - 2011) arrived to buy weaponry, Lair prompted the Thai quashing of the arms deal. Most of Lair's duties, though, required him to keep track of the drug trade in the area. For the most part, the Thai senior officers involved in the opium trade had been trained by Lair. They knew him well enough to know his skepticism about banning drugs, and that he would not retaliate on them. They also knew the King favored him, and that Lair's in-laws were politically influential. Lair would simply ask these officers for needed information, bypassing all the rigamarole of tasking undercover agents to spy upon the drug trade.[46]

Lair was still working in Bangkok when the Vietnam War ended. On 18 June 1975, Vang Pao transited Bangkok on his way into exile in Missoula, Montana. Lair wished the Hmong general good luck. At about the same time, Lair was consulted about the possibility of paramilitary operations in Cambodia. He recommended against the attempt because the communists already controlled the countryside.[47][48]

Bill Lair would pull off one more intelligence coup before his retirement. Siddhi Savetsila (สิทธิ เศวตศิลา, 1919 - ), Lair's brother-in-law, was a member of a Thai delegation that visited the hospital room of a dying Mao Tse-tung (毛泽东, 1893 - 1976). Lair channeled the resulting intelligence back to Washington, DC. Both President Gerald Ford (1913 - 2006) and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (1923 - ) were thus made privy to details of the maneuvering of possible successors to the Great Helmsman. Despite this, CIA management told Lair they had no domestic assignment for him after Bangkok. Lair decided to retire. He was honored by King Bhumipol with a private audience before he departed.[49]

Post CIA career

Bill Lair retired from the CIA as a GS-16, the civil service equivalent of a brigadier general. He was 53 years old, with two grown children in college. He had a ranch to retire to, near Waco, but no means of cashing in on his life experience except a return to Thailand. Refusing to trade on his old friendships overseas, he instead became a long haul trucker. His past Asian expertise would be called upon only once more, in 1992, when he was again asked about the chances of setting up a paramilitary network in Cambodia. He again deemed it impossible.[50]

James William Lair continued to be prominent in Hmong-American affairs. On 4 July 2013, he was honored with an 89th birthday celebration by the Hmong-American community, including a reunion with the Hmong Laotian Civil War veterans with whom he had served.[51] Lair died on October 28, 2014."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2015-04-05]

1951-03-04 - 1951-03-11

First Asian Games in New Delhi (Indien). Thailand nimmt mit 17 Sportlern und 7 Funktionären teil.

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[Bildquelle: Wikipedia]

Abb.: Lage von New Delhi
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Es stirbt Prinzregent Rangsit Prayurasakdi, Prinz von Chainat (สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้ารังสิตประยูรศักดิ์ กรมพระยาชัยนาทนเรนทร, 1885 - 1951-03-06). Er war der letzte noch lebende Sohn von König Chulalongkorn.

Abb.: Prinz Rangsit von Chainat (สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้ารังสิตประยูรศักดิ์ กรมพระยาชัยนาทนเรนทร, 1885 - 1951-03-07)
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLiense]


Auf dem Kreuzfahrtsschiff MV Stella Maris von New Orleans machen 135 US-Touristen Zwischenhalt in Bangkok. Sie besuchen die wichtigsten Sehenswürdigkeiten und sehen eine Vorführung von klassischem Thai-Tanz. Seit New Orleans waren die Touristen über drei Monate unterwegs.

Abb.: Lage von New Orleans
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Gründung der (kommunistischen) Vereinigten Nationalen Front von Vietnam, Kambodscha und Laos.


New York: Premiere des Musicals "The King and I" von Richard Rodgers (1902 - 1979)  und Oscar Hammerstein II (1895 - 1960). Vorlage ist "Anna and the King of Siam" (1944) von Margaret Landon (1903 - 1993), die wiederum "The English Governess at the Siamese Court" (1870) von Anna Leonowens (1831 - 1915) verwertet.

Das Album auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:album:5mJKgyZDgIvS11lqERVlIi

Abb.: Plakat
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In der Folgezeit gibt es folgende Produktionen des Musicals:

"The King and I is a musical, the fifth by the team of composer Richard Rodgers (1902 - 1979) and dramatist Oscar Hammerstein II (1895 - 1960). It is based on the 1944 novel Anna and the King of Siam by Margaret Landon (1903 - 1993), which is in turn derived from the memoirs of Anna Leonowens (1831 - 1915), governess to the children of King Mongkut (พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรเมนทรมหามงกุฎ พระจอมเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัว, 1804 - 1868) of Siam in the early 1860s. The musical's plot relates the experiences of Anna, a British schoolteacher hired as part of the King's drive to modernize his country. The relationship between the King and Anna is marked by conflict through much of the piece, as well as by a love that neither can admit. The musical premiered on March 29, 1951, at Broadway's St. James Theatre. It ran nearly three years, then the fourth longest-running Broadway musical in history, and has had many tours and revivals.

In 1950, theatrical attorney Fanny Holtzmann (1902 - 1980) was looking for a part for her client, veteran leading lady Gertrude Lawrence (1898 - 1952). Holtzmann realized that Landon's book would provide an ideal vehicle and contacted Rodgers and Hammerstein, who were initially reluctant but agreed to write the musical. The pair initially sought Rex Harrison (1908 - 1990) to play the supporting part of the King, a role that he had played in the 1946 film made from Landon's book, but he was unavailable. They settled on the young actor and television director Yul Brynner (Юлий Борисович Бринер, 1920 – 1985).

The musical was an immediate hit, winning Tony Awards for Best Musical, Best Actress (for Lawrence) and Best Featured Actor (for Brynner). Lawrence died unexpectedly of cancer a year and a half after the opening, and the role of Anna was played by several actresses during the remainder of the Broadway run of 1,246 performances. A hit London run and U.S. national tour followed, together with a 1956 film for which Brynner won an Academy Award, and the musical was recorded several times. In later revivals, Brynner came to dominate his role and the musical, starring in a four-year national tour culminating in a 1985 Broadway run shortly before his death.

Christopher Renshaw directed major revivals on Broadway (1996), winning the Tony Award for Best Revival, and in the West End (2000). A 2015 Broadway revival won another Tony for Best Revival. Both professional and amateur revivals of The King and I continue to be staged regularly throughout the English-speaking world.



In 1950, British actress Gertrude Lawrence's business manager and attorney, Fanny Holtzmann, was looking for a new vehicle for her client when the 1944 Margaret Landon novel Anna and the King of Siam (a fictionalized version of Leonowens' experiences) was sent to her by Landon's agent.[8] According to Rodgers biographer Meryle Secrest, Holtzmann was worried that Lawrence's career was fading.[9] The 51-year-old actress had appeared only in plays, not in musicals, since Lady in the Dark closed in 1943.[10] Holtzmann agreed that a musical based on Anna and the King of Siam would be ideal for her client,[8] who purchased the rights to adapt the novel for the stage.[11]

Holtzmann initially wanted Cole Porter (1891 - 1964) to write the score, but he declined. She was going to approach Noël Coward (1899 - 1973) next, but happened to meet Dorothy Hammerstein (1899 - 1987) (Oscar's wife) in Manhattan. Holtzmann told Dorothy Hammerstein that she wanted Rodgers and Hammerstein to create a show for Lawrence, and asked her to see that her husband read a book that Holtzmann would send over. In fact, both Dorothy Rodgers and Dorothy Hammerstein had read the novel in 1944 and had urged their husbands to consider it as a possible subject for a musical.[8] Dorothy Hammerstein had known Gertrude Lawrence since 1925, when they had both appeared in André Charlot's (1882 - 1956) London Revue of 1924 on Broadway and on tour in North America.[12]

Rodgers and Hammerstein had disliked Landon's novel as a basis for a musical when it was published, and their views still held. It consists of vignettes of life at the Siamese court, interspersed with descriptions of historical events unconnected with each other, except that the King creates most of the difficulties in the episodes, and Anna tries to resolve them.[13][14] Rodgers and Hammerstein could see no coherent story from which a musical could be made[13] until they saw the 1946 film adaptation, starring Irene Dunne (1898 - 1990) and Rex Harrison (1908 - 1990), and how the screenplay united the episodes in the novel.[13] Rodgers and Hammerstein were also concerned about writing a star vehicle. They had preferred to make stars rather than hire them, and engaging the legendary Gertrude Lawrence would be expensive. Lawrence's voice was also a worry: her limited vocal range was diminishing with the years, while her tendency to sing flat was increasing. Lawrence's temperament was another concern: though she could not sing like one, the star was known to be capable of diva-like behavior.[15] In spite of this, they admired her acting – what Hammerstein called her "magic light", a compelling presence on stage – and agreed to write the show.[16] For her part, Lawrence committed to remaining in the show until June 1, 1953, and waived the star's usual veto rights over cast and director, leaving control in the hands of the two authors.[17]

Hammerstein found his "door in" to the play in Landon's account of a slave in Siam writing about Abraham Lincoln. This would eventually become the narrated dance, "The Small House of Uncle Thomas". Since a frank expression of romantic feelings between the King and Anna would be inappropriate in view of both parties' upbringing and prevailing social mores,[18] Hammerstein wrote love scenes for a secondary couple, Tuptim, a junior wife of the King, and Lun Tha, a scholar. In the Landon work, the relationship is between Tuptim and a priest, and is not romantic. The musical's most radical change from the novel was to have the King die at the end of the play.[19] Also, since Lawrence was not primarily a singer, the secondary couple gave Rodgers a chance to write his usual "soaring" romantic melodies.[20] In an interview for The New York Times, Hammerstein indicated that he wrote the first scene before leaving for London and the West End production of Carousel in mid-1950; he wrote a second scene while in the British capital.[21]

The pair had to overcome the challenge of how to represent Thai speech and music. Rodgers, who had experimented with Asian music in his short-lived 1928 musical with Lorenz Hart (1895 - 1943) titled Chee-chee,[22] did not wish to use actual Thai music, which American audiences might not find accessible. Instead, he gave his music an exotic flavor, using open fifths and chords in unusual keys, in ways pleasant to Western ears.[23][24] Hammerstein faced the problem of how to represent Thai speech; he and Rodgers chose to convey it by musical sounds, made by the orchestra. For the King's style of speech, Hammerstein developed an abrupt, emphatic way of talking, which was mostly free of articles, as are many Oriental languages. The forceful style reflected the King's personality and was maintained even when he sang, especially in his one solo, "A Puzzlement".[24] Many of the King's lines, including his first utterance, "Who? Who? Who?", and much of the initial scene between him and Anna, are drawn from Landon's version. Nevertheless, the King is presented more sympathetically in the musical than in the novel or the 1946 film, as the musical omits the torture and burning at the stake of Lady Tuptim and her partner.[25]

With Rodgers laid up with back trouble, Hammerstein completed most of the musical's book before many songs were set to music.[26] Early on, Hammerstein contacted set designer Jo Mielziner (1901 - 1976) and costume designer Irene Sharaff (1910 - 1993) and asked them to begin work in coordination with each other. Sharaff communicated with Jim Thompson (1906 - 1967), an American who had revived the Thai silk industry after World War II. Thompson sent Sharaff samples of silk cloth from Thailand and pictures of local dress from the mid-19th century.[27] One such picture, of a Thai woman in western dress, inspired the song "Western People Funny", sung by the King's chief wife, Lady Thiang, while dressed in western garb.[28]

Producer Leland Hayward (1902 - 1971), who had worked with the duo on South Pacific, approached Jerome Robbins (1918 - 1998) to choreograph a ballet for "The Small House of Uncle Thomas". Robbins was very enthusiastic about the project and asked to choreograph the other musical numbers as well, although Rodgers and Hammerstein had originally planned little other dancing. Robbins staged "The Small House of Uncle Thomas" as an intimate performance, rather than a large production number.[28] His choreography for the parade of the King's children to meet their teacher ("March of the Royal Siamese Children") drew great acclaim.[29] Robert Russell Bennett (1894 - 1981) provided the orchestrations, and Trude Rittmann (1909 - 2005) arranged the ballet music.[30]

The pair discussed having an Act 1 musical scene involving Anna and the King's wives. The lyrics for that scene proved to be very difficult for Hammerstein to write. He first thought that Anna would simply tell the wives something about her past, and wrote such lyrics as "I was dazzled by the splendor/Of Calcutta and Bombay" and "The celebrities were many/And the parties very gay/(I recall a curry dinner/And a certain Major Grey)."[31] Eventually, Hammerstein decided to write about how Anna felt, a song which would not only explain her past and her motivation for traveling with her son to the court of Siam, but also serve to establish a bond with Tuptim and lay the groundwork for the conflict that devastates Anna's relationship with the King.[18][31] "Hello, Young Lovers", the resulting song, was the work of five exhausting weeks for Hammerstein. He finally sent the lyrics to Rodgers by messenger and awaited his reaction. Hammerstein considered the song his best work and was anxious to hear what Rodgers thought of it, but no comment came from Rodgers. Pride kept Hammerstein from asking. Finally, after four days, the two happened to be talking on the phone about other matters, and at the end of the conversation, Rodgers stated, very briefly, that the lyric was fine. Josh Logan (1908 - 1988), who had worked closely with Hammerstein on South Pacific, listened to the usually unflappable writer pour out his unhappy feelings. It was one of the few times that Hammerstein and Rodgers did not display a united front.[32]

Casting and auditions

Although the part of the King was only a supporting role to Lawrence's Anna, Hammerstein and Rodgers thought it essential that a well-known theatrical actor play it. The obvious choice was Rex Harrison, who had played the King in the movie, but he was booked, as was Noël Coward. Alfred Drake (1914 - 1992), the original Curly in Oklahoma!, made contractual demands which were deemed too high. With time running short before rehearsals, finding an actor to play the King became a major concern. Mary Martin (1913 - 1990), the original Nellie Forbush in South Pacific, suggested that her co-star in a 1946 musical set in China, Lute Song, try for the role.[33] Rodgers recounted the audition of the Russian-American performer, Yul Brynner:

They told us the name of the first man and out he came with a bald head and sat cross-legged on the stage. He had a guitar and he hit his guitar one whack and gave out with this unearthly yell and sang some heathenish sort of thing, and Oscar and I looked at each other and said, "Well, that's it."[34]

Brynner termed Rodgers' account "very picturesque, but totally inaccurate". He recalled that as an established television director (in CBS's Starlight Theatre, for example), he was reluctant to go back on the stage. His wife, his agent, and Martin finally convinced him to read Hammerstein's working script, and once he did, he was fascinated by the character of the King and was eager to do the project.[35][36] In any case, Brynner's fierce, mercurial, dangerous, yet surprisingly sensitive King was an ideal foil for Lawrence's strong-willed, yet vulnerable Anna, and when the two finally came together in "Shall We Dance?", where the King hesitantly touches Anna's waist, the chemistry was palpable.[18]

Pre-rehearsal preparations began in late 1950. Hammerstein had wanted Logan to direct and co-write the book, as he had for South Pacific, but when Logan declined, Hammerstein decided to write the entire book himself. Instead of Logan, the duo hired as director John van Druten (1901 - 1957), who had worked with Lawrence years earlier. The costume designer, Sharaff, wryly pointed the press to the incongruity of a Victorian British governess in the midst of an exotic court: "The first-act finale of The King and I will feature Miss Lawrence, Mr. Brynner, and a pink satin ball gown."[37] Mielziner's set plan was the simplest of the four Rodgers and Hammerstein musicals he had worked on, with one main set (the throne room), a number of front-stage drops (for the ship and Anna's room, for example) and the entire stage cleared for "The Small House of Uncle Thomas".[38]

The show was budgeted at $250,000 (US$2,280,000 in 2016 dollars) making it the most expensive Rodgers and Hammerstein production to that point, and prompting some mockery that costs exceeded even their expensive flop Allegro.[39] Investors included Hammerstein, Rodgers, Logan, Martin, Billy Rose (1891 - 1966) and Hayward.[40] The children who were cast as the young princes and princesses came from a wide range of ethnic backgrounds, including Puerto Rican or Italian, though none were Thai.[41] Johnny Stewart was the original Prince Chulalongkorn but left the cast after only three months, replaced by Ronnie Lee. Sandy Kennedy was Louis, and Broadway veteran Larry Douglas played Lun Tha.[42][43]

Shortly before rehearsals began in January 1951, Rodgers had the first Tuptim, Doretta Morrow (1927 - 1968), sing the entire score to Lawrence, including Lawrence's own songs. Lawrence listened calmly, but when she met Rodgers and Hammerstein the following day, she treated Rodgers coldly, apparently seeing the composer's actions as flaunting her vocal deficiencies.[44] Hammerstein and Rodgers' doubts about whether Lawrence could handle the part were assuaged by the sheer force of her acting. James Poling, a writer for Collier's who was allowed to attend the rehearsals, wrote of Lawrence preparing "Shall I Tell You What I Think of You?":

She took the center of the barren stage wearing, for practice, a dirty muslin hoop over her slacks, with an old jacket thrown over her shoulders for warmth. She began rather quietly on the note, "Your servant! Your servant! Indeed I'm not your servant!" Then she gradually built the scene, slowly but powerfully, until, in a great crescendo, she ended prone on the floor, pounding in fury, and screaming, "Toads! Toads! Toads! All of your people are toads." When she finished, the handful of professionals in the theatre burst into admiring applause.[22]

At his first meeting with Sharaff, Brynner, who had only a fringe of hair, asked what he was to do about it. When told he was to shave it, Brynner was horror-struck and refused, convinced he would look terrible. He finally gave in during tryouts and put dark makeup on his shaved head. The effect was so well-received that it became Brynner's trademark.[45]

Lawrence's health caused her to miss several rehearsals, though no one knew what was wrong with her.[44] When the tryout opened in New Haven, Connecticut on February 27, 1951, the show was nearly four hours long. Lawrence, suffering from laryngitis, had missed the dress rehearsal, but managed to make it through the first public performance. The Variety critic noted that despite her recent illness she "slinks, acts, cavorts, and in general exhibits exceedingly well her several facets for entertaining", but the Philadelphia Bulletin printed that her "already thin voice is now starting to wear a great deal thinner".[46] Leland Hayward came to see the show in New Haven and shocked Rodgers by advising him to close it before it went any further. Additionally, when the show left New Haven for Boston for more tryout performances, it was still at least 45 minutes too long.[47] Gemze de Lappe (1922 - ),  who was one of the dancers, recalled one cut that she regretted:

They took out a wonderful scene. Mrs. Anna's first entrance into the palace comes with a song in which she sings, "Over half a year I have been waiting, waiting, waiting, waiting, waiting, waiting outside your door." At the end she points her umbrella at him, or something like that, and the King says "Off with her head" or words to that effect, and the eunuchs pick her up and carry her off. The King says "Who, who, who?" with great satisfaction, and finds out that he has just thrown out the English schoolteacher. So he says, "Bring her back!" and she is ushered in ... we all loved it.[48]

This song, "Waiting", was a trio for Anna, the King, and the Kralahome (the King's prime minister). "Who Would Refuse?", the Kralahome's only solo, was also dropped. Left without a note to sing, Mervyn Vye abandoned the show and was replaced by John Juliano. "Now You Leave", a song for Lady Thiang (played by Dorothy Sarnoff  (1914 - 2008) in the original production), was also cut.[42][47] After the cuts, Rodgers and Hammerstein felt that the first act was lacking something. Lawrence suggested that they write a song for Anna and the children. Mary Martin reminded them of a song that had been cut from South Pacific, "Suddenly Lucky". Hammerstein wrote a new lyric for the melody, and the resulting song became "Getting to Know You". "Western People Funny" and "I Have Dreamed" were also added in Boston.[29]

Brynner regretted that there were not more tryout performances, feeling that the schedule did not give him an adequate opportunity to develop the complex role of the King. When he told this to Hammerstein and Rodgers, they asked what sort of performance they would get from him, and he responded, "It will be good enough, it will get the reviews."[49]


Act 1

In 1862, a strong-willed, widowed schoolteacher, Anna Leonowens, arrives in Bangkok, Siam (later known as Thailand) at the request of the King of Siam to tutor his many children. Anna's young son, Louis, fears the severe countenance of the King's prime minister, the Kralahome, but Anna refuses to be intimidated ("I Whistle a Happy Tune"). The Kralahome has come to escort them to the palace, where they are expected to live – a violation of Anna's contract, which calls for them to live in a separate house. She considers returning to Singapore aboard the vessel that brought them, but goes with her son and the Kralahome.

Several weeks pass, during which Anna and Louis are confined to their palace rooms. The King receives a gift from the king of Burma, a lovely slave girl named Tuptim, to be one of his many wives. She is escorted by Lun Tha, a scholar who has come to copy a design for a temple, and the two are secretly in love. Tuptim, left alone, declares that the King may own her, but not her heart ("My Lord and Master"). The King gives Anna her first audience. The schoolteacher is a part of his plan for the modernization of Siam; he is impressed when she already knows this. She raises the issue of her house with him, he dismisses her protests and orders her to talk with his wives. They are interested in her, and she tells them of her late husband, Tom ("Hello, Young Lovers"). The King presents her new pupils; Anna is to teach those of his children whose mothers are in favor with him – several dozen – and is to teach their mothers as well. The princes and princesses enter in procession ("March of the Royal Siamese Children"). Anna is charmed by the children, and formality breaks down after the ceremony as they crowd around her.

Anna has not given up on the house, and teaches the children proverbs and songs extolling the virtues of home life, to the King's irritation. The King has enough worries without battling the schoolteacher, and wonders why the world has become so complicated ("A Puzzlement"). The children and wives are hard at work learning English ("The Royal Bangkok Academy"). The children are surprised by a map showing how small Siam is compared with the rest of the world ("Getting to Know You"). As the crown prince, Chulalongkorn, disputes the map, the King enters a chaotic schoolroom. He orders the pupils to believe the teacher but complains to Anna about her lessons about "home". Anna stands her ground and insists on the letter of her contract, threatening to leave Siam, much to the dismay of wives and children. The King orders her to obey as "my servant"; she repudiates the term and hurries away. The King dismisses school, then leaves, uncertain of his next action. Lun Tha comes upon Tuptim, and they muse about having to hide their relationship ("We Kiss in a Shadow").

In her room, Anna replays the confrontation in her mind, her anger building ("Shall I Tell You What I Think of You?"). Lady Thiang, the King's head wife, tells Anna that the King is troubled by his portrayal in the West as a barbarian, as the British are being urged to take over Siam as a protectorate. Anna is shocked by the accusations – the King is a polygamist, but he is no barbarian – but she is reluctant to see him after their argument. Lady Thiang convinces her that the King is deserving of support ("Something Wonderful"). Anna goes to him and finds him anxious for reconciliation. The King tells her that the British are sending an envoy to Bangkok to evaluate the situation. Anna "guesses" – the only guise in which the King will accept advice – that the King will receive the envoy in European style, and that the wives will be dressed in Western fashion. Tuptim has been writing a play based on a book that Anna has lent her, Uncle Tom's Cabin, that can be presented to the guests. News is brought to the King that the British are arriving much earlier than thought, and so Anna and the wives are to stay up all night to prepare. The King assembles his family for a Buddhist prayer for the success of the venture and also promises before Buddha that Anna will receive her own house "as provided in agreement, etc., etc."

Act 2

The wives are dressed in their new European-style gowns, which they find confining ("Western People Funny"). In the rush to prepare, the question of undergarments has been overlooked, and the wives have practically nothing on underneath their gowns. When the British envoy, Sir Edward Ramsay, arrives and gazes at them through a monocle, they are panicked by the "evil eye" and lift their skirts over their heads as they flee. Sir Edward is diplomatic about the incident. When the King is called away, it emerges that Sir Edward is an old flame of Anna's, and they dance in remembrance of old times, as Edward urges her to return to British society. The King returns and irritably reminds them that dancing is for after dinner.

As final preparations for the play are made, Tuptim steals a moment to meet with Lun Tha. He tells her he has an escape plan, and she should be ready to leave after the performance ("I Have Dreamed"). Anna encounters them, and they confide in her ("Hello, Young Lovers", reprise). The play ("Small House of Uncle Thomas", narrated ballet) is presented in a Siamese ballet-inspired dance. Tuptim is the narrator, and she tells her audience of the evil King Simon of Legree and his pursuit of the runaway slave Eliza. Eliza is saved by Buddha, who miraculously freezes a river and conceals her in snow. Buddha then causes the river to melt, drowning King Simon and his hunting party. The anti-slavery message is blunt.

After the play, Sir Edward reveals that the British threat has receded, but the King is distracted by his displeasure at Tuptim's rebellious message. After Sir Edward leaves, Anna and the King express their delight at how well the evening went, and he presents her with a ring. Secret police report that Tuptim is missing. The King realizes that

Anna knows something; she parries his inquiry by asking why he should care: Tuptim is just another woman to him. He is delighted; she is at last understanding the Siamese perspective. Anna tries to explain to him the Western customs of courtship and tells him what it is like for a young woman at a formal dance ("Shall We Dance?"). He demands that she teach him the dance. She does, and in that dance they experience and express a love for each other that they can never speak aloud. They are interrupted by the Kralahome. Tuptim has been captured, and a search is on for Lun Tha. The King resolves to punish Tuptim, though she denies she and Lun Tha were lovers. Anna tries to dissuade him, but he is determined that her influence shall not rule, and he takes the whip himself. He turns to lash Tuptim, but under Anna's gaze is unable to swing the whip, and hurries away. Lun Tha is found dead, and Tuptim is dragged off, swearing to kill herself; nothing more is heard about her. Anna asks the Kralahome to give her ring back to the King; both schoolteacher and minister state their wish that she had never come to Siam.

Several months pass with no contact between Anna and the King. Anna is packed and ready to board a ship leaving Siam. Chulalongkorn arrives with a letter from the King, who has been unable to resolve the conflicts within himself and is dying. Anna hurries to the King's bedside and they reconcile. The King persuades her to take back the ring and to stay and assist the next king, Chulalongkorn. The dying man tells Anna to take dictation from the prince, and instructs the boy to give orders as if he were King. The prince orders the end of the custom of kowtowing that Anna hated. The King grudgingly accepts this decision. As Chulalongkorn continues, prescribing a less arduous bow to show respect for the king, his father dies. Anna kneels by the late King, holding his hand and kissing it, as the wives and children bow or curtsey, a gesture of respect to old king and new."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-04-14]


Gründung des Psychological Strategy Board (PSB)

"The Psychological Strategy Board was a committee of the United States executive formed to coordinate and plan for psychological operations. It was formed on April 4, 1951, during the Truman administration. The board was composed of the Under Secretary of State, the Deputy Secretary of Defense, and the Director of Central Intelligence, or their designated representatives.[1] The board's first director was Gordon Gray (1909 - 1982), later National Security Advisor during the Eisenhower administration. The board was created in response to the growth of Office of Policy Coordination covert activities during the Korean War.[2]

Under Eisenhower, the board became a purely coordinating body. The board's function was reviewed by the Jackson Committee, chaired by William Harding Jackson (1901 - 1971), set up to propose future United States Government information and psychological warfare programs. The committee concluded that the board had been established on the assumption that psychological strategy could be conducted separately from official policy and actions, an assumption the committee disagreed with.[3] It was abolished September 3, 1953 by Executive Order, with its responsibilities being transferred to the Operations Coordinating Board.


After World War II, the atmosphere altered: wars could not be won through bloodshed but by winning the hearts and minds of people. Consequently, the Truman administration changed their foreign policy from traditional warfare to psychological warfare.

The American government perceived Soviet actions as a threat to democracy. This was evident from the South Korean invasion by North Korea. The Psychological Strategy Board (PSB) was set up to produce propaganda that would win the opinion of people around the world and prevent the spread of Communism. According to a report by the State Department, “convincing a foreign official is less important than carrying an issue over his head to his people” as the people will have a greater influence on the official’s action. As a result, the PSB was formed to create propaganda which subconsciously turned people towards democracy.


[4] While working for the Joint Chiefs of Staff, historian Edward P. Lilly (1910 - 1994) wrote a 1,400 page study of United States psychological warfare during World War II, which is available among Lilly's papers at the Eisenhower Library in Abilene, Kansas; and Lilly also wrote a book chapter on the PSB.[5]

Types of Propaganda

The PSB defined psychological warfare as any nonmilitary action which influenced public opinion or foreign policy interest. This, therefore, includes, but is not limited to: trade and economic aid, cultural and educational exchange, threats to use force and diplomacy.[4]


Diplomats and Politicians used carefully selected words and phrases, often referred to as buzzwords, to shape policies and influence domestic and international opinion. The most popular buzzword was ‘containment’ because it allowed U.S. officials to present their foreign policy objectives as “noble, restrained and fundamentally defensive.”[4]

Initially, the Soviet Union used buzzwords to promote their “hate America” campaign which was launched in January 21, 1951. The campaign exaggerated the corruption of big businesses in America and accused them of attempting to dominate the world. The Soviets, on the other hand, were portrayed as champions who were trying to overthrow the capitalists, such as America. Many people in the international community believed the Soviet propaganda. The U.S. adopted the Soviet strategy to win the hearts and minds of people.[6]


Radio programs were transmitted to countries behind the iron curtain, such as Hungary, Poland and Czechoslovakia, because the USSR could not block this form of propaganda as they could not stop radio waves. Some radio series, such as Voice of America (VOA), were aired in Latin America as well.

The programs were designed to accentuate America’s successes and portrayed the U.S. as a superior nation. Each satellite country had a different program aimed towards them which focused on the issues that would attract the people towards democracy.[7]"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-08-20]


Gründung der Muang Thai Life Assurance Co., Ltd. (เมืองไทยประกันชีวิต)

"Muang Thai Life Assurance Co., Ltd. is a Thai life insurance company based in Bangkok. The company’s headquarter is located at street no. 250, Rachadaphisek Road, Huay Kwang.


The company was officially founded on 6 April 1951. The first headquarter of the company was located on Suapa Road, Bangkok. One of the founders was Chulind Lamsam, Managing Director, along with business associates and high-ranking officers in the government sector. The company served as a source of fund for the government sector. Also the company offered long-term savings. This helped in the efforts to develop economic, trade and industrial sectors of the country.[1]

The company was the first life insurance company to be appointed under the royal patronage of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, which entitled the company to bear on all company’s documents the royal Garuda emblem. Muang Thai Life Assurance was also the first life insurance company that attained the International Standard Certification ISO 9001:2000.[1]

The company continued to grow and in the year 2010 had a countrywide network of more than 250 branches, including agency offices. The chairman was Photipong Lamsam, Sara Lamsam was Director- President and Chief Executive Officer."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-10-07]

1951-04-07 11:28

König Bhumibol's und Königin Sirikit's erstes Kind, Prinzessin Ubol Ratana Rajakanya Sirivadhana Barnavadi (ทูลกระหม่อมหญิงอุบลรัตนราชกัญญา สิริวัฒนาพรรณวดี) wird im Mont Suisse Hospital in Lausanne (Schweiz) geboren.

Abb.: Lage von Lausanne
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Prinzessin Ubon Ratana (geb. 1951), 2009
[Bildquelle: Government of Thailand / Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

Abb.: Filmplakat von หนึ่งใจ..เดียวกัน („Where The Miracle Happens“) mit Prinzessin Ubon Ratana in der Hauptrolle
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Prinzessin Ubol Ratana (Aussprache: [ùbon rátàná], vollständiger Name: Thunkramom Ying Ubon Rattana Ratchakanya Siri Watthana Phannawadi, Thai: ทูลกระหม่อมหญิง อุบลรัตนราชกัญญา สิริวัฒนาพรรณวดี; * 5. April 1951 in Lausanne, Schweiz) ist die älteste Tochter des Königs Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX.) und seiner Frau Königin Sirikit von Thailand.

Sie studierte in Massachusetts Biochemie und lernte dort ihren späteren Mann, Peter Jensen, kennen. Mit ihm hat sie drei Kinder, einer ihrer Söhne, Poom Jensen, kam bei dem Seebeben im Indischen Ozean am 26. Dezember 2004 ums Leben. Nach 26 Jahren Ehe ließ sie sich 1998 scheiden.

Aufgrund ihrer Ehe mit einem Bürgerlichen hat sie ihren königlichen Titel Chao Fa verloren.

Nach ihr wurde ein Staudamm in Thailand benannt, der Ubol-Ratana-Staudamm.

Im Film หนึ่งใจ..เดียวกัน („Where The Miracle Happens“) (2008) spielt sie die Hauptrolle."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-10-12]


US-Präsident Harry S. Truman (1884 - 1972) setzt General Douglas MacArthur (180 - 1964) als Oberkommandierenden in Korea ab.

"I have thought long and hard about this question of extending the war in Asia. I have discussed it many times with the ablest military advisers in the country. I believe with all my heart that the course we are following is the best course.

I believe that we must try to limit the war to Korea for these vital reasons: to make sure that the precious lives of our fighting men are not wasted; to see that the security of our country and the free world is not needlessly jeopardized; and to prevent a third world war.

A number of events have made it evident that General MacArthur did not agree with that policy. I have therefore considered it essential to relieve General MacArthur so that there would be no doubt or confusion as to the real purpose and aim of our policy.

[Rundfunkansprache von US-Präsident Harry S. Truman (1884 - 1972), 1951-04-11. -- -- Zugriff am 2013-10-16]


Die Regierung kündigt an, das Programm zur Stromversorgung des ländlichen Raums im kommenden Jahr auf weitere 12 Provinzen auszudehnen und dafür 17 Mio Baht auszugeben. Nur 16 der 71 Provinzen haben bisher eine eigene Stromversorgung.


Gründung des kommunistischen Peace Committee of Thailand (คณะกรรมการสันติภาพแห่งประเทศไทย)

Prominente Mitglieder:


Der Botschafter Burmas in Bangkok, U Hla Maung (1911 - 1992), beschwert sich bei US-Botschafter Edwin F. Stanton (1901 - 1968)

"Burma’s ambassador U Hla Maung complained to Ambassador Stanton in Bangkok on April 25 that

"KMT [Kuomintang - 中國國民黨] troops within the past few weeks received supplies of arms, ammunition and medicine" from "stocks. . . which the United States Government had recently turned over to the Thai Government."

 On April 30, Foreign Minister Hkun Hkio [စဝ်ခွန်ချို, 1912 - 1990] told Ambassador Key [David McK. Key, 1900 – 1988)] in Rangoon that the KMT army was supplied with modern American weapons and accompanied by "two Americans." In reporting that conversation to Washington, Key passed on a verbatim portion of an intelligence report provided by a Burmese military officer. It described Thai and American personnel turning weapons over to KMT troops in North Thailand and noted that

"Sergeant Hoffman [Huffman] from the U.S. Military Attache’s office represented the Embassy"

in that transaction.

The Burmese report also observed

"[American] Embassy Rangoon wishes not to be connected with the KMT remnants in Kengtung [ကျိုင်းတုံမြို့] but obviously the American Embassy in Bangkok thinks otherwise.""

[Quelle: Gibson, Richard M. ; Chen, Wenhua [陳, 文華] <1944 - >: The secret army : Chiang Kai-Shek and the drug warlords of the golden triangle. -- Singapore : Wiley, 2011. -- 338 S. ;: Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-0-470-83018-5. -- S. 73. -- Fair use]


Maifeiern der สมาคมสหอาชีวะกรรมกรนครกรุงเทพฯ (Bangkok Labor Union) im Büro der Gewerksachft.


Memorial Bridge (สะพานปฐมบรมราชานุสรณ์), Bangkok: Demonstration des kommunistischen Peace Committee of Thailand (คณะกรรมการสันติภาพแห่งประเทศไทย) gegen den Korea-Krieg

Abb.: Lage der Memorial Bridge (สะพานปฐมบรมราชานุสรณ์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Gründung des kryptokommunistischen Peace Committee of Thailand (คณะกรรมการสันติภาพแห่งประเทศไทย) unter der Leitung von Jaroen Seubsaeng (เจริญ สืบแสง). Das Committee organisert eine Unterschriftenaktion für einen Friedensvertrag zwischen den fünf Supermächten: USA, Sowjetunion; Rotchina. Großbritannien, Frankreich. In der nun kommunistischen Wochenzeitung การเมือง (Karnmuang, "Politik") werden lange Listen der VIPs, die unterschrieben haben, veröffentlicht.


An Visakha Bucha (วันวิสาขบูชา) ist Thailand erstmals mit der buddhistischen Flagge des World Fellowship of Buddhism beflaggt. Diese Flagge wurde in Thailand durch die Buddhist Association of Thailand eingeführt.

Abb.: Internationale buddhistische Flagge
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Zu Werbezwecken importiert Coca-Cola in Bangkok 230 Miniatur-Kühlgeräte. Wenn man einen "goldenen" Schlüssel dreht, ertönt der von König Bhumibol komponierte Song "Sai Fon" - สายฝน ("Rainfall").

Der Song auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:track:3UG8mbJ8G5GqFOyQUvfRag

Beginn des Songs:

Rain winds sweep across the plain.
Thunder rumbles on high.
Lightening flashes; Bows the grain.
©König Bhumibol. -- Fair use


Es erscheint:

Chen Duriyanga [พระเจนดุริยางค์ = Peter Feit] <1883 - 1963>: A talk on the technique of Siamese music in relation to Western music. -- In: Newsletter of the African mMusic Society. -- I, 4 (1951-06). -- S. 2 - 8


Petition von 47 Thera [เถร] des Mahanikaya [มหานิกาย] an den Ministerpräsidenten:

"Sehr dringend

Provinz Bangkok

15. Juni B. E. 2494 (1951)

Betr.: Ernennung von Somdet Phra Wanarat [สมเด็จพระวันรัต] zum Sangha-Nayok [สังฆนายก] (Vorsitzender des Geistlichen Ministerrates)

An Seine Exzellenz den Premierminister und das Kabinett

Wir Theras [เถร] des Mahanikaya [มหานิกาย] bitten darum, Ihre kostbare Zeit in Anspruch nehmen zu dürfen, sodass Sie in aller Ruhe die Vorgänge beurteilen können, die im Folgenden geschildert werden. Falls unsere Darstellung Ihr Einverständnis findet, bitten wir darum, dem Mahanikaya Gerechtigkeit und Fürsorge widerfahren zu lassen, so wie dies angesichts der Sachlage angemessen ist. Die grundsätzlichen Fragen der Verwaltung des Thai-Ordens in der Vergangenheit und in der Gegenwart sind ja Eurer Exzellenz und dem Kabinett wohlbekannt, sodass sie nicht weiter ausgeführt zu werden brauchen. Wir wollen uns daher auf solche Einzelheiten beschränken und ihre positiven wie negativen Konsequenzen für den Mahanikaya schildern, die vermutlich Eurer Exzellenz und dem Kabinett unbekannt sind. Es geht um folgendes:

In der Verwaltung des Thai-Ordens wird zur Zeit- rein rechtlich betrachtet - jeder Artikel des Ordensgesetzes von B. E. 2484 (1941) [Act on Buddhist Brotherhood (gaṇa saṅgha), B. E. 2484 - พระราชบัญญัติคณะสงฆ์ พุทธศักราช ๒๔๘๔] eingehalten mit einer einzigen Ausnahme: der "Zeitklausel". Sie besagt, dass der Thai-Orden gemeinsam verwaltet und nicht in Thammayutika-Nikaya [ธรรมยุติกนิกาย] und Mahanikaya gespalten werden soll. Die Theras, die Ämter bekleiden, sollen auf keiner Verwaltungsebene nach ihrer Zugehörigkeit zum Mahanikaya oder Thammayutika-Nikaya ausgewählt werden, sondern ausschließlich aufgrund ihrer Qualifikation und Fähigkeiten. Anfangs war dies auch die geübte Rechtspraxis.

Später aber versuchte der Thammayutika-Nikaya - welchen Nutzen das haben sollte, entzieht sich unserem Wissen - direkt und indirekt das Ordensgesetz von 1941 außer Kraft zu setzen. Auf direkte Weise versuchte er seine (Laien-)Anhänger ins Parlament zu bringen, die die Verfassung so interpretierten, dass das Ordensgesetz von 1941 als ungültig erschien. Auf indirekte Weise versuchte er das Ordensgesetz von 1941 zu verdrehen und sich ihm zu entziehen. Insgeheim wurden Schreiben verfasst, in dem das Gesetz in vieler Hinsicht in Zweifel gezogen wird. Damit nicht genug: Im Jahre 1949, als der gegenwärtige Patriarch bereits sein Amt innehatte, musste man den Eindruck bekommen, dass er entweder bewusst einseitig war oder aber aus Unwissenheit zu sehr einer Minderheit von Anhängern zuneigte. Denn damals beauftragte er - da er auch Chao Khana Yai [เจ้าคณะใหญ่] (Oberhaupt) des Thammayutika-Nikaya war - seinen Sekretär damit, einen Brief unter den Angehörigen des Thammayutika-Nikaya im ganzen Königreich zirkulieren zu lassen. Dieser Brief forderte dazu auf, sich nicht mehr an das System der Ordensverwaltung nach dem Gesetz von 1941 zu halten, obwohl doch nach diesem System auch Theras des Thammayutika-Nikaya Ämter in der Ordensverwaltung bekleiden. Selbst der Patriarch erfreut sich ja seines Amtes aufgrund dieses Systems der Ordensverwaltung.

Seit diesem Zeitpunkt weicht die Verwaltung des Thai-Ordens von der Absicht des Gesetzes ab. Der Thammayutika-Nikaya spaltete sich ab und regierte sich eigenständig, getrennt vom Mahanikaya, indem sein Oberhaupt (der Chao Khana Yai des Thammayutika-Nikaya) eigene Anweisungen gibt und man sich nicht Beamten der Ordensverwaltung unterstellt, die zum Mahanikaya gehören. Das bedeutet, dass die Theras des Thammayutika-Nikaya seitdem schamlos nach folgender Devise verfahren: Theras des Thammayutika-Nikaya können über den Mahanikaya regieren, doch Theras des Mahanikaya können nicht über den Thammayutika-Nikaya regieren. Das stellt eine große Ungleichheit dar. Mehr noch: Seit der Neuorganisierung des Systems der Ordensverwaltung versuchen Theras des Thammayutika-Nikaya zu verhindern, dass Theras des Mahanikaya hohe Ämter, vor allem das Amt des Sangha-Nayok (Vorsitzender des Geistlichen Ministerrates), bekleiden. Obwohl der Thammayutika-Nikaya nichts vom Ordensgesetz von 1941 hält, so hält er doch etwas von der Berufung auf die Ämter. Die Tatsachen sehen folgendermaßen aus:

  1. Der erste Sangha-Nayok hieß Somdet Phra Maha Wirawong [สมเด็จพระมหาวีรงวค์, 1867 - 1956], Wat Boromaniwat [วัดบรมนิวาสราชวรวิหาร].
  2. Der zweite Sangha-Nayok hieß Somdet Phra Phutthakhosachan [สมเด็จพระพุทธโฆษาจารย์, 1872 - 1951], Wat Thepsirin [วัดเทพศิรินทราวาส ราชวรวิหาร]. Obwohl dieser aufgrund seines Alters nicht mehr in der Lage war, diese Aufgabe zu erfüllen, konnte er doch formell tätig werden durch einen Trick, für den es keinerlei gesetzliche Grundlage gibt. Man bestellte für ihn einen Beauftragten. Sein Name lautet Phra Satsana Sophon [พระศาสนโสภณ], Thammayutika-Nikaya.
  3. Der dritte Sangha-Nayok, der zur Zeit amtierende, ist Phra Satsana Sophon [พระศาสนโสภณ].

Seit der Änderung der Ordensverwaltung gab es damit drei Sangha-Nayok - wenn man den Beauftragten hinzurechnet, dann waren es sogar vier - von denen alle dem Thammayutika-Nikaya angehörten. Daraus kann man folgendes erkennen: Obwohl der Mahanikaya sehr viel größer ist als der Thammayutika-Nikaya und auch über Theras mit Qualifikation und Seniorität verfügt, hält ihn der Patriarch [สังฆราช] für minderwertig, etwa wie die 'Kinder einer Nebenfrau'. Der Patriarch steht ihnen nicht nur nicht bei, sondern überträgt auch noch die Rechte dieser 'Kinder der Nebenfrau' auf die 'Kinder der Hauptfrau'. So ist es zur Zeit mit der Besetzung des Postens des Sangha-Nayok. Dieses Amt hat ja eigentlich nichts mehr mit der Verwaltung des Thammayutika-Nikaya zu tun. Es dient ausschließlich zur Verwaltung des Mahanikaya, weil der Thammayutika-Nikaya seit 1949 im ganzen Königreich vom Patriarchen, der seine Macht einseitig und parteiisch ausübt, in eigener Regie verwaltet wird. Aus Parteilichkeit übertrug er dennoch den Posten des Sangha-Nayok, der sowohl aus rechtlichen Gründen als auch aufgrund der Praxis dem Mahanikaya gebührt, hinterrücks einem 'Kind der Hauptfrau'.

Recht betrachtet, müsste das Amt des Sangha-Nayok auf jeden Fall an Somdet Phra Wanarat [สมเด็จพระวันรัต], Wat Benchamabophit [วัดเบญจมบพิตร], fallen. Denn der Posten des Sangha-Nayok ging bislang schon zweimal an Theras des Thammayutika-Nikaya. Würde man nur das Senioritätsprinzip zur Richtschnur nehmen, wie es in den Vinaya-Vorschriften unseres erleuchteten Lehrmeisters festgelegt ist, und würde man Vor- und Nachteile für den Mahanikaya außer Betracht lassen, so könnte man die Augen verschließen und zustimmen. Aber jetzt ist das Maß des Erträglichen überschritten, um dazu noch Ja und Amen sagen zu können, denn der Patriarch ist nicht von Metta [เมตตา] (liebender Güte) erfüllt, wie es seiner Stellung und den Umständen entsprechen würde.

Wahrlich, wenn man Vergleiche anstellt zwischen den Persönlichkeiten und den Vorfällen und dies mit klarem Blick tut, in der Hoffnung auf den Frieden der klösterlichen Gemeinschaft und auf das Wohlergehen der Regierung und der Mehrheit der Bevölkerung, so erkennt man folgendes:

  1. Somdet Phra Wanarat ist an Seniorität, Qualifikation, Rang und Aussehen Phra Satsana Sophon überlegen.
  2. Somdet Phra Wanarat ist ein Thera des Mahanikaya. Und das Amt des Sangha-Nayok ist aufgrund der bereits geschilderten Praxis ausschließlich ein Amt zur Verwaltung des Mahanikaya.
  3. Somdet Phra Wanarat wird vom Orden und der zum Mahanikaya neigenden Bevölkerung sehr viel mehr geachtet und geschätzt als Phra Satsana Sophon.
  4. Im zur Zeit amtierenden Geistlichen Ministerrat ist Somdet Phra Wanarat (mit Ausnahme von Phra Phutthachan, der nicht mehr zu den Versammlungen kommen kann) der Älteste. Im Geistlichen Ministerrat wird er sowohl von den Mitgliedern des Thammayutika-Nikaya als auch von denen des Mahanikaya geachtet und verehrt.
  5. Zur Zeit ist in der Rangstufe "Phra Racha Khana" [พระราชาคณะ] nur Somdet Phra Wanarat noch rüstig und zu Arbeit fähig. Seine Qualifikation und seine sonstigen Eigenschaften sowie die anderen Umstände in Vergangenheit, Gegenwart und Zukunft sprechen eindeutig für Somdet Phra Wanarat.

Aus den genannten Gründen wenden wir Theras uns im Namen des gesamten Mahanikaya an Eure Exzellenz und an das Kabinett mit der Bitte, sich dieser Frage anzunehmen und nach eingehender Prüfung Somdet Phra Wanarat den Posten des Sangha-Nayok zu übertragen, auf dass er eine Zierde für den buddhistischen Orden und für die Bevölkerung sei, die sich dem Mahanikaya verbunden fühlt.

Wenn wir zu diesen vielleicht aufrührerischen Aktionen schreiten mussten, so taten wir es nur widerstrebend und mit Beschämung, weil die Mitglieder der klösterlichen Gemeinschaft nach den Grundsätzen der Friedfertigkeit handeln sollten. Wir haben gemeinsam alle Aspekte abgewogen. Wir mussten aber so handeln, wenn wir das Wohl der Mehrheit zur Richtschnur nehmen. Würden wir uns nicht beeilt haben, auf diese Weise nach Abhilfe zu suchen, dann könnten schwere Nachteile für den buddhistischen Orden und für die Regierung entstehen. Denn der Mahanikaya fühlt sich schon seit geraumer Zeit um seine Rechte gebracht. Wir, besonders die wir gleicher Meinung sind, richten diese Petition aus folgender Sorge an Sie: Wenn sich der Mahanikaya in seiner Gesamtheit erhebt und seine Rechte fordert, dann dürfte dies in ungeordneter Weise geschehen, wie dies eben missachtete Menschen tun, die Unrecht erdulden mussten. Dies könnte dann aber das Ansehen der Mehrheit des buddhistischen Ordens und der Religion in Thailand sehr beflecken. Deshalb haben wir uns entschieden, eine Petition an Eure Exzellenz und an das Kabinett in dieser noch gemäßigten Weise zu richten.

Falls man darin einen schlechten Akt erblickt und daraus schließt, dass die hohen Theras noch mit "Kilesa" [กิเลส] (Begierden, Leidenschaften) behaftet seien und das Prinzip der Friedfertigkeit verletzt hätten, so sei wohl zugegeben, dass dieser Vorwurf zutreffend ist. Wenn aber die Art und Weise unseres Vorgehens nur Ausfluss der Tatsache ist, dass die eigentlichen Inhaber der Macht im Orden bei ihrer Tätigkeit selbst "Kilesa" einsetzen, dann handelt es sich um das ganz normale Phänomen, dass die Wirkung eben der Ursache entspricht. Im Hinblick auf die Verwaltung bedeutet dies: Wenn die Macht derer, die auf Erden Verantwortung tragen, auf Willkür gründet und im Widerspruch zum Gesetz und zu den örtlichen und zeitlichen Gegebenheiten steht, so gibt das zu höchster Besorgnis Anlass. Ein sehr ernster Zustand ist eingetreten, als der Inhaber der Macht willkürlich die Waffen an Phra Satsana Sophon vom Thammayutika-Nikaya übergab und dieser damit die Macht in Händen hat zur Kontrolle der Theras des Mahanikaya - und dies, obwohl Phra Satsana Sophon mit dem Mahanikaya nichts zu tun hat.

Es ist richtig, Phra Satsana Sophon ist ein großer und wichtiger Thera des Thammayutika-Nikaya. Er ist fähig und intelligent. Und er genießt das Vertrauen des Thammayutika-Nikaya. Wenn der Thammayutika-Nikaya bzw. ihm nahestehende Kreise einen solchen Beschluss fällen sollten, so könnte das dem Mahanikaya recht sein und er würde dankbar sein für die große Sympathie und die Bereitschaft, Fähigkeiten und geistige Kraft zugunsten des Mahanikaya zur Verfügung zu stellen. Wenn aber die Sorge besteht, dass Phra Satsana Sophon als großer Thera noch mit "Kilesa" behaftet ist und sie noch nicht in sich zu tilgen vermochte, dann ist es - nach dem bisherigen Lauf der Dinge - sehr schwer, den Mahanikaya dazu zu bringen, ihm ungetrübtes Vertrauen entgegenzubringen. Kümmert sich denn der Thammayutika-Nikaya wirklich um den Mahanikaya oder nur um die Ämter? Falls er nicht auf Ämter aus ist, so möge er dies beweisen, so dass der Mahanikaya künftig Achtung und Verehrung für ihn aufbringen kann. Dies kann dadurch entstehen, dass er das Amt des Sangha-Nayok dem Mahanikaya überlässt.

Zum Schluss möchten wir unsere große Hoffnung zum Ausdruck bringen, dass Eure Exzellenz und das Kabinett die hier wahrheitsgetreu geschilderten Vorgänge überdenken und auf diese Petition gerecht antworten, so wie es die Überzeugung der Mehrheit des Mahanikaya ist. Sollte dies aber aus irgendwelchen Gründen unberücksichtigt bleiben und daraufhin in den Kreisen der klösterlichen Gemeinschaft eine Krise entstehen, die niemand wünschen kann, dann können wir, die wir hier gemeinsam die Petition Vorbringen, für nichts garantieren. Das ist es, worüber wir Sie hiermit informieren wollten..
In gleicher Weise richten wir eine Petition an den Heiligen Patriarchen, so dass er ebenso informiert ist.

(Es folgen die Unterschriften von 47 hohen Würdenträgern des Mahanikaya, angeführt von Phra Thammatrailokachan [พระธรรมไตรโลกาจารย์] und Phra Phimontham [พระพิมลธรรม, 1903 - 1989])"

[Übersetzung: Skrobanek, Walter <1941 - 2006>: Buddhistische Politik in Thailand : mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des heterodoxen Messianismus. -- Wiesbaden : Steiner, 1976. -- 315 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Beiträge zur Südasienforschung ; 23). -- ISBN 3-515-02390-9. -- Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1972. -- S. 261 - 263. -- Mit Erlaubnis des inzwischen verstorbenen Autors]


Die Regierung beschließt, Yasothon (ยโสธร) als 72. Provinz zu errichten. Yasothon entsteht durch Teilung der bisherigen Provinz Ubol Ratchathani (อุบลราชธานี)), die zuletzt 853.000 Einwohner hatte.

Abb.: Lage von Yasothorn (ยโสธร)
[Bildquelle: NordNordWest / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]


Die Indochinese Communist Party (ICP / Đảng Cộng sản Đông Dương) wird in drei Parteien aufgeteilt:

"The Communist Party of Kampuchea (Khmer: គណបក្សកុំមុយនីសកម្ពុជា; CPK), also known as Khmer Communist Party,[1] was a communist party in Cambodia. Its leader was Pol Pot ប៉ុល ពត; 1925 – 1998) and its followers were generally known as Khmer Rouge (Red Khmers). The party was underground for most of its existence, and took power in the country in 1975 and established the state known as Democratic Kampuchea. The party lost power in 1979 with the establishment of the People's Republic of Kampuchea by leftists who were dissatisfied by the Pol Pot regime, and by the intervention of Vietnamese military forces after a period of mass killing. The party was officially dissolved in 1981, with the Party of Democratic Kampuchea (គណបក្សកម្ពុជាប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ) claiming its legacy.


Foundation of the party; first divisions

The party was founded in 1951, when the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) was divided into separate Cambodian, Lao, and Vietnamese communist parties. The decision to form a separate Cambodian communist party had been taken at the ICP congress in February the same year. Different sources claim different dates for the exact founding and the first congress of the party. Son Ngoc Minh (1920–1972) was appointed as Acting Chairman of the party. The party congress did not elect a full Central Committee, but instead appointed a 'Party Propagation and Formation Committee'.[2] At the time of its formation, the Cambodian party was called Khmer People's Revolutionary Party. The Indochinese Communist Party had been heavily dominated by Vietnamese, and the KPRP was actively supported by the Vietnamese party during its initial phase of existence. Due to the reliance on Vietnamese support in the joint struggle against French colonial rule, the history of the party would later be rewritten, stating 1960 as the year of foundation of the party.[3]

According to Democratic Kampuchea's version of party history, the Viet Minh's failure to negotiate a political role for the KPRP at the 1954 Geneva Conference represented a betrayal of the Cambodian movement, which still controlled large areas of the countryside and which commanded at least 5,000 armed men. Following the conference, about 1,000 members of the KPRP, including Son Ngoc Minh, made a "Long March" into North Vietnam, where they remained in exile. In late 1954, those who stayed in Cambodia founded a legal political party, the Krom Pracheachon, which participated in the 1955 and the 1958 National Assembly elections. In the September 1955 election, it won about 4% of the vote but did not secure a seat in the legislature. Members of the Pracheachon were subject to constant harassment and to arrests because the party remained outside Sihanouk's Sangkum. Government attacks prevented it from participating in the 1962 election and drove it underground. It is speculated that the decision of Pracheachon to file candidates for the election had not been approved by the WPK.[3] Sihanouk habitually labeled local leftists the Khmer Rouge, a term that later came to signify the party and the state headed by Pol Pot, Nuon Chea, Ieng Sary, Khieu Samphan, and their associates.

During the mid-1950s, two KPRP factions, the "urban committee" (headed by Tou Samouth [ទូ សាមុត, c. 1915–1962]), and the "rural committee" (headed by Sieu Heng), emerged. In very general terms, these groups espoused divergent revolutionary lines. The prevalent "urban" line, endorsed by North Vietnam, recognized that Sihanouk, by virtue of his success in winning independence from the French, was a genuine national leader whose neutralism and deep distrust of the United States made him a valuable asset in Hanoi's struggle to "liberate" South Vietnam. Champions of this line hoped that the prince could be persuaded to distance himself from the right wing and to adopt leftist policies. The other line, supported for the most part by rural cadres who were familiar with the harsh realities of the countryside, advocated an immediate struggle to overthrow the "feudalist" Sihanouk. In 1959 Sieu Heng defected to the government and provided the security forces with information that enabled them to destroy as much as 90% of the party's rural apparatus. Although communist networks in Phnom Penh and in other towns under Tou Samouth's jurisdiction fared better, only a few hundred communists remained active in the country by 1960.

The Paris students' group

During the 1950s, Khmer students in Paris organized their own communist movement, which had little, if any, connection to the hard-pressed party in their homeland. From their ranks came the men and women who returned home and took command of the party apparatus during the 1960s, led an effective insurgency against Sihanouk and Lon Nol from 1968 until 1975, and established the regime of Democratic Kampuchea.

Pol Pot, who rose to the leadership of the communist movement in the 1960s, was born in 1928 (some sources say in 1925) in Kampong Thum Province (កំពង់ធំ), northeast of Phnom Penh. He attended a technical high school in the capital and then went to Paris in 1949 to study radio electronics (other sources say he attended a school for printers and typesetters and also studied civil engineering).

Another member of the Paris student group was Ieng Sary. He was a Chinese-Khmer born in 1930 in South Vietnam. He attended the elite Lycée Sisowath in Phnom Penh before beginning courses in commerce and politics at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris (more widely known as Sciences Po) in France. Khieu Samphan, considered "one of the most brilliant intellects of his generation," was born in 1931 and specialized in economics and politics during his time in Paris. In talent he was rivaled by Hou Yuon, born in 1930, who studied economics and law. Son Sen, born in 1930, studied education and literature; Hu Nim, born in 1932, studied law.

Most members of the Paris student group came from landowner or civil servant families. Three of the Paris group forged a bond that survived years of revolutionary struggle and intraparty strife, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary married Khieu Ponnary and Khieu Thirith (also known as Ieng Thirith), purportedly relatives of Khieu Samphan. These two well-educated women also played a central role in the regime of Democratic Kampuchea.

At some time between 1949 and 1951, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary joined the French Communist Party. In 1951 the two men went to East Berlin to participate in a youth festival. This experience is considered to have been a turning point in their ideological development. Meeting with Khmers who were fighting with the Viet Minh (and whom they subsequently judged to be too subservient to the Vietnamese), they became convinced that only a tightly disciplined party organization and a readiness for armed struggle could achieve revolution. They transformed the Khmer Students' Association (KSA), to which most of the 200 or so Khmer students in Paris belonged, into an organization for nationalist and leftist ideas. Inside the KSA and its successor organizations was a secret organization known as the Cercle Marxiste. The organization was composed of cells of three to six members with most members knowing nothing about the overall structure of the organization. In 1952 Pol Pot, Hou Yuon, Ieng Sary, and other leftists gained notoriety by sending an open letter to Sihanouk calling him the "strangler of infant democracy." A year later, the French authorities closed down the KSA. In 1956, however, Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan helped to establish a new group, the Khmer Students' Union. Inside, the group was still run by the Cercle Marxiste.

The doctoral dissertations written by Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan express basic themes that were later to become the cornerstones of the policy adopted by Democratic Kampuchea. The central role of the peasants in national development was espoused by Hou Yuon in his 1955 thesis, The Cambodian Peasants and Their Prospects for Modernization, which challenged the conventional view that urbanization and industrialization are necessary precursors of development. The major argument in Khieu Samphan's 1959 thesis, Cambodia's Economy and Industrial Development, was that the country had to become self-reliant and end its economic dependency on the developed world. In its general contours, Khieu's work reflected the influence of a branch of the "dependency theory" school, which blamed lack of development in the Third World on the economic domination of the industrialized nations.

Clandestine existence in Phnom Penh

After returning to Cambodia in 1953, Pol Pot threw himself into party work. At first he went to join with forces allied to the Viet Minh operating in the rural areas of Kampong Cham Province (Kompong Cham - ខេត្តកំពង់ចាម). After the end of the war, he moved to Phnom Penh under Tou Samouth's "urban committee" where he became an important point of contact between above-ground parties of the left and the underground secret communist movement. His comrades, Ieng Sary and Hou Yuon, became teachers at a new private high school, the Lycée Kambuboth, which Hou Yuon helped to establish. Khieu Samphan returned from Paris in 1959, taught as a member of the law faculty of the University of Phnom Penh, and started a left-wing, French-language publication, L'Observateur. The paper soon acquired a reputation in Phnom Penh's small academic circle. The following year, the government closed the paper, and Sihanouk's police publicly humiliated Khieu by beating, undressing and photographing him in public—as Shawcross notes, "not the sort of humiliation that men forgive or forget." Yet the experience did not prevent Khieu from advocating cooperation with Sihanouk in order to promote a united front against United States activities in South Vietnam. As mentioned, Khieu Samphan, Hou Yuon, and Hu Nim were forced to "work through the system" by joining the Sangkum and by accepting posts in the prince's government.

On September 28-September 30, 1960, twenty-one leaders of the KPRP held a secret congress in a vacant room of the Phnom Penh railroad station. It is estimated that 14 delegates represented the 'rural' faction and seven the 'urban' faction.[4] This pivotal event remains shrouded in mystery because its outcome has become an object of contention (and considerable historical rewriting) between pro-Vietnamese and anti-Vietnamese Khmer communist factions. At the meeting the party was renamed as the Workers Party of Kampuchea (WPK). The question of cooperation with, or resistance to, Sihanouk was thoroughly discussed. A new party structure was adopted. For the first time since, a permanent Central Committee was appointed with, Tou Samouth, who advocated a policy of cooperation, as the general secretary of the party. His ally, Nuon Chea (also known as Long Reth), became deputy general secretary; however, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary were named to the Central Committee to occupy the third and the fifth highest positions in the party hierarchy. Another committee member was veteran communist Keo Meas. In Democratic Kampuchea, this meeting would later be projected as the founding date of the party, consciously downplaying the history of the party prior to Pol Pot's ascent to leadership.[3]

On July 20, 1962, Tou Samouth was murdered by the Cambodian government. In February 1963, at the WPK's second congress, Pol Pot was chosen to succeed Tou Samouth as the party's general secretary. Tou's allies, Nuon Chea and Keo Meas, were removed from the Central Committee and replaced by Son Sen and Vorn Vet. From then on, Pol Pot and loyal comrades from his Paris student days controlled the party center, edging out older veterans whom they considered excessively pro-Vietnamese.

Insurgency in rural Cambodia

In July 1963, Pol Pot and most of the central committee left Phnom Penh to establish an insurgent base in Ratanakiri Province (រតនគិរី) in the northeast. Pol Pot had shortly before been put on a list of thirty-four leftists who were summoned by Sihanouk to join the government and sign statements saying Sihanouk was the only possible leader for the country. Pol Pot and Chou Chet were the only people on the list who escaped. All the others agreed to cooperate with the government and were afterward under 24-hour watch by the police.

In the mid-1960s the U.S. State Department estimated the party membership to be approximately 100.[5]

The region Pol Pot and the others moved to was inhabited by tribal minorities, the Khmer Loeu (ខ្មែរលើ), whose rough treatment (including resettlement and forced assimilation) at the hands of the central government made them willing recruits for a guerrilla struggle. In 1965, Pol Pot made a visit of several months to North Vietnam and China. He probably received some training in China, which must have enhanced his prestige when he returned to the WPK's liberated areas. Despite friendly relations between Sihanouk and the Chinese, the latter kept Pol Pot's visit a secret from Sihanouk. In 1971, the party changed its name to the "Communist Party of Kampuchea" (CPK).[6] The change in the name of the party was a closely guarded secret. Lower ranking members of the party and even the Vietnamese were not told of it and neither was the membership until many years later. The party leadership endorsed armed struggle against the government, then led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk. In 1967, several small-scale attempts at insurgency were made by the CPK but they met with little success.

In 1968, the Khmer Rouge launched a national insurgency across Cambodia. Though North Vietnam had not been informed of the decision, its forces provided shelter and weapons to the Khmer Rouge after the insurgency started. The guerrilla forces of the party were baptized as the Kampuchean Revolutionary Army. Vietnamese support for the insurgency made it impossible for the ineffective and poorly motivated Royal Cambodian Army to effectively counter it.

Rise to power

The political appeal of the Khmer Rouge was increased as a result of the situation created by the removal of Sihanouk as head of state in 1970. Premier Lon Nol, with the support of the National Assembly, deposed Sihanouk. Sihanouk, in exile in Beijing, made an alliance with the Kampuchean Communist Party and became the nominal head of a Khmer Rouge-dominated government-in-exile (known by its French acronym, GRUNK) backed by the People's Republic of China. Sihanouk's popular support in rural Cambodia allowed the Khmer Rouge to extend its power and influence to the point that by 1973 it exercised de facto control over the majority of Cambodian territory, although only a minority of its population.

The relationship between the massive carpet bombing of Cambodia by the United States and the growth of the Khmer Rouge, in terms of recruitment and popular support, has been a matter of interest to historians. Some historians have cited the U.S. intervention and bombing campaign (spanning 1965–1973) as a significant factor leading to increased support of the Khmer Rouge among the Cambodian peasantry. However, Pol Pot biographer David Chandler argues that the bombing "had the effect the Americans wanted – it broke the Communist encirclement of Phnom Penh".[7] Peter Rodman and Michael Lind claimed that the US intervention saved Cambodia from collapse in 1970 and 1973.[8][9] Craig Etcheson agreed that it was "untenable" to assert that US intervention caused the Khmer Rouge victory while acknowledging that it may have played a small role in boosting recruitment for the insurgents.[10] William Shawcross, however, wrote that the US bombing and ground incursion plunged Cambodia into the chaos Sihanouk had worked for years to avoid.[11]

The Vietnamese intervention in Cambodia, launched at the request of the Khmer Rouge,[12] has also been cited as a major factor in their eventual victory, including by Shawcross.[13] Vietnam later admitted that it played "a decisive role" in their seizure of power.[14] China "armed and trained" the Khmer Rouge during the civil war and continued to aid them years afterward.[15]

When the U.S. Congress suspended military aid to the Lon Nol government in 1973, the Khmer Rouge made sweeping gains in the country, completely overwhelming the Khmer National Armed Forces. On April 17, 1975 the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh and overthrew the Khmer Republic, executing all its officers.

The Khmer Rouge in power
Main article: Democratic Kampuchea

The leadership of the Khmer Rouge was largely unchanged between the 1960s and the mid-1990s. The Khmer Rouge leaders were mostly from middle-class families and had been educated at French universities.

The Standing Committee of the Khmer Rouge's Central Committee ("Party Center") during its period of power consisted of:

  • Brother number 1 Pol Pot (Saloth Sar)—General Secretary of the Communist Party of Kampuchea, 1963–81; Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea, 1976–79
  • Brother number 2 Nuon Chea (Long Bunruot)—Deputy General Secretary of the Communist Party, President of the Kampuchean People's Representative Assembly
  • Brother number 3 Ieng Sary—Deputy Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea; Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1975–79
  • Brother number 4 Khieu Samphan—President of the State Presidium (head of state) of Democratic Kampuchea
  • Brother number 5 Ta Mok (Chhit Chhoeun)— Leader of the National Army of Democratic Kampuchea; Last Khmer Rouge leader, Southwest Regional Secretary (died in custody awaiting trial for genocide, July 21, 2006)
  • Brother number 13 Ke Pauk—Regional Secretary of the Northern Zone
  • Son Sen—Deputy Prime Minister of Democratic Kampuchea, Minister of Defense
  • Yun Yat—Minister of Education, 1975–77; Minister of Information (replaced Hu Nim in 1977)

In power, the Khmer Rouge carried out a radical program that included isolating the country from foreign influence, closing schools, hospitals and factories, abolishing banking, finance and currency, outlawing all religions, confiscating all private property and relocating people from urban areas to collective farms where forced labor was widespread. The purpose of this policy was to turn professional and urban Cambodians, or "Old People", into "New People" through agricultural labor. The goal was develop an economy based on the export of rice in order to later develop industry. The party adopted the slogan: “If we have rice, we can have everything.”[citation needed] These actions and policies resulted in massive deaths through executions, work exhaustion, illness, and starvation.

In Phnom Penh and other cities, the Khmer Rouge told residents that they would be moved only about "two or three kilometers" outside the city and would return in "two or three days." Some witnesses say they were told that the evacuation was because of the "threat of American bombing" and that they did not have to lock their houses since the Khmer Rouge would "take care of everything" until they returned. These were not the first evacuations of civilian populations by the Khmer Rouge. Similar evacuations of populations without possessions had been occurring on a smaller scale since the early 1970s.

The Khmer Rouge attempted to turn Cambodia into a classless society by depopulating cities and forcing the urban population into agricultural communes through brutal totalitarian methods. The entire population was forced to become farmers in labour camps. During their four years in power, the Khmer Rouge overworked and starved the population, at the same time executing selected groups who had the potential to undermine the new state (including intellectuals) and killing many others for even minor breaches of rules.

Through the 1970s, and especially after mid-1975, the party was also shaken by factional struggles. There were even armed attempts to topple Pol Pot. The resultant purges reached a crest in 1977 and 1978 when thousands, including some important CPK leaders, were executed. The older generation of communists, suspected of having links with or sympathies for Vietnam, were targeted by the Pol Pot leadership.

The Angkar

For roughly two years after the CPK took power, it referred to itself as the "Angkar" (Khmer: អង្គការ; pronounced ahngkah; meaning 'The Organization'). However, on September 29, 1977, Pol Pot publicly declared the existence of the CPK in a five-hour-long speech.[2] He revealed the true character of the supreme authority in Cambodia, an obscure ruling body that had been kept in seclusion.

The CPK had been extremely secretive throughout its existence. Before 1975 the secrecy was needed for the party's survival and Pol Pot and his closest associates had relied on continuing the extreme secrecy in order to consolidate their position against those they perceived as internal enemies during their first two years of power. The revelation of the CPK's existence shortly before Pol Pot was due to travel to Peking resulted from pressure from China on the Khmer Rouge leaders to acknowledge their true political identity at a time that they increasingly depended on China's assistance against the threats from Vietnam. Accordingly, Pol Pot in his speech claimed that the CPK's foundation had been in 1960 and emphasized its separate identity from Vietnamese communism.[16] This secrecy continued even after the CPK took power. Unlike most Communist leaders, Pol Pot was not the object of an open personality cult. It would be almost a year before it was confirmed that he was Saloth Sar, the man long cited as the CPK's general secretary.

Fall of the Khmer Rouge
Main article: Cambodian–Vietnamese War

By December 1978, because of several years of border conflict and the flood of refugees fleeing Cambodia, relations between Cambodia and Vietnam deteriorated. Pol Pot, fearing a Vietnamese attack, ordered a pre-emptive invasion of Vietnam. His Cambodian forces crossed the border and looted nearby villages. Despite Chinese aid, these Cambodian forces were repulsed by the Vietnamese.

In early 1979, a pro-Vietnamese group of CPK dissidents led by Pen Sovan held a congress (which they saw as the '3rd party congress', thus not recognizing the 1963, 1975 and 1978 party congresses as legitimate) near the Vietnamese border. Along with Heng Samrin, Pen Sovan was one of the foremost founding members of the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation (KUFNS or FUNSK), after becoming disillusioned with the Khmer Rouge.[17] Effectively the CPK was then divided into two, with the Pen Sovan-led group constituting a separate party, the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party (now the Cambodian People's Party).[2]

The Vietnamese forces invaded Cambodia along with the KUFNS, capturing Phnom Penh on January 7, 1979. The Pen Sovan-led party was installed as the governing party of the new People's Republic of Kampuchea. The CPK led by Pol Pot withdrew its forces westwards, to an area near the Thai border. With unofficial protection from elements of the Thai Army, it began guerrilla warfare against the PRK government. The party founded the Patriotic and Democratic Front of the Great National Union of Kampuchea as a united front in September 1979 to fight the PRK and the Vietnamese. The Front was led by Khieu Sampan. In December 1979 the armed forces under the command of the party, what remained of the erstwhile People's National Liberation Armed Forces of Kampuchea, were renamed National Army of Democratic Kampuchea.[18] In 1981 the party was dissolved, and substituted by the Party of Democratic Kampuchea.[3][19]

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2016-11-26]


Ministerpräsident Pibul wird von bewaffneten Marineoffizieren  unter Führung von Gen. Kach Songkhram festgenommen. Luftwaffe und Armee bombardieren und beschießen daraufhin die Marine. 68 Personen, darunter 44 Zivilisten, werden getötet, 1.100, davon 400 Zivilisten, verletzt. Der Putsch wird am 30. niedergeschlagen, die Marine entwaffnet, 75% des Marinepersonals werden für 6 Monate vom Dienst suspendiert, 1319 Marine-Offiziere werden verhaftet. In Bangkok sagt man: "Amerikanische Waffen haben unsere Leute getötet."

"The Manhattan Rebellion of June 1951 was the Royal Thai Navy's (กองทัพเรือ) long-expected attempt to overthrow the government of Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram (แปลก พิบูลสงคราม). The rebels' defeat resulted in the near-complete dismantling of the navy, as well as the rise to power of Phibun's two chief rivals, Phao Siyanon (เผ่า ศรียานนท์) and Sarit Thanarat (สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์).


In April 1951 Phao initiated a campaign to transfer the navy's coastal patrol duties to his increasingly powerful police. Wanting to secure control over the endpoint of the opium trade, he pushed the issue despite strong navy opposition. [1]

 The Rebellion

On June 29, during a ceremony transferring the American dredge Manhattan to the Thai navy as part of the US military assistance programme, a small group of junior naval officers kidnapped prime minister Phibun at gunpoint and took him to the nearby flagship Si Ayutthaya. Naval guards loyal to the officers also seized fleet headquarters, and a group of naval and marine officers captured the navy radio station.

Although the rebels appear to have taken in no part in any plotting by higher-ranking naval officers, they possibly expected the rest of the navy to rally to their cause. In this, the young officers made their first crucial mistake in the badly arranged operation. Khuang Aphaiwong (ควง อภัยวงศ์) and the navy leadership, although then plotting to overthrow Phibun,[2] stood still, leaving the rebels to fight the government alone.[3]

Their second fatal error was to assume that the Coup Group would accede to their demands in order to save Phibun's life. Instead of bargaining with the rebels, the military began a fierce counter-attack. The army and police besieged naval bases throughout Bangkok, and the air force and police even bombed and shelled the ship holding Phibun.[4] In the end the Si Ayutthaya was sunk and the field marshal, miraculously unharmed, managed to swim away to safety.

The rebellion was over within thirty-six hours. The Coup Group by then were in control of the capital. Shooting wildly and acting without discipline, government soldiers and police killed twelve hundred - mostly civilians - and injured an additional three thousand.[5]


The navy lost the most in the Manhattan Rebellion. During the fighting, the police and the army overran navy positions in Bangkok and, once they had crushed the rebellion, the Coup Group dismantled the navy. Leading admirals were arrested, the central and eastern provinces previously occupied by the navy were re-assigned to army command, and entire battalions of marines were disbanded. The air force assumed control over the navy's air section, and navy headquarters were moved from the capital to the eastern seaboard. Nothing remained of the navy's political power.[3]

Phibun, however, also suffered from the navy's defeat. The Coup Group's evident willingness to sacrifice him belied his supporters' contention that Phibun was the government's indispensable prop. The rebellion deprived Phibun much of his previous authority.

Phibun's and the navy's loss was Phao's gain. Sarit's Bangkok-based First Division, as in the Palace Rebellion, and Phao's police had figured most prominently in the defeat of the rebels, and both generals reaped the consequent benefits in prestige and power, but Phao especially benefited. Although Sarit still had to share control of the army with Phao's father-in-law, Phin Chunhawan (ผิน ชุณหะวัณ), Phao enjoyed unquestioned command of the police, without doubt one of the nation's two most powerful armed forces now that the navy was broken. Phao moved quickly after the rebellion to take key offices. Phao had the government issue an order empowering provincial police commissioners, rather than deputy provincial governors, to act for provincial governors in their absence and got himself appointed assistant to the permanent secretary of the Interior Ministry. While it became common in the upcoming years to refer to a triumvirate of Phibun, Phao and Sarit, many informed observers considered Phao the country's most powerful man.

  1. ^ Fineman, Daniel. A Special Relationship: The United States and Military Government in Thailand, 1947-1958. 131
  2. ^ Rolland Bushner. Current Thai Political Plottings. USNA.
  3. ^ a b Thak Chaloemtiarana. Thai Politics: Extracts and Documents 1932-1957. Social Science Association of Thailand.
  4. ^ Rolland Bushner. Attempted Coup d'etat of June 29-30 and its Aftermath. USNA.
  5. ^ David K. Wyatt. Thailand: A Short History. Silkworm Books."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-03-01]

Abb.: US Dredge Manhattan
[Bildquelle: Janet Lindenmuth. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-03-01. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


US-Botschafter Edwin F. Stanton (1901 - 1968) in einem Gespräch mit Außenminister Dean Acheson (1893 - 1971):

Abb.: Memorandum of Conversation
[Bildquelle: a.u.a.O.]

"I called on the secretary yesterday afternoon. He asked me to outline for him the present situation in Thailand. This I did, emphasising Communist activity among Chinese laborers, students and teachers, their successful penetration and domination of many important Chinese societies and fraternal organisations and their daily outpourings of propaganda, directed forcefully against us, through the medium of newspapers and publications which they control. I said that more recently the Communists had been directing their attention to the Thai, seeking to win over intellectuals, politicians and even Buddhist priests. These insiduous and subversive activities constitute a serious threat to the Thai Government and people and are apparently part of an overall plan to seise control of Thailand as well as the other countries of Southeast Asia.

I recalled to the Secretary that in spite of the Communist threat, the Thai Government and people had responded immediately to the UN call for support and material assistance against Communist aggression in Korea. I stressed the friendship of the Thai people for us which had deepened as the result of the wise postwar policies we hod pursued, and urged that Thailand not be forgotten in our strategic and other planning for Southeast Asia.

The Secretary said he was glad to have a first hand account of conditions in Thailand and assured me that our Thai friends would not be forgotten."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2015-04-04]

1951-06-30 - 1951-07-01

Thailand spielt in Bombay gegen Indien im Rahmen des 2. Thomas Cup Badminton. Da die Thai-Mannschaft von Badminton keine Ahnung hat, wird Thailand mit 9 zu 0 Spielen besiegt.

Abb.: Lage von Bombay
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Die Zeiten ändern sich: Pisit Poodchalat (พิสิษฐ์ พูดฉลาด, 1992 - ) feiert seinen Sieg über Huang Yuxiang (China) im Viertelfinale des Männer-Badminton, 2010 Youth Olympic Games
[Bildquelle: Colin. -- -- Zugriff am 2012-03-26. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)


Sant Sukdirankul macht sich in den Dschungel im tiefen Süden auf, um Bergvölker zu filmen. Die dortigen Dschungelvölker werden oft terrorisiert durch Bomber, die angeblich kommunistische Verstecke bombardieren.


Fulbright Agreement über Certain Educational Exchange Programs.


Die Rundfunkanstalt CBS strahlt weltweit erstmalig eine Fernsehshow in Farbe aus. Beginn des Siegszugs des Farbfernsehens.


Suri Thongvanit, der Herausgeber der Zeitung Siang Thai, berichtet, dass er seit dem Putsch 1949-02-26 47mal verhaftet worden war.


Wat Bowon (วัดบวรนิเวศวิหาร), Bangkok: Konferenz von Thammayutnikai (ธรรมยุติกนิกาย) und Mahanikai (มหานิกาย), um den Machtkampf zu beenden. Es wird die gegenseitige Unabhängigkeit der beiden Nikayas (นิกาย) beschlossen. Damit sind die Bemühungen, um eine Einheit des buddhistischen Ordens endgültig beendet.. Am 1951-09-20 werden die Beschlüsse von der Regierung übernommen.


Die Thai-Direktoren der chinesischen Schulen werden aufgefordert, das Verhalten und die Tätigkeiten der chinesischen Schuldirektoren, Lehrer und Schüler genau zu beobachten und den Behörden zu melden.


Es erscheint:

Wei sheng-huo chi-hsia shih-chi—tui ko t’ung-hsiang-hui-ti yi-tien ch’i-wang [Impressions of Life—and a Few Hopes for Hsien Associations]. -- In: Ch'ao-chou yüeh-pao. -- 16 (1951-08). -- S. 8f.

"Area unity is also feudalistic. If each person merely concentrates on his native hsien [Distrikt - 县/Xian] association but neglects other people’s rights and privileges, won’t such hsien associations become little feudalistic tribes? . . . Since the establishment of the numerous hsien associations, their achievements have not been entirely satisfactory. . . . Only in two things have they achieved perfection—celebrations and funerals. They are truly good in such matters as birthdays, weddings and births. They are even better in matters relating to "dead men." . . . But it is undeniable that matters relating to welfare work, education, employment, etc., have not received enough attention and effort."

[Übersetzung: Skinner, William <1925 - 2008>: Leadership and power in the Chinese community of Thailand. -- Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell Univ.  Pr., 1958. -- 363 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Monographs of the Association for Asian Studies ; 3). -- S. 115. -- Fair use]


New York Times: Michael L. Hoffman zitiert Nakkhatra Mangala, Prince of Chanthaburi (นักขัตรมงคล, 1897 - 1953), den Schwiegervater König Bhumibols:

Abb.: Nakkhatra Mangala, Prince of Chanthaburi (นักขัตรมงคล)
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Über den Putschversuch der Marine, "Manhattan-Rebellion" (กบฏแมนฮัตตัน) vom 1951-06-29:

"If the King had been there it would not have happened," the Prince said. "The King is Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces and his presence would have provided just that element of stability needed to nip such fiascos in the bud," the Prince explained.

Über die malaiischen kommunistischen Guerillas:

 ""Chinese who have been driven across the Malayan border on the south of Thailand by British operations against Chinese Communist terrorists are another story," he said. "We intern them and hand them back to the British," the Prince said. He added that cooperation between Thailand and the British in the suppression of Communists around the Malayan frontier had been working well.

Über die Treue Thailands zur USA:

Thailand had no desire to be "Neutral" in the cold war. "We are firmly on the side of the United States," the Prince said. On a subject like that neither the King nor his entourage have any hesitation about speaking for the government and people of their country. The Prince mentioned with great satisfaction the fact that the United States was equipping the Thailand army and training her troops.


Die USA liefern der thailändischen Luftwaffe 50 'Bearcat' F8F Jagdeinsitzer. Die Lieferung ist Teil des Military Defence Assistance Program. Außerdem liefert die USA für die Luftwaffe eine vorproduzierte Allwetter-Start- und Landebahn, die auch während des Monsuns benutzbar ist.

Abb.: 'Bearcat' F8F-1
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]


Der staatliche Radiosender Radio Bangkok hört auf, westliche Musik zu senden, um Thai Musik zu fördern.


Kukrit Pramoj's (1911 - 1995) Roman Si Phaendin - สี่แผ่นดิน (Four Reigns) erscheint als Fortsetzung in der Zeitung Siam Rath (สยามรัฐ).

Abb.: Umschlagtitel der englischen Übersetzung

"The Four Reigns (Thai สี่แผ่นดิน, Si Phaendin), a novel by Kukrit Pramoj, shows how individuals in Thai society adjust to change in the face of historic events. The story first develops under the palace life of minor courtiers during a time of absolute monarchy and explicit observance of traditional Buddhist mores. The traditional values of the times are experienced by the main character and are enhanced by her surroundings. Throughout the evolving years the country experiences disturbances of World War I; the Palace Revolution of 1932 and World War II respectively. The book focuses primarily on the lives of the minor nobility and the necessary modes of adapting to unpreventable events that come by way of foreign and domestic conflicts.

The author of the Four Reigns, Kukrit Pramoj, explains that he was able to delve so deeply into the lives of the nobility because it was a life he observed from a personal standpoint. Similar to a character in the book, Pramoj received his education abroad and like another character, he had his days in the political arena. Although the 663 page book is portrayed in a fictional concept, the reader gets a chance to experience how the author wanted to capture the feelings of a traditional era and a bygone age in order to bring it to life for a modern society.

Plot summary

The Four Reigns starts out with a young girl named Phloi whose mother leaves her husband of the lower aristocratic status to be free from the restraints of being one of his minor wives. Although being one of a few minor wives to a man was the norm, Phloi's mother was not content in that domestic order. Consequently, this provoked Phloi's mother, Mae Chaem, along with Phloi to move out and make a change which involved a trip to the royal palace to offer Phloi up to a better life as a minor courtier. Mae Chaem is there to assist Phloi on her trip to the palace and often visits her there to be sure of her well-being. Mae Chaem suddenly dies and Phloi is deeply saddened by her loss and spends the rest of her time coping and adapting to the palace life.

Phloi's life, however, truly begins in the palace, where she humbly serves and befriends the royalty and their servants. Phloi lives through time periods of four reigns as the title suggests, involving four different kings. The king well-renowned in history, King Chulalongkorn, was the monarch at Phloi's birth and King Ananda Mahidol is the ruler reigning at Phloi's death. During her time at the palace Phloi lives the life of a minor courtier engaging in youthful diversions with her friend Choi and occasionally doing menial tasks as a court attendant. She really doesn't have a worry, except for selecting the correct outfit for the next leisurely excursion. On these trips everyone from the Grand Palace would attend religious ceremonies such as the Kathin festival at the end of the Buddhist Lent.

As time goes by, Phloi's life is altered, when she is compelled to marry Khun Prem, a man on a personal level, she knows very little about. This engagement is influenced by her elders' and their traditional values. They believed that it was safest to marry someone of good financial grade rather than solely for love. Although Phloi did not quite know Prem at first, they eventually did grow to love one another. He is of the minor nobility but still all the same could be ranked among the aristocratic people in Thai society with good financial standing. Khun Prem is also of military standing and well respected by his peers. This is evident as he receives promotions and is involved with the highly regarded Wild Tiger Calvory Corps. Khun Prem starts out as a tradionalist but as society changes, Khun Prem inherits military discipline and Western idealism. This is shown forth as he begins to smoke Western cigarettes and drink Western wine. His first son enters military school while his and Phloi's other two sons are sent to study abroad. Their only daughter, Praphai, stays with Phloi and is her mother's companion until she branches out on her own.

One of Phloi's sons Ot, who went to Europe to study abroad, comes back with new intellectual ideas and continually ponders with his uncle, Phloi's brother, the new fascination of politics. In the novel he states: "What else have we to talk about? The air is thick with political news. So-and-so is going to be arrested, so-and-so may have to be got out of the way, and there'll be an armed clash between such-and-such factions, and so on." (P. 483 of Four Reigns) Politics became something of more interest in Thai culture as it existed before but was more available to the general public when ideas about how the government should be run was appropriated among the people. This became the new way of life in Thailand that was capturing the minds of the evolving individual.

When Ot's brother An returns from France he breaks with tradition by bringing back a French wife. This is much to the dismay of his father and a shock to his mother. An introduces his French wife to the family circle and she displays as expected, her Western influences. These include French clothing styles; make up and personal mannerisms. An's French wife, Lucille, in her short stay, influenced Phloi's youngest daughter, Praphai with her ways as well. This is evident as Praphai unlike her mother decided to marry a man of her choosing. Praphai and her husband Khun Sewi even changed their wedding to follow a more modern format. They didn't have the chanting monks and Khun Sewi even carried Praphai inside the house the way the "farangs" (Westerners) do. "They haven't abandoned the old custom but have adopted it to suit the prevailing conditions, you see"(P. 534 of Four Reigns).

An for his part became an intellectual with Westernized influences from France. Once he became stable in the political circuit of Thailand he aligned himself with the rebel group called the People's Party who staged the Palace Revolution of 1932.

Phloi experiences World War I, and its economic impact on Thailand. Prices for imported goods begin to make a noticeable rise. This is also the time that Phloi's husband,Prem, dies in a horse riding accident. Phloi is left to fend for herself but her children by then are home and all grown up and able to offer her much needed emotional support. Sometime later, Thailand suffers an economic depression and a rebel group called the People's Party in which An allies himself with, begins to form. They eventually organize a coup that forces the king to agree to relinquish absolute authority and cede full power to a Constitutional Monarchy. World War II succeeds the first and has a stronger impact Thailand. The Japanese invade, and then occupy Bangkok until the Allied bombings force them to give in. All of Phloi's children survive the war except for one of her sons who died of malaria while in southern Thailand on a work assignment. When the war ends Phloi's house is destroyed and she returns to her ancestral home at Khlong Bang Luang where she spends the last of her days."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-10-13]


General Luang Seri [หลวงเสรี], Chef der Railway Organization, behauptet, die Preissteigerungen bei Alltagsgütern beruhe auf Manipulationen durch Chinesen.


"By mid-September, British Ambassador Wallinger [Geoffrey Arnold Wallinger, 1903 – 1979] and American Chargé d’affaires William Turner in Bangkok had their instructions for a joint démarche to the Thai about arms "smuggling" in Burma. Wallinger had reservations. He told London of an earlier conversation in which Prime Minister Phibun volunteered that he had granted an American intelligence officer’s request for Thai cooperation in supporting Li Mi [李彌, 1902 – 1973]. Phibun said he would agree to help the Americans or anyone else kill communists. When Wallinger raised his eyebrows, Phibun asked "Why are you surprised? Aren’t you just as interested in killing Communists as I am, or as the Americans are?"18 Wallinger speculated that "there must presumably be some pay off for Siamese [Thai] complicity in supply service and there is plenty of evidence Phao [เผ่า ศรียานนท์, 1909 - 1960] is running the racket. Whether Phibul [Phibun] gets his rake off or not, he will not want to aggravate any difficulty he may be having with Phao."19

Phibun’s matter-of-fact acknowledgment of American involvement frustrated Wallinger. He described an American suggestion that resolution of the KMT issue be left to the Asians as a "dangerous prevarication which anybody with any knowledge of the business can see through . . . and Phibul [Phibun] has been quite open about it being an American affair." It was "useless to discuss all of this with the American Embassy," Wallinger said, "who do not hesitate to show their bitter resentment of Willis H. Bird [1909 - 1991] and his SEA Supply Company but are obviously powerless to intervene in their affairs." Turning to the proposed joint UK-US démarche to the Thai, Wallinger opined that the sooner everyone accepted that only the highest government levels in Washington had the resources to clean up the mess, the better. Meanwhile, Wallinger would do as instructed."

[Quelle: Gibson, Richard M. ; Chen, Wenhua [陳, 文華] <1944 - >: The secret army : Chiang Kai-Shek and the drug warlords of the golden triangle. -- Singapore : Wiley, 2011. -- 338 S. ;: Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-0-470-83018-5. -- S. 92f. -- Fair use]


Economic cooperation agreement USA-Fédération indochinoise . Bis Oktober 1952 kommen 200 US-Schiffe mit Waffenlieferungen für die französische Kolonialmacht nach Vietnam.


Über 2000 Arbeiter des Makkasan (มกกะสน) Eisenbahnbetriebswerks (Bangkok) streiken, da ihr Einkommen von 300 Baht pro Monat für die steigenden Lebenskosten nicht ausreicht.

Abb.: Lage des Makkasan (มกกะสน) Eisenbahnbetriebswerks
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Chit Singhaseni, ein Kammerdiener König Ananda Mahidols, wird schuldig gesprochen an der Mitschuld an der Ermordung des Königs. Chit wird zu Tode verurteilt, obwohl er zur Tatzeit außerhalb des Tatorts (Schlafzimmer) war und er von der Anklage des Mordes freigesprochen wurde.


Die Indische Gesandtschaft in Thailand wird zu einer Botschaft aufgewertet, ebenso die Thai Gesandtschaft in Delhi.


"Kompromiss" zwischen Thammayutika-Nikaya (ธรรมยุติกนิกาย) und Mahanikaya (มหานิกาย): die Regional-Administration bleibt nach Nikayas getrennt. Der Mahathera Samakhom [มหาเถรสมาคม] hat nur Entscheidungsbefugnisse in zentralen gemeinsamen Angelegenheiten.


"In an October 12 private meeting, Phibun told Wallinger [Geoffrey Arnold Wallinger, 1903 – 1979, britischer Botschafter] that he had willingly acceded to a request from "an American clandestine organization" to help supply Li Mi’s [李彌, (1902–1973] forces as part of the West’s overall containment policy to stop Chinese Communist expansionism. Phibun attributed Li Mi’s defeat in Yunnan [雲南] to inadequate supplies and insisted that initial failure should not lead to abandoning the effort. Any such decision, however, was up to the Americans. When Wallinger reminded Phibun that American Chargé [William] Turner had told Worakan [Bancha, วรการบัญชา, 1903 - 1974, Außenminister] of Washington’s opposition to supplying the KMT [Kuomintang - 中國國民黨] through Thailand, Phibun "did not seem (or per haps wish) to consider Mr. Turner’s action to be final." Wallinger let the issue drop rather than raise the "embarrassing problem of two American organizations [State Department and CIA] saying different things." Wallinger opined that Phibun was placing his faith in his "American organization" rather than the State Department.24 As of November 14, the Thai had not responded to the October 1 Anglo-American démarche and British intelligence reported that SEA Supply continued to channel arms to KMT troops in Burma through Thailand."

[Quelle: Gibson, Richard M. ; Chen, Wenhua [陳, 文華] <1944 - >: The secret army : Chiang Kai-Shek and the drug warlords of the golden triangle. -- Singapore : Wiley, 2011. -- 338 S. ;: Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-0-470-83018-5. -- S. 94. -- Fair use]

1951-10-19 - 1952-02

Krise der Chinese Chamber of Commerce

"The crisis arose quite suddenly on Double Tenth, when the chairman, Leader Chou, and three other chair officers of the Chamber—Leaders Chang (IR 25), Fei (IR 22), and Yao (IR 26)—submitted a joint resignation. At the time, the Chamber was involved in several important projects—in particular, making arrangements for the successful departure of several hundred Chinese being deported by the Thai government, and carrying on a large campaign under government pressure to induce unregistered Chinese to apply for alien registration papers—so that the resignations at that particular juncture made an especially strong impact on the community. The leaders stated as their reasons that business or private affairs were too pressing, that their leadership was inadequate, that the "complex situation" made it impossible for them to carry out their duties properly, and that politics had entered the Chamber.

Among the events leading to the resignations were the following: Late in August 1951, the Chinese Embassy had called a meeting of officers of Chinese associations and set up a preparatory committee for the Double Tenth celebration, naming Leader Chou as head. Leader Chou was clearly unenthusiastic, and he told a Ch’üan-min reporter that he had attended the meeting without knowing its objective and that, despite requests from the Embassy, he had taken no part in the preparations. As a means of bringing pressure on him, Min-chu Jih-pao in the weeks before the celebration published "letters from readers" encouraging Leader Chou to take up the job despite Communist opposition, and Yeh Kung-ch’ao, the Chinese Nationalist Foreign Minister, telegraphed Leader Chou commending him for his part in the celebration before it was held. At the same time, the Ch’üan-min Pao applied continual pressure on Leader Chou to reject any part in the preparations, as did leading "neutralists" among the leaders. The Chamber of Commerce officers had refused the Embassy’s request to use the Chamber’s assembly hall for the celebration, but by way of compromise had decided to raise the Chinese (Nationalist) flag in recognition of the national holiday.

Then on October 8, two days before the celebration, a meeting of the Committee for Aiding Deportees, an interassociational group of which Leader Chou was chairman, convened at the Chamber of Commerce in Leader Chou’s absence. The meeting was chaired by the chief secretary of the Chamber, a man appointed to that position by Leader Chou several years previously. At the end of the meeting the Chamber secretary brought up the question of Double Tenth celebration and pushed for a recommendation that no holiday be declared, no celebration held, and no flag flown on October 10. In spite of little or no discussion, this recommendation was added to the minutes of the meeting and publicized in Ch’üan-min Pao. When Leader Chou learned of this development he refused to sign the minutes and issued a statement in his capacity as chairman of the Committee for Aiding Deportees saying that the resolution passed by the October 8 meeting, unrelated as it was to the Committee’s purpose, was in his estimation invalid. All of this was a loss of face to the chief officers of the Chamber, and strengthened the Embassy in its claims. Because of the implications of the October 8 affair, the Chamber’s chair officers felt it worthwhile to delegate one of their number, Leader Fei, to make sure that the flag at the Chamber’s headquarters had, as ordered, been raised the morning of October 10. Leader Fei found that the flag was not flying, and he was professedly unable to get one raised. Thereupon Leader Chou went to the Chamber headquarters and was told by employees that they could not find the flag; in the end one had to be borrowed from the nearby Rice Millers Association. The leaders did not attend the mass celebration at the Embassy. Flaunted within the Chamber and under pressure from all sides without, the four chief officers decided to resign. In part because of the heavy burdens placed on it by the Thai government, the Chamber was also in severe financial difficulties at the time, and the deficit of between 100, 000 and 200, 000 baht would have to be met somehow by the end of the year; this was an added burden which dimmed the enthusiasm of the officers.

The middle-of-the-road Chinese papers withheld any explanation of the affair, but commented solely on the importance of the Chamber and the duties of its officers to the general public. Min-chu Jih-pao, however, went headlong into the story, concentrating its attack on the Chamber secretary and other "Communist" elements on the staff. Following up the KMT’s advantage, Chiang Kai-shek and the General Chamber of Commerce of China (Taiwan) sent sympathetic cables to Leader Chou encouraging him in his stand. The Chinese chargé d’affaires in Bangkok also visited him at his residence with a similar purpose."

[Quelle: Skinner, William <1925 - 2008>: Leadership and power in the Chinese community of Thailand. -- Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell Univ.  Pr., 1958. -- 363 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Monographs of the Association for Asian Studies ; 3). -- S. 137f. -- Fair use]


Protest Marsch von Thammasat Studenten vom Justizministerium zum Parlament (Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall - พระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม) : sie fordern die Rückgabe des Campus der Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์) vom Militär.

Abb.: Lage der Ananta Samakhom Throne Hall (พระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Eröffnung von Janie Store, Thailands erstem Selbstbedienungs-Supermarkt.

1951-10-15 - 1951-11-21

Prinz Sisavang Vatthana (ເຈົ້າສີສະຫວ່າງວັດທະນາ, 1907 - 1978?) ist Ministerpräsident von Laos


Übergabe zweier Fregatten der USA an Thailand:

Abb.: "USS Glendale (PF-36) and USS Gallup (PF-47) fly the flags of Thailand, during transfer ceremonies at Yokosuka Naval Base, Japan, 29 October 1951. Both ships are still wearing their U.S. Navy numbers."
[Bildquelle: Official U.S. Navy Photograph / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]


Die Zeitung Chung-yüan Pao [中原報] berichtet, dass staatliche Fabrikinspektoren Unternehmer erpressen, indem sie vorgeben, die Ausrüstung sei unvollständig.


Der König verlässt seinen Wohnsitz in Pully (Schweiz), um endgültig nach Thailand zurückzukehren. Die königliche Familie reist mit dem dänischen Schiff M/S Meonia der The East Asiatic Company Ltd Copenhagen

Abb.: M/S Meonia
[Fair use]


Kronland und öffentliches Land, das an Thais verpachtet ist und von diesen an Ausländer weiterverpachtet wurde, muss an den Staat zurückgegeben werden:

1951-11 (?)

Gründung des Khabuankan Koochat (ขบวนการคู่ชาติ - National Liberation Movement). Es ist anti-faschistisch, anti-imperialistisch und sozialistisch. Leitung: Suphat Sukhonthaphirom (สุภัทร สุคนธาภิรมย์) und Squadron Leader Phrangphej Bunyaratphan


Das Auswärtige Amt erteilt mit Zustimmung der Alliierten Hohen Kommission dem deutschen Generalkonsulat in London den Auftrag, bei der Lonodner Thai-Botschaftzu sondieren, ob Thailand an einer Wiederaufnahme der diplomatischen Beziehungen interessiert ist.


Siamese Airways Company (SAC) und Pan Overseas Airlines Siam (POAS) fusionieren zu Thai Airways Company Ltd. - บริษัท เดินอากาศไทย จำกัด (บดท.).

"Thai Airways Company or Thai Airways (TAC; Thai: เดินอากาศไทย) was the domestic flag carrier of Thailand. Its main base was the Domestic Terminal at Don Mueang International Airport: DMK (former name: Bangkok International Airport: BKK). Its head office was located in Pom Prap Sattru Phai, Bangkok.[1] In 1988 Thai Airways merged to become Thai Airways International (Thai: การบินไทย).


Siamese Airways Company Limited was the domestic flag carrier of Thailand on March 1, 1947, according to a cabinet resolution. The first squadron had Douglas DC-3, Beechcraft C45, L-5 Sentinel, Rearwin, Fairchild. The first flight was Bangkok-Phitsanulok-Lampang-Chiang Mai. And after 2 days, It opened Chiang Mai-Mae Sariang-Mae Hong Son. The first International flight had opened on December 1947, flight Bangkok-Songkhla-Penang.

The Government of Thailand had a resolution on November 1, 1951, merged with Pacific Overseas Airline (Siam) Limited (POAS), and changed name to Thai Airways Company Limited (TAC) (Thai: บริษัท เดินอากาศไทย จำกัด (บดท.)). It also called Thai Airways.

Thai Airways established the international flag carrier in 1960, Thai Airways International Company Limited (THAI; Thai: บริษัท การบินไทย จำกัด), as a joint venture between Scandinavian Airlines System (SAS) with the Scandinavian carrier initially providing a 30% share capital of two million Baht.[2]

Thai Airways Flight 231 bought Avro 748 in 1963, Boeing 737-200 in 1977, Short 330 in 1982, Short 360 and Airbus A310-200 in 1985.[3]

On April 1, 1988, Thai Airways Company Limited (TAC) merged with Thai Airways International, under the cabinet resolution, single national airline of the Kingdom of Thailand, as authorised by General Prem Tinsulanonda, Prime Minister at the time.[2]

Thai Airways's 11 aircraft, consisted of 3 Boeing 737-200, 4 Short 330, 2 Short 360 and 2 Airbus A310-200, combined fleet with Thai Airways International, total up 41 aircraft.[4] And airline codes had changed to Thai Airways International's airline codes on end of 1988.

Thai Airways International operates the Larn Luang Office, the former Thai Airways Company head office, in Pom Prap Sattru Phai.[5]"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2011-10-13]


Der US Geheimdienst fängt ein Geheimdokument des Viet Minh (Việt Minh) ab:

A captured Viet Minh document, dated 1 November 1951, asserted that

‘the Vietnamese Party reserves the right to supervise the activities of its brother parties in Cambodia and Laos’, and that ‘later, however, if conditions permit, the three revolutionary Parties of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos will be able to unite to form a single Party.'"

[Quelle: Kiernan, Ben <1953 - >: How Pol Pot came to power : Colonialism, nationalism, and communism in Cambodia, 1930 - 1975. -- 2. ed. -- New Haven : Yale UP, 2004. -- 430 S. : Ill. ;21 cm. -- ISBN 978-0-300-10262-8. -- S. 83. -- Fair use]


Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์): Sit-In von Thammasat-Studenten gegen die Beschlagnahmung des Campus durch das Militär.

Abb.: Lage der Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Titelgeschichte der Schweizer Illustrierten L'Illustre: "Adieu la Suisse"

Abb.: Titelblatt
[Fair use]


Es gibt Gerüchte, dass die Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์) geschlossen werden soll, da sie hinter Pridi (ปรีดี พนมยงค์) und seinen Anhängern steht. 3000 Studenten der Thammasat University ziehen zum Campus, wo wegen der strategisch günstigen Lage Militär stationiert ist. Einige Tage später wird das Militär abgezogen.

Abb.: Lage der Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Burapha Palast (วังบูรพาภิรมย์), der frühere Wohnsitz von Prinzessin Chalermkhet Monkhol (พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าเฉลิมเขตรมงคล, 1892 - 1957), soll abgerissen werden. Osoth Kosin und Partner hatten den Palast für 13 Mio Baht gekauft. 1954 wird der Palast abgerissen. Es entsteht ein beliebtes Einkaufszentrum, Wang Burapha (วังบูรพา).

Abb.: Lage des Burapha Palasts (วังบูรพาภิรมย์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Burapha Palast (วังบูรพาภิรมย์), Bangkok
[Bilkdquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1951-11-21 - 1954-10-20

 Prinz Souvanna Phouma (ເຈົ້າສຸວັນນະພູມາ, 1901 – 1984) ist Ministerpräsident von Laos


Der König wird in Singapur von einem britischen Schlachtschiff mit 21 Salutschüssen begrüßt und in den Hafen begleitet.


"Radio or Silent Coup" (รัฐประหารในประเทศไทย พ.ศ. 2494): In einem unblutigen Putsch unter Gen. Sarit Thanarat (สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์, 1908 - 1963), Gen. Phin Choonhavan (ผิน ชุณหะวัณ, 1891–1973), ACM Fuen Ronnaphagrad Ritthakhanee (ฟื้น รณนภากาศ ฤทธาคนี, 1900 – 1987) werden beide Kammern des Parlaments und die Regierung aufgelöst und die Verfassung außer Kraft gesetzt. Ministerpräsident Feldmarschall Phibun wird gleich wieder ins Amt gesetzt. Ein Provisional Executive Committee (PEC) setzt ein Einkammerparlament ein mit 3/4 vom Militär ernannten Mitgliedern. Man setzt die Verfassung von 1932 wieder in Kraft.

Abb.: Schlagzeilen der Bangkok post, 1951-11-30

"Thailand's Silent Coup of November 29, 1951 consolidated the military's hold on the country. It reinstated the 1932 constitution, which effectively eliminated the Senate, established a unicameral legislature composed equally of elected and government-appointed members, and allowed serving military officers to supplement their commands with important ministerial portfolios.

Prelude to the coup

Having defeated the navy (กองทัพเรือ) in the Manhattan Rebellion (กบฏแมนฮัตตัน), the army-led (กองทัพบกไทย) Coup Group turned its attentions toward the remaining civilians in government. Although the military was in control of the army, politicians and legislators continued to annoy the generals. Throughout 1950 and the following year, the civilians and military men bickered over spoils and offices, and, despite its monopoly on the use of force, the Coup Group lost some political battles.[1] In January 1951 the civilian parties forced the prime minister, Field Marshal Plaek Phibunsongkhram (แปลก พิบูลสงคราม), to replace two military ministers with civilian politicians. Similarly the Senate remained a royalist stronghold. In one October session senators sharply attacked the government for its violent suppression of the Manhattan Rebellion. In November the upper house blocked a bill to increase the military voice in elections.[2]

The Coup Group quickly decided that rewriting or amending the constitution was the only way to get rid of these irritants. Because the 1949 constitution drafted by the palace-backed Democrats barred active government officials - including military and police officers - from the cabinet, the Coup Group found it entirely objectionable.

In August and October 1951 the powerful police chief, Phao Sriyanond (เผ่า ศรียานนท์), travelled to Switzerland to persuade the young King Bhumibol to accept a constitution more amenable to the military. On the first trip, the king apparently failed to object to the proposal, but Phao returned to Thailand empty-handed. In November the Coup Group decided to proceed without the king's approval.[3]

By then the generals' only obstacle was Phibun. Because his strength lay in the multiplicity of political groups and his ability to play one off the other, the field marshal resisted all efforts by the Coup Group to remove civilians from their remaining positions in the administration.

 The coup

In the end, the Coup Group chose to disregard Phibun as well as the king. On November 26 they sent a representative to the prime minister to suggest reverting the 1949 constitution to the less democratic and anti-royalist one of 1932. The proposal was immediately rejected by Phibun, but, three days later, nine leading members of the Coup Group - among them Phao Siyanon, Field Marshals Phin Chunhawan (ผิน ชุณหะวัณ) and Sarit Thanarat (สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์), and Air Chief Marshal Fuen Ronnaphakat (ฟื้น รณนภากาศ ฤทธาคนี) - pressed him in person. Phibun again angrily rebuffed them, but by then the Coup Group was getting desperate. The king planned to return from Lausanne in two days to resume his royal duties and the generals could not risk a dangerous confrontation with the monarch. Therefore that evening, while the king was en route from Singapore to Bangkok,[4] they announced over the radio the dissolution of parliament, reinstatement of the 1932 constitution, and formation of a provisional government. Phibun initially refused to join the new government but, after much negotiating, accepted the fait accompli. The next morning he signed on again as prime minister.[5]


As with the Manhattan Rebellion, it was Phao who gained the most from the coup. His visits to the king indicate that he probably led the coup, and, most likely because of this role, he was able to take advantage of the civilians' defeat more readily than the other Coup Group members. While Phao's rival, Sarit, entered the cabinet as deputy minister of defence unaccompanied by close supporters, the Phao-Phin clique captured five cabinet slots. Phao's own appointment as deputy minister of the interior gave him effective control over this politically powerful ministry that allowed him to ruthlessly eliminate parliamentary opposition.[6]

  1. ^ Thak Chaloemtiarana. Thai Politics: Extracts and Documents 1932-1957. Social Science Association of Thailand.
  2. ^ Office of Intelligence Research. The Background of the November 29 Coup D'Etat in Thailand. USNA.
  3. ^ Rolland Bushner. November 29 Coup d'etat - Comments of Sang Phathanothai. UNA.
  4. ^ David K. Wyatt. Thailand: A Short History. Silkworm Books.
  5. ^ Rolland Bushner. November 29, 1951 Coup d'etat and Plans of the New Government. UNA.
  6. ^ Thak Chaloemtiarana. Thai Politics: Extracts and Documents 1932-1957. Social Science Association of Thailand."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2012-03-01]

1951-11-29 - 1951-12-06

23. Kabinett: Pibul (พิบูลสงคราม) V


Es erscheint

泰國華僑工商業全貌 [Survey of overseas Chinese industry and commerce in Thailand]. -- Bangkok : 工商週報社, 1951. -- 306 S. ; 27 cm.


König Bhumibol (in Marineuniform) kehrt mit Königin Sirikit und Tochter Ubol Ratana nach Thailand zurück, um hier dauernd Residenz zu nehmen.

Abb.: Lage von Lausanne (Schweiz), dem bisherigen Wohnort des thailändischen Königs
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"An unsmiling young King returned from Europe today to this picturesque capital that still was politically jittery over Thursday's bloodless governmental coup...Clad in naval uniform, the bespectacled King was not seen to smile once during the arrival ceremonies at the Royal Landing, the requisite visit to the temples and a two-and-one-half-mile drive past more than 100,000 adoring subjects...Only Saturday, Phibun Songkhram had been restored as premier after a military clique forced his cabinet from office, set up a new handpicked Parliament and threw out the 1947 Constitution. Many observers have said the coup appeared partly aimed at curtailing royalist influence."

The Associated Press, 1951-12-02

Bald nach seiner Rückkehr gründet König Bhumibol die Jazzband วงลายคราม (The Vintage Band). Mitglieder sind u.a.


Die Band trifft sich jeden Freitag und nennt später วง อ.ส. วันศุกร์ (Au Saw Friday Band). Zu ihren Frühen Mitgliedern gehören:

Später hinzukommende Mitglieder:


2013 besteht die königlich Jazzband วง อ.ส. วันศุกร์ (Au Saw Friday) Band aus dem König und:

Abb.: Sitzordnung der Au Saw Friday Band 2013
[Bildquelle: -- Zugriff am 2013-12-07

 Die königliche Au Sau Wan Suk Band (วง อ.ส. วันศุกร์). hat in der Zukunft illustre Gast-Spieler, z.B.:

Die Begegnungen werden oft vom US Departement of State (Außenministerium) gefördert.

1951-12-06 - 1952-03-24

24. Kabinett: Pibul (พิบูลสงคราม) VI


Im Chinesenviertel Sampeng (สำแพ้ง) in Bangkok zerstört ein Feuer 295 Häuser. Schaden: ca. 20 Mio. Baht.

Abb.: Lage von Sampeng (สำแพ้ง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Khuang Abhaiwongse (ควง อภัยวงศ์, 1902 - 1968), der Führer der Demokratischen Partei (พรรคประชาธิปัตย์), kündigt an, dass seine Partei die für Februar 1952 geplanten Wahlen boykottieren wird.


Königliche Amnestie für die Putschisten (Amnesty Act B. E. 2494).

Verwendete Ressourcen


Zu Chronik 1952