Chronik Thailands

กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย

von

Alois Payer

Chronik 1970 / B. E. 2513

Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 1970 / B. E. 2513. -- Fassung vom 2017-03-17. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/chronik1970.htm

Erstmals publiziert: 2012-10-02

Überarbeitungen: 2017-03-17 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-11-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-09-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-08-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-06-01 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-05-10 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-04-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-03-18 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-12-29 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-12-18 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-11-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-09-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-09-01 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-07-10 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-05-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-05-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-04-08 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-11-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-11-06 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-10-16 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-10-08 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-09-10 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-08-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-04-02 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-03-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-11-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-22 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-12 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-09-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-09-20 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-05-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-05-02 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-20 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-11 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-03-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-03-17 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-01-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-01-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-01-12 [Ergänzungen]

©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Herausgebers.

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Thailand von Tüpfli's Global Village Library

ช้างตายทั้งตัวเอาใบบัวปิดไม่มิด

Vorsicht bei den Statistikdiagrammen! Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind: Morgenstern, Oskar <1902 - 1977>: On the accuracy of economic observations. -- 2. ed. -- Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. -- 322 S. ; 20 cm. Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.

2513 / 1970 undatiert

1970 - 1991

Arbeitskräfte mit Hochschulabschluss:

Abb.: Arbeitskräfte mit Hochschulabschluss (in Tausend), 1970 - 1991
[Datenquelle: Phongpaichit / Baker (1995), S. 369]

Abb.: Wären 1970 eine Rarität gewesen: ausgebildete Lehrerinnen auf dem Land, Pai (ปาย), Provinz Mae Hong Son (แม่ฮ่องสอน), 2006
[Bildquelle: Geoff Burns. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/geoff_b/2524158758/. -- Zugriff am 2012-02-05. --  Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage von Pai (ปาย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970

Alterspyramide gemäß Volkszählung:

Abb.: Alterspyramide gemäß Volkszählung 1970 (in 1000 EW)
[Datenquelle: Mitchell (1982), S. 60]

1970 - 1989

Radios und Fernsehgeräte pro 1000 Einwohner:

Abb.: Radios und Fernsehgeräte pro 1000 Einwohner 1970 - 1989
[Datenquelle: Länderbericht Thailand 1993, S. 99]

Abb.: 30 Jahre später: Antennenlandschaft auf einem Dorf in Nordthailand, 2003
[Bildquelle: Thomas. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/33256665@N00/72027012/. -- Zugriff am 2012-02-20. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

1970 - 1990

Korruption in Ministerien

Abb.: Durchschnittliche Anzahl jährlicher Korruptionsfälle in Ministerien, 1970 - 1990
[Datenquelle: Phongpaichit / Pririyarangsan (1996), S. 30]

Abb.: Verteidigungsministerium, Bangkok, 2008
[Bildquelle: Sodacan / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1966/1970

Aktionen kommunistischer Guerillas:

Abb.: Durchschnittliche Anzahl der Aktivitäten kommunistischer Guerillas pro Monat 1966 und 1970
[Datenquelle: Moore, Jeff M.: The Thai way of counterinsurgenca. -- [o. O.] : [Selbstverlag], 2014-- 446 S. ; 23 cm. -- (Muir analytics book). -- ISBN 9781497395701. -- S. 13]
 

1970

Pilotprojekt: Initiation zu den (geplanten) Village Scouts [ลูกเสือชาวบ้าน] in einem Lager der Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน) in der Provinz Loei (เลย), einer der proovinzen mit den meisten kommunistischen Aufständischen. Es nehmen je 30 Bewohner von vier Dörfern teil. Initiator ist Major General Somkhuan Harikul (พลตำรวจโท สมควร หริกุล, 1924 - ) von der Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน)

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Loei (เลย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Somkhuan Harikul (สมควร หริกุล)
[Fair use]

1970

Innenminister Praphat Charusathien (ประภาส จารุเสถียร, 1912 - 1997) in einem Tatätigkeitsbericht über das Training von Mönchen für die Landesentwicklung durch die buddhistischen Hochschulen:

""Als Hilfsmittel, um das Land zu regieren, gibt es sowohl die Gesetze wie auch die Religion: Die Gesetze sind Instrumente zur Kontrolle des körperlichen Verhaltens; die Religion aber ist ein Instrument zur Kontrolle von beidem, dem Verhalten von Körper und Geist." Er betonte auch die Notwendigkeit einer möglichst einheitlichen religiösen Einstellung der Bevölkerung. Im Hinblick auf die Schwierigkeiten in multi-religiösen Staaten erklärte er, daß der Glaube an ein und dieselbe Religion die Einheit und Sicherheit des Landes festige." [Quelle: Skrobanek, Walter <1941 - 2006>: Buddhistische Politik in Thailand : mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des heterodoxen Messianismus. -- Wiesbaden : Steiner, 1976. -- 315 S. ; 24 cm. -- (Beiträge zur Südasienforschung ; 23). -- ISBN 3-515-02390-9. -- Zugl.: Heidelberg, Univ., Diss., 1972. -- S. 243. -- Mit Erlaubnis des inzwischen verstorbenen Autors]

1915 - 1975

Anzahl der Wasserbüffel, Rinder, Schweine:

Abb.: Anzahl der Wasserbüffel, Rinder, Schweine (in 1000 Tieren) 1915 - 1975
[Datenquelle: Mitchell (1982), S. 256, 260]

Abb.: Wasserbüffel, Thailand, 2007
[Bildquelle: Jonathan Pio. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/12185911@N00/1751621392/. -- Zugriff am 2012-01-28. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]

Abb.: Rinder,  Nordostthailand, 2007
[Bildquelle: Nicolai Bangsgaard. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/martinamor/443118553/.  -- Zugriff am 2012-01-28. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

Abb.: Schweine werden unter dem Haus gehalten. Chiang Mai, 2004
[Bildquelle: Vernon Fowler. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/vfowler/52123623/. -- Zugriff am 2012-01-28. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

1970

Einrichtung der ersten Reisbank als königliches Projekt in Pa Pae (ป่าแป๋), Amphoe Mae Sariang (แม่สะเรียง). Im Lauf der jahre folgen weitere 800 Royal Rice Banks im ganzen Land: Bauern können Reissaat leihen und nach der Ernte eine größere Menge ("Kapital + Zinsen") zurückgeben.

Abb.: Lage von Amphoe Mae Sariang (แม่สะเรียง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1910 - 1975

Briefpost und Telegramme:

Abb.: Briefpost (in Mio.) und Telegramme (in Tausend) 1910 - 1975
[Datenquelle: Mitchell (1982), S. 592, 595, 603, 605]

Abb.: Erster Briefkasten Siams
[Bildquelle: kaptan. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/kaptan/3992039144/. -- Zugriff am 2012-01-31. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]

Abb.: Briefkasten, Suvarnabhumi Airport (ท่าอากาศยานสุวรรณภูมิ), 2009
[Bildquelle: Mattes / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Telegrafenapparat, Thailand
[Bildquelle: kwanz. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/kwanzshop/2450570447/. -- Zugriff am 2012-01-31. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

1970

Indo Thai Synthetics nimmt den Betrieb auf.  Es ist das erste ausländische Unternehmen der indischen Aditya Birla Group.

Abb.: ®Logo

1970

Es erscheint der erste Band der Flora of Thailand, "the first and only systematic attempt to inventory, catalogue, describe and elucidate all plant life of Thailand." Der erste Band (hrsg. von Tem Smitinand and Kai Larsen):

Flora of Thailand / ed. Tem Smitinand and Kai Larsen.  -- Bangkok : Applied Scientific Research Corporation of Thailand [später: Forest Herbarium, Royal Forest Dept.], 1970 -

Abb.: Einbandtitel von Bd. 12,1. -- 2011

1970

Es erscheint

วารสารและหนังสือพิมพ์ในประเทศไทย ซึ่งตีพิมพ์ระหว่าง พ.ศ. 2387-2477 : บรรณานุกรม  = Periodicals and newspapers printed in Thailand between 1844-1934 : a bibliography. -- [กรุงเทพฯ] : หอสมุดแห่งชาติ กรมศิลปากร, 2513 [= 1970]. -- 72 S. ; 19 x 27 cm.

1970

Es erscheint

In memoriam Phya Anuman Rajadohn : contributions in memory of the late president of The Siam Society / ed. by Tej Bunnag [เตช บุนนาค, 1943 - ] and Michael Smithies [1932 - ]. -- Bangkok : Siam Society, 1970. -- 397 S. : Ill. ; 26 cm.

Abb.: Umschlagtitel

Initial Residence No. Matrilocal 24 Neo-matrilocal 2 Uxorilocal 0 Patrilocal 14 Virilocal 4 Neolocal 0 Unknown 4 TOTAL 48 [Quelle: Kemp, Jeremy H. (Hugh) <1941 - 2014>: Initial marriage residence in rural Thailand. -- In: a.a.O. -- S. 79. -- Fair use]

1970

Die Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) der SPD  eröffnet ihr Büro in Thailand.

Abb.: ®Logo

"Ein typischer Tag im FES-Büro Bangkok könnte so aussehen: Chanapa, die englischsprachige Sekretärin, hat gerade Flugtickets für Teilnehmer/innen gebucht, die an einem regionalen Seminar zur Sicherheitspolitik der FES in Singapur teilnehmen sollen; im Anschluss müssen die Einladungen für die anstehende Podiumsdiskussion zur Demokratiefähigkeit Thailands verschickt werden. Sanit, der Bürofahrer, ist von einer Stadttour zurück, bei der er Publikationen, Briefe und andere Unterlagen an Partnerorganisationen überbracht hat. Weiter geht es zum Flughafen, den Verfassungsexperten aus Deutschland abholen. Sanits Tag wird lang: heute Abend bereits ist ein Informationsgespräch des Gasts mit Partnern aus Wissenschaft und Politik geplant. Die Programmreferentin Preeda recherchiert gerade im Internet zur Situation von Frauen in Konflikten; für das zum Konflikt im Süden des Landes geplante Seminar müssen noch Veranstaltungskonzept und Programm entworfen und mit den Partnern diskutiert werden. Preeda wird kurz von Panida, der Reinigungshilfe und Bürobotinunterbrochen: Welches Menü soll für das morgige Gespräch mit Frauenrechtlerinnen in der Kantine des 30-stöckigen Büroturms bestellt werden? Inzwischen telefoniert die deutsche Buchhalterin Karin zum dritten Mal mit der Bank: Warum wurde die Überweisung aus Bonn immer noch nicht gutgeschrieben? Sakdina, der wissenschaftliche Mitarbeiter, betreut in seinem Büro einen unangekündigten Besucher, informiert über die Arbeit der FES und gibt Kontakttipps zur Recherche über Arbeitsrecht in Thailand. Und die Landesvertreterin Vesna Rodić? Heute steht ein Kurzbericht zur aktuellen politischen Lage vor Ort auf dem Programm und die strategische Diskussion für die Arbeit der nächsten drei Jahre will vorbereitet werden. Der Nachwuchs in Gestalt der Praktikantin Isabella editiert inzwischen einen englischsprachigen Seminarbericht über Zensur und Medienprobleme… Das achtköpfige Team der FES in Thailand organisiert ca. 40-50 so genannte „Maßnahmen“ im Jahr. Darunter sind Seminare, Workshops, Konferenzen, Trainings und Publikationen, die der Unterstützung des Demokratisierungsprozesses in Thailand dienen. Nach dem Militärputsch im September 2006 steht die in den letzten Jahren entwickelte Arbeit in einigen Themenbereichen wieder auf dem Prüfstand. Die aktuellen Themen heißen: neue Verfassung, Wahlen und politische Reformen, der gewaltsame Konflikt im muslimischen Süden, Jugend und Politik. Dauerbrenner bleiben Gender- und Frauenpolitik, Gewerkschaften, Arbeits- und Sozialpolitik. Das Büro Bangkok entsendet auch rund 30 Referent/innen jährlich zu Veranstaltungen der FES im Ausland. Und nicht zuletzt betreut es andere regionale und globale FES-Events vor Ort, deren Vorbereitung, über mehrere Länder und Kontinente verteilt, entsprechend intensiv ist. Obwohl das Büro, das seit 1970 existiert, dieses Arbeitsprogramm zusammen mit seinen thailändischen Partnerorganisationen aus Staat und Zivilgesellschaft plant und umsetzt, sind die lokalen Kolleg/innen für den Erfolg dieser Arbeit ausschlaggebend. Denn die für den thailändischen Kontext bisweilen befremdend wirkenden deutschen Methoden und Richtlinien müssen „übersetzt“ und an die lokalen Bedingungen angepasst werden. Und: In der gesellschaftspolitischen Arbeit gilt hier die gute persönliche Beziehung weitaus mehr als in Deutschland. Während die deutschen Auslandsmitarbeiter/innen alle drei bis fünf Jahre den Standort wechseln, sind die lokalen Teams das Rückgrat, der rote Faden in der täglichen Beratungs- und Bildungsarbeit." [Quelle: http://www.bangkok.diplo.de/Vertretung/bangkok/de/03/2-Politische-Institutionen/Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung.html. -- Zugriff am 2016-11-21. -- Fair use]

1970

Es erscheint:

Boesch, Ernst <1916 - 2014>: Zwiespältige Eliten : Eine sozialpsychologische Untersuchung über administrative Eliten in Thailand. -- Bern : Huber, 1970. -- 333 S. ; 21 cm

Ernst Boesch war 1955 bis 1958 Direktor des Internationale Institut for Child Study der UNESCO in Bangkok.

"Hier ist ein kleiner Vorgriff auf die Ergebnisse unserer Erhebungen angebracht. Bei der Befragung unserer rund 300 Informanten über die guten Eigenschaften eines Vorgesetzten betonten nur etwa 8 % Leistungsqualitäten, während mehr als 75 % fanden, ein Vorgesetzter sollte seine Fähigkeiten insbesondere im Herstellen guten Kontaktes mit Menschen zeigen. Die typischste Form solcher Antworten hieß, der Vorgesetzte sollte «khwam meetaa karunaa» [ความเมตตากรุณา] (Güte) besitzen oder «phromwihaansii» [พรหมวิหาร 4] (die vier Aspekte tugendhaften Seins, nämlich ‘meetaa’ [เมตตา] = Güte, ‘karunaa’ [กรุณา] = Erbarmen, ‘muthitaa’ [มุทิตา = Mitfreude] = gute Absichten gegenüber anderen und ‘ubeekhaa’ [อุเบกขา = Gleichmut] = Ausgeglichenheit). Ein Vorgesetzter sollte keine starken Emotionen zeigen, keine unbeherrschte Sprache führen, sollte gegenüber seinen Untergebenen Verständnis und Sympathie besitzen, sie nicht mit Arbeit überlasten und ähnliches mehr. Der Untergebene seinerseits sollte freundlich, ehrlich, vertrauenswürdig und respektvoll gegenüber dem Vorgesetzten sein, er sollte Hilfsbereitschaft und Güte zeigen, und wiederum wurden diese Eigenschaften weit häufiger angegeben als Forderungen nach guten Fähigkeiten im Leistungsbereich. Kurz, von Vorgesetzten wie Untergebenen wird vorwiegend erwartet, daß sie eine spannungsarme, angenehme Sozialatmosphäre schaffen. Darunter verstand die Mehrzahl indessen nicht eine Atmosphäre demokratischer Gleichheit; klare Statusunterschiede schienen vielmehr erwünscht zu sein. Diese Statusunterschiede waren nicht notwendigerweise auf verschiedene Grade von Kompetenz gegründet, sondern richteten sich nach hierarchischer Position, nach politischem oder persönlichem Einfluss. In der Vorstellung der Informanten gab es so etwas wie eine selbstverständliche hierarchische Ordnung mit einem relativ klar definierbaren korrekten Verhalten nach oben wie nach unten." [a.a.O., S. 29f. -- Fair use]

"Die Monarchie gehört in den Wertbereich der Sozialhierarchie, und insofern werden wir ihre Bedeutung im nachfolgenden noch eingehender betrachten müssen. Hier sei vorerst nur angedeutet, dass sie die Vorbildlichkeit der Autorität verkörpert. Wenn man die Zeitungen liest - die ja wohl am deutlichsten das publikumswirksame Bild des Königshauses darstellen -, so erhält man durchgehend den Eindruck, dass das jetzige Herrscherpaar in mancherlei Beziehung vorbildlich, im Sinne einer ‘image-Prägung’, auf gefasst wird. König und Königin wirken vorbildlich durch ihre Güte und Anteilnahme gegenüber dem Volke, vorbildlich durch die Traditionalität, die sich nicht zuletzt in der Frömmigkeit des Königs ausdrückt, vorbildlich aber auch durch die Modernität, die Sportlichkeit, die Aufgeschlossenheit gegenüber dem Ausland, die ja auch, dank der Schönheit der Königin, zu entsprechenden Publikumserfolgen in den Staaten geführt hat, die der heutige Thailänder als fortschrittlich und nachahmenswert betrachtet. Vielleicht sogar ist auch wesentlich, dass das Königspaar, trotz der geschilderten Eigenschaften, eine emotionale Distanziertheit zu wahren weiß, die ja mit zu jenem leichten Grad an Unwirklichkeit gehört, der für eine Idealbildung nötig ist. Auch die konstitutionelle Machtlosigkeit des Königs kann in diesem Sinne durchaus positiv wirken; er vermag so die Staatsautorität ohne Machtmissbrauch zu verkörpern, die, wie wir sehen werden, wesentlich zum Autoritätsbild des Thailänders gehört. Kurz, die Monarchie bietet gegenwärtig eine Konstellation von Eigenschaften dar, die der Idealisierung wie der Identifizierung entgegenkommen. Dadurch wirkt sie zwar nur gering direkt verhaltensbestimmend, doch darf man vermuten, daß diese Eigenschaften einen Rahmen bilden, aus dem die konkreten alltäglichen Autoritäten ihre Legitimation wie auch ihre Grenzen beziehen." [a.a.O., S. 49. -- Fair use]

"Es sind nicht die tagtäglichen Zeitungsnachrichten über kriminelle Aggression allein, die an diesem idealistischen Bilde zweifeln lassen; es wäre sicherlich unrichtig, sie schwerer zu gewichten als die Kriminalität in andern Ländern. Auch das naive Interesse, mit dem man solche Berichte liest, findet sich überall. Trotzdem gibt es Anzeichen, die am Bild der friedfertigen Kultur zweifeln lassen. Die Freude des Publikums an sadistisch grausamen Filmen, die aggressiven Phantasien, die sich in den mannigfachen Geistergeschichten ausdrücken, die Popularität des thailändischen Boxens, der (obwohl verbotenen) Hahnen- und Fischkämpfe sind solche Anzeichen. Überdies gibt es eine Erscheinung in der thailändischen Gesellschaft, die man beinahe als eine «Aggressivitäts-Enklave» bezeichnen könnte, die sogenannten «nakleeng» [นักเลง]. Der Begriff ist vieldeutig, doch meint er im häufigsten Gebrauch eine Art sozial anerkannten Schläger. Es sind meist junge Burschen, die im Gebrauch von Fäusten, Messern und wo nötig auch Pistolen ein besonderes Geschick zeigen. Meist sind sie nicht sehr arbeitsam, sind ebenso tüchtig wie beim Schlagen auch in den dunkleren Vergnügungen des Lebens, heißen sie nun Opium, Prostitution, Wetten, Spiel und ähnliches. Meist sind sie den Einwohnern einer Gemeinde genau bekannt, und da sie normalerweise ihre eigenen Rechtsgrundsätze haben und etwa nicht mit Dieben und Räubern verwechselt werden können, werden sie auch geachtet (ein nakleeng stiehlt im allgemeinen nicht, und wo er erpresst, so meist Leute, die es in irgendeiner Weise, entsprechend einem populären moralischen Codex, auch ‘verdienen’). Eine Informantin berichtet, dass die nakleeng ihrer Wohngegend von den Einwohnern ‘phii’ [พี่] (älterer Bruder) genannt worden seien; die Polizei habe sich ihrer bedient, und einzelne Mitglieder der Bevölkerung hätten sie auch für persönliche Abrechnungen mit anderen Personen gedungen. Ein Informant aus dem Nordosten mit sehr engen Beziehungen zu einer Reihe von nakleeng berichtet über verschiedene Politiker, die ihre eigenen nakleeng gangs als Leibwache, Druckgruppe bei politischen Kämpfen und ähnliches sich gehalten hätten. Manches von dem, was in den Zeitungen als Mord und Totschlag erscheint, sind Ergebnisse von Machtkämpfen zwischen verschiedenen nakleeng-Gruppen. Die Polizei vermeidet es möglichst - so muss man vermuten -, es mit ihnen anzulegen, es wäre denn, dass sie in zu offensichtlicher Weise die öffentliche Sicherheit bedrohten. Die Existenz solcher offensichtlich aggressiver Gruppen innerhalb der an sich sicherlich friedfertigen thailändischen Bevölkerung muss wohl sozialpsychologisch als eine bestimmte Art der Aggressivitätsbewältigung betrachtet werden. Anstatt Aggressivität völlig zu bannen, wird sie geduldet, ja genutzt, solange sie sich an bestimmte Spielregeln hält. Das impliziert aber zweierlei: einmal, dass die offiziellen Autoritäten selbst nicht über genügend Möglichkeiten verfügen (oder sie nicht nutzen), um Aggressivität zu unterdrücken. Zweitens bedeutet es, dass die Aggressivität so etwas wie ein ‘heimliches’ Sozialprestige erhält: sie stellt sich zwar außerhalb des normalen Wertsystems, verhält sich aber dazu irgendwie komplementär, ergänzend, ja man könnte sich sogar fragen, ob die Friedfertigkeit des Alltags nicht geradezu so etwas erfordere wie aggressive Enklaven - doch das soll hier nur als Frage am Rande notiert sein." [a.a.O., S. 67f. -- Fair use]

"«In dieser Beziehung sind die Thais von den Farangs [ฝรั่ง] (Europäer und Amerikaner) verschieden. Ein Kind wird kaum höher gestellten Personen, wie dem Lehrer oder sonstigen bedeutenden Erwachsenen, widersprechen. Das gilt nicht nur für Kinder, sondern auch für Erwachsene - selbst die Lehrer ihrerseits scheuen sich. So etwa, wenn jemand etwas unterrichtet, und selbst wenn wir wissen, dass es falsch ist, werden wir dazu neigen, ruhig, ohne Protest zuzuhören. Ich selbst habe mich auch schon so verhalten - ein Professor schrieb etwas Falsches, und unter uns diskutierten wir darüber und wussten, dass es falsch war, aber taten nichts dazu, um es zu verbessern. Und so sind auch die Kinder» (Herr Nüng [หนึ่ง], 6. 7. 66)." [a.a.O., S. 95]

"Nach spätem Auskünften einer Informantin, die einen der Vorfälle selbst miterlebt hatte, sahen die Ereignisse etwas anders aus, und da ihr Bericht für unser Problem relevante Einzelheiten enthält, sei er im wesentlichen hier noch angefügt: Bei der üblichen Feier zum Empfang der neuen Studenten, den jede Fakultät gesondert veranstaltet, entstand eine Schlägerei zwischen zwei kleinen Gruppen von Studenten der philosophischen und der technischen Fakultät. Der Anlass war nichtiger Art: da die Straße überschwemmt war, gingen die Ingenieur-Studenten hinter der Bühne der philosophischen Fakultät hindurch, was einige der dortigen Studenten zum Verdacht veranlasste, die Kommilitonen der andern Fakultät wollten die Studentinnen beim Umkleiden beschauen. Die Schlägerei ging bald zu Ende, das Missverständnis wurde aufgeklärt. Als indessen die Kunde davon zur technischen Fakultät gelangte, machte sich eine neue Gruppe der dortigen Studenten auf, um das ihr6n Kollegen zugefügte Unrecht zu rächen. Es entspann sich wiederum eine heftige Schlägerei, in deren Verlauf einer der Dekane einzugreifen versuchte, um die Kämpfenden anzuhalten. Dabei wurde er von einem der Ingenieur-Studenten auf eine für thailändische Begriffe nicht mehr annehmbare Weise beschimpft. Die Ingenieur-Studenten weigerten sich auch anschließend, sich für die Ungebührlichkeit zu entschuldigen, sahen sie doch das Unrecht auf Seiten der philosophischen Studenten. Deshalb wurde die Angelegenheit vom Dekan dem Dekansrat mit dem Antrag auf Bestrafung der Studenten vorgelegt. Jetzt erst kamen die Ingenieur-Studenten, um sich zu entschuldigen, aber der Dekan nahm die Entschuldigung nicht mehr an. Es wurden eine Reihe von Strafen ausgesprochen, vom Ausschluss bis zur provisorischen Suspendierung des Studiums, wobei die Ingenieur-Studenten schwerere Strafen zugeteilt erhielten. Darauf protestierten die Studenten der technischen Fakultät und traten in Streik, aber ohne Erfolg. Das war zum gleichen Zeitpunkt, an dem der König in der Aula der Universität ein Konzert gab. Die fehlbaren Studenten der technischen Fakultät begaben sich zum Ausgang des Palastes und überreichten dem König eine Petition mit der Bitte um Verzeihung. In der Aula richtete der König mahnende Worte an die fehlbaren Studenten und bat gleichzeitig Rektor und Dekane, den sich schuldig fühlenden Studenten die Strafe zu erlassen. Eine solche Bitte des Königs auszuschlagen, wäre für die betroffenen phuu jaais [ผู้ใหญ่] undenkbar gewesen, so dass die Angelegenheit zum Guten geregelt werden konnte. Allerdings, die Ingenieur-Studenten mussten noch vor der versammelten Studentenschaft sich beim Dekan kniend, mit Kerzen und Räucherstäbchen, entschuldigen." [a.a.O., S. 168f. -- Fair use]

"Man mag Geisterhäuser aus rationalen Gründen ablehnen, sie indessen aus sozialen Gründen trotzdem aufstellen. Ein Informant, Herr Sii [สี่], erklärte uns, «auch wenn man nicht daran glaubt, so muss man trotzdem ein Geisterhaus aufstellen. Es gibt Selbstvertrauen (kamlangcai [กำลังใจ]). All diese (magischen) Dinge zu tun, stärkt den Geist (bamrung khwan [บำรุงขวัญ]).» Und dann fährt er fort: «Wir müssen die entsprechenden Zeremonien erfüllen, damit die Leute, mit denen wir leben, sehen, dass wir zu ihnen gehören.» " [a.a.O., S. 205. -- Fair use]

"In einer der siamesischen Lebensgeschichten, die ich 1960 aufgenommen hatte, findet sich folgender Passus: «Eines Tages saßen wir zusammen, wir hatten Matten ausgebreitet, und meine ältere Schwester saß mit ihren Freundinnen. Da fiel plötzlich eine Schlange aus dem Baum herab und kroch auf die Matte. Die Kinder sprangen schreiend auf und schüttelten die Matte. Meine Schwester trat dabei ungeschickterweise auf die Schlange und wurde an der Zehe gebissen. Sie wurde nach der Weise traditioneller Thai-Medizinmänner behandelt, mit gewissen Kräutern, die man zusammen mit Alkohol verzehrte. So heilte der Biss, wenn die Zehe auch heute noch geschwollen ist. Es war eine nicht sehr giftige Schlange, keine Kobra. Wenn es eine Kobra wäre, dann wäre es schlimmer gewesen. Als ich ein Kind war, starben bei mir zu Hause viele Leute wegen Kobras. Wenn die Frauen fischen gingen, so verwendeten sie Fischkörbe (thailändisch ‘sum’ [สุ่ม], nach unten geöffnete Geflechte, die man im Wasser über die Fische stülpte, um dann von Hand, von unten her, die Fische aus dem Korb herauszuholen); sie gehen so, vier bis zehn Frauen, zusammen an die Wasserstellen, und dabei werden sie oft von Kobras gebissen. Einige starben auf der Stelle, andere gingen nach Hause zurück, aber sie starben auch. Es stand eben kein Serum zur Verfügung.»" [a.a.O., S. 220. -- Fair use]

"Eine Reihe von Ärzten beklagte sich sehr über die persönlichen Frustrationen, die die Tätigkeit auf dem Lande mit sich brachte. In einer meiner Interviewniederschriften heißt es: «Ich habe es, trotz vielversprechender Möglichkeiten in Bangkok, vorgezogen, hierher in die Provinz zu kommen, um aktive und befriedigende Aufbauarbeit leisten zu können. Die meisten Ärzte aber, die sich so in der Provinz befinden, werden enttäuscht. Man hat sie vorher ins Ausland geschickt, damit sie eine gute Ausbildung bekommen. In der Provinz zeigt es sich dann, dass sie keinerlei Instrumentarium haben, das ihnen erlauben würde, das Gelernte auch anzuwenden, so dass sie in kurzer Zeit in Gefahr stehen, das angeeignete Wissen zu verlieren. Daher kommt es, dass ein großer Teil dieser Ärzte nur darauf wartet, wieder ins Ausland gehen zu können. Zudem ist eine noch wesentlichere Gefahr vorhanden. Es stimmt zwar, dass die Gesundheitsstationen erster Klasse nicht genügend mit Ärzten besetzt sind. Indessen haben die Ärzte die Erfahrung gemacht, dass jemand, der sich für eine solche Stelle meldet, anschließend vom Ministerium vergessen wird und einen großen Teil seines Lebens im Urwald zubringen kann. Diejenigen, die zurückberufen werden, sind nur eine kleine Zahl.... deswegen ist die Situation praktisch so, dass derjenige, der ein Opfer bringt, dafür in seinem Fortkommen bestraft, der aber, der kein Opfer auf sich nimmt, also in Bangkok bleibt, für mangelnde Opferbereitschaft belohnt wird. Das ist der eigentliche Grund, weshalb die jungen Ärzte sich eben nicht zur Arbeit in entlegenen Provinzen melden.»" [a.a.O., S. 242. -- Fair use]

1970

Es erscheint:

Luther, Hans Ulrich <1940 - >: Reformer gegen Rebellen : Zur Situation der Bauern in Thailand. -- Hamburg : Inst. f. Asienkunde, 1970. -- 31 S. -- (Mitteilungen des Instituts für Asienkunde Hamburg ; Nr. 32)

Abb.: Einbandtitel

1970

Es erscheint:

Wilson, David A.: The United States and the future of Thailand. -- New York, Praeger, 1970. -- 181 S. ; 22 cm. -- Der Autor ist Mitglied des Academic Advisory Council for Thailand

Abb.: Umschlagtitel

"We cannot know the future, regardless of our hopes or our revulsion from its unknown threats. But it is in the character of our age, in which the fragile web of civilization links the peoples of the world, that Americans seek to control this dark future and that we are doomed to grapple with its ambiguities. The United States is no longer a mere model, a Novus Ordo Seclorum. The effects of American productivity, our currency, our weaponry, and our consumption are experienced everywhere, and, for that reason, we are impelled to influence people and events. Simultaneously, we find ourselves engaged in an effort to realize our vision of human life, however vague and imperfect that vision may be. We carry on this struggle in this country and abroad by policy and politics, by persuasion and force, by leadership and attraction, and by whatever moral means we can muster. We do so in order to create and preserve the forms of life that we value. To so struggle is to serve our interests. [a.a.O., S. 4. -- Fair use]

"The model for the political class in Thailand is a three-tiered pyramid. The top level includes several dozen people, who do, or could, dominate the ruling class and the country as a whole, by manipulation of various political forces. This group involves senior military commanders, a few men of outstanding reputations gained in the bureaucracy or in the subsequent interplay of politics, and, perhaps, two or three men around the throne. At any given time, there have never been more than a dozen such men in power, although the increased requirements of managing complex government activities tends to enlarge the group. The second level of the pyramid consists of about 1,000 persons, including senior officials and military officers of colonel and general rank, some princes, and, perhaps, some particularly powerful businessmen. Whereas the top group dominates, it is only through their manipulation and control of the second group that they gain, hold, and use power. The base of this structure is what may be called the political public. It is made up of educated and articulate citizens in Bangkok, the provincial towns, and, to a small extent, in villages, who interest themselves in the details of political activity. It is made up of high school and university graduates, who are, largely, in the bureaucracy, professional people, journalists and other writers, and members of the commercial white-collar group. This political class constitutes between 1 per cent and 2 per cent of Thailand’s total adult population. The organizing institutions of this group have been predominantly bureaucratic, in the broadest sense of the word. They are the military, the throne, the civil service, the National Assembly, and the business community. Political power is generated by persistent cooperation of people. In Thailand, political power comes, very largely, from government organization rather than from such private institutions as parties, corporations, or special interest groups, because, among the Thai people, such cooperation is confined, almost entirely, to the government. For this reason, the Kingdom has been accurately called a "bureaucratic polity." The Army, and, to a lesser extent, the Air Force and Navy are the organizations that generate the most power. Certain civilian organizations that are large or that control necessary resources are also important. For example, the National Police Department, the Department of Local Administration, and the Ministry of National Development provide significant bases of power. When considering the Government of Thailand, therefore, it is necessary to appreciate not only the organization charts of administrative responsibility but also an overlay of political power that is the pattern of policy-making and action. There are a large number of departments, the basic organizational units of the Thai Government. Each is charged with an area of responsibility, which is more or less broad but well defined. These departments are grouped together in twelve ministries: the ministries of Defense and the Interior are the oldest, largest, and most important. The other ministries are Foreign Affairs, Agriculture, National Development, Education, Finance, Economic Affairs, Industry, Public Health, Justice, and Communications. The military establishment has taken upon itself the role of political mentor to the nation. By means of successful coups d’état, it has staked a substantial claim to political dominance, which it has enhanced by maintaining its financial, educational, and administrative autonomy. In addition, the fact that a substantial portion of the armed forces is based in the capital is a matter of no small political importance. The position of the throne and the use of its prestige are rather obscure." [a.a.O., S. 104f. -- Fair use]

[a.a.O., S. 117. -- Fair use]

"The American Government conceives of its intervention in Vietnam, however, as a forward strategy in the defense of Japan, on the north, and Australia, on the south, as well as an intrinsic defense of Southeast Asia from Chinese control or influence. It is, therefore, possible to foresee contingencies in which the United States would accept a strategic withdrawal to another line of defense that does not include Thailand. The Thai Government is not unaware of that possibility and must make calculations with that in mind. Its recognition of the contingent character of the American strategic attitudes regarding Southeast Asia attenuates the influence that flows out of the commitments. Nevertheless, the influence is very great and is strengthened by a more generalized and intangible aspect of the position of the United States in the world. This aspect might be called the attitudes informing American imperialism. This is an age of nationalisms, more or less responsibly managed in a great number of small states. It is often necessary for the United States, because of its great power, which ramifies politically, economically, and militarily throughout the world, to involve itself in the affairs of small states. Such involvement represents a continuing effort to find an order for world affairs within which peace and justice may be found. This effort to find an order—an effort not necessarily well conceived, free of failure, nor lacking in the use of force and power—is the substance of American imperialism. The American effort has three notable characteristics. One is the assumption that autonomous states should conduct their own internal affairs constrained only by the requirement for peaceful relations with other states; in short, an assumption of a community of free nations. The second characteristic is a relatively open attitude toward economic and social organization. The third characteristic of the attitudes underlying American imperialism is the belief that change should come about peacefully. All of these characteristics are, of course, enshrined in the concepts of the United Nations. Implementation of American imperialism is by no means free of difficulties and inconsistencies. Practical judgments on the freedom to join the camp of the enemy or to seize the property of Americans for whatever good cause have been made for the most part according to a standard of benefit to the United States. The exertion of alternative influences from such great and major powers as the Soviet Union or the People’s Republic of China, based on a conception to some degree conflicting with the American vision, has led to antagonism and struggle. In Southeast Asia, particularly in Vietnam but, perhaps, potentially in Thailand as well, such struggle has centered on the issue of changes in the nation’s internal political efforts." [a.a.O., S. 163f. n-- Fair use]

"Why should the United States seek to maintain or extend its influence in Thailand and Southeast Asia? Some assessment of its cost in comparison to its benefits is justified, because such influence depends upon a continuing, costly effort to uphold a strategic position, to maintain an assistance program, and to sustain an imperial attitude. The lives lost in Vietnam are precious, and the billions of dollars expended there are not without value in terms of other things foregone. From slums, to schools, to space, there have been and will be opportunities for the use of the wealth and energy spent in Southeast Asia. The war in Vietnam has been excessively costly. Therefore, it is right that we assess the risks of becoming a part of another unmanageable and unpredictable struggle in another place, for example, Thailand—a struggle that we do not initiate, do not understand, and, once caught in, cannot escape. In short, is Thailand likely to be "another Vietnam?" On the basis of the preceding chapters, it is clear that Thailand and Vietnam are very different. " [a.a.O., S. 165. -- Fair use]

"Thailand falls well short of anyone’s conception of a perfect community. With an unsettled constitution, an underdeveloped economy, and an unmobilized society, the leaders of the Thai nation face formidable obstacles and threats to the order and justice of their community. Nevertheless, they have a record of some success, and reason for confidence that success may continue. The future of Thailand seems to promise an opportunity for the United States to contribute to the realization of the sort of world it wishes. By using the influence America has in accordance with guidelines appropriate to both its potentiality and its limits, the United States may return to its role as a wealthy and ingenious contributor to the construction of a better world order." [a.a.O., S. 172. -- Fair use]

1970

Es erscheinen:

Jones, Robert B. <1920 - > ; Mendiones, Ruchira Chinnapongse [รุจิรา ชินณพงศ์ เมนเดียนส์] <1918 - >: Introduction to Thai literature = ประมวลวรรณกรรมไทยยางเรื่อง. -- Ithca, NY : Cornell Univ. Southeast Asia Program, 1970. -- 563 S. ; 25 cm. -- Copyright bis 1980-09-15, danach public domain

Abb.: Einbandtitel

"Preface The term literature encompasses a very wide and varied range of English writings, from belles lettres to technical writings to popular light reading. The Thai word วรรณกรรม covers a similar if not quite so wide range of Thai writings, whereas the word วรรณคดี refers specifically to classical literature, here meaning the court literature written in classical poetic form, and excluding all modern writings. Though the major portion of this collection is classed as included also are some examples from the excellent modern short story writers, and thus the more appropriate term for the collection as a whole is วรรณกรรม. The modern short stories will present few problems, but the classical works include a somewhat formidable array of problems--mastery of the various poetic forms, the generally impressionistic style of Thai poetry, the specific styles and vocabulary of each work, and the accumulation of the necessary background information for full appreciation of Thai classical literature since most of these works relate to Hindu and Buddhist traditions from India. The many Hindu gods and their relationships to each other play a considerable role, and in the Indic tradition gods, demons and men all interact equally. Thus students would do well to read up on Hindu mythology to acquire a knowledge of this background. In addition the Thai-English Dictionary of George Bradley McFarland will be a necessary aid. The vocabulary given in the back of this book includes only terms and names not found in McFarland or inadequately defined there. Where alternate or 'correct' spellings are indicated, even though a brief definition is given, the student should also check McFarland's entry for often he includes lengthy and enlightening explanations of technical terms as well as the identification and deeds of the various gods and demons. The notes included for each lesson deal only with items not technically matters of vocabulary--respellings required by the rules of the given poetic form, identification of characters in the story, background and summary of the stories. Only such entries as may be generally useful outside the particular work in which they occur are entered in the general vocabulary list. Also, definitions supplied are intended to convey the meaning of the word but not necessarily the most appropriate term for the context and style of the work in which it occurs. Literary translation is a high art which cannot be achieved by a simple word list, and no attempt is made to do so here. Dates given in the references at the end of each selection refer only to the date of the source used and are not necessarily the dates of first publication, which are sometimes difficult to determine. The short stories are only a sampling and not, of course, meant to be representative of all modern literature. Novels, a rich field in themselves, could not be included at all, and modern poetry could only be included fragmentarily. The selections from classical literature are. however, fairly representative even though a great many excellent works remain which could not be included in this introductory selection." [a.a.O., S. III - IV]

Jones, Robert B. <1920 - > ; Mendiones, Ruchira Chinnapongse [รุจิรา ชินณพงศ์ เมนเดียนส์] <1918 - >: Thai cultural reader = ประมวลความเรียงเบ็ดเตล็ค. -- Ithca, NY : Cornell Univ. Southeast Asia Program. -- Book I. -- 1970. -- 517 S. ; Book II. -- 1969. -- 791 S. -- Copyright bis 1978/1979, danach public domain

Abb.: Einbandtitel

1970

Stärke der thailändischen Truppen im Vietnamkrieg 1965 - 1970:

Abb.: Stärke der thailändischen Truppen im Vietnamkrieg 1965 - 1970

Country	1965	1966	1967	1968	1969	1970
Thailand
Strength	16	244	2,205	6,005	11,568	11,586
Number of maneuver battalions	0	0	1	3	6	6

1970

Abb.: Reklame für US-Soldaten: Playboy Club Ubon (อุบลราชธานี), 1970
[Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Ubon (อุบลราชธานี)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain´]

1970

Abb.: U.S. Air Force forward air controller über Laos, 1970
[Bildquelle: http://www.nationalmuseum.af.mil/factsheets/factsheet.asp?id=15304. -- Zugriff am 2013-10-26]

1970

Es erscheint:

Schanche, Don A. (Arthur) <1926 - 1994>: Mister Pop. -- New York : McKay, 1970. -- 310 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Über der in Laos tätigen CIA-Agenten Edgar "Pop" Buell (1913-1980)

Abb.: Einbandtitel

1970

Es erscheint:

Laos : war and revolution / ed. by Nina S. Adams and Alfred W. McCoy. -- New York : Harper & Row, 1970. -- 482 S. ; 21 cm. -- SBN 06-090221-3. -- "A publication of the Committee of Concerned Asian Scholars."

1970

Der erste Toyota Corolla wird in Thailand aus importierten Fertigteilen zusammengebaut: COROLLA KE 20

Abb.: Toyota Corolla KE 20
[Bildquelle: Scottish_Classic _Car_Clubs. --  http://www.flickr.com/photos/8333087@N04/4835372199. -- Zugriff am 2013-10-05. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

1970

Christliche Kirchen in Thailand:

"Die folgenden Körperschaften sind in die Kirche Christi in Thailand (KCT) [Church of Christ in Thailand C.C.T. - สภาคริสตจักรในประเทศไทย] aufgegangen oder angegliedert: Die Presbyterianer (USA, seit 1840) haben heute 76 brüderliche Mitarbeiter, gründeten erzieherische und medizinische Institutionen, Druckereien und landwirtschaftliche Projekte, die größtenteils noch laufen und vollkommen in die thailändische Kirche eingegliedert sind. Die Vereinigte Christliche Missionsgesellschaft (Disciples), 1903 eingetroffen, unterhält 17 ganz in die thailändische Kirche integrierte Missionare. Die Amerikanische Baptisten-Mission kam 1952 nach Thailand zurück, hat 32 Missionare und arbeitet unter den Karenenstämmen; zwischen 1833 und 1893 wirkte sie unter den Chinesen in Thailand und ist heute der thailändischen Kirche angegliedert. Die Marburger Mission, 1953 angekommen, hat 20 Missionare und ist voll integriert. Die Vereinigte Kirche Jesu Christi auf den Philippinen, die Presbyterianische Kirche in Korea, die Vereinigte Kirche Christi in Japan (Kyodan), und die CSI [Church of South India] hatten 1968 jeweils zwei Missionare in Thailand Die Kirche Christi in Thailand (KCT) ist Mitglied der EACC [East Asia Christian Conference], deren Verwaltung im Gebäude der KCT-Zentrale, 14 Pramuan Road, Bangkok, untergebracht ist. Die KCT steht auch mit dem Kirchlichen Weltdienst [Church World Service] (USA) und mit dem ÖRK [Ökumenischer rat der Kirchen] in Verbindung. Die KCT hat 130 Gemeinden und etwa 24 000 Mitglieder, 40 Schulen mit 23 000 Schülern, 1 theologisches Seminar, 2 Bibelschulen, 7 Krankenhäuser mit 2 000 Betten, 2 Landwirtschaftsprogramme, 2 Universitätszentren und ein ausgedehntes Stipendienprogramm. Folgende Gruppen sind organisatorisch nicht mit der KCT verbunden: Katholiken, seit 1511, fast 300 Priester, 100 Brüder und mehr als 900 Nonnen, 38 Kirchen, 140 Schulen, 3 Krankenhäuser, verschiedene andere Einrichtungen und etwa 130 000 Mitglieder; Overseas Missionary Fellowship, seit 1951 in Thailand, hat 230 Missionare, die hauptsächlich unter Stämmen arbeiten und 30 Gruppen mit insgesamt 800 Mitgliedern gebildet haben; CMA [Christian and Missionary Alliance], 1929 angefangen, 73 Missionare, 59 Gemeinden, 85 Gruppen und 1500 bis 2 000 Mitglieder; Südliche Baptisten (USA), 1949, 58 Missionare, 11 Gemeinden, 17 Gruppen, 876 Mitglieder und 15 000 Sonntagsschulteilnehmer;  Adventistenkirche von Thailand, 1918, 51 Missionare, 8 Kirchen, 4 Gruppen und 1 374 Mitglieder. Weitere Körperschaften, die im kleineren Maßstab arbeiten: WEK [Worldwide Evangelization Crusade], Finnische Freie Mission in Thailand, (Pfingstler), Japanische unabhängige Missionare,  Kirche Christi (Texas), New Tribes Mission, Christliche Brüder (englisch), Mission der amerikanischen Kirchen in Thailand, Schwedische Freie Mission (Pfingstler), Freie Christliche Mission (skandinavisch), Christlicher Literatur-Kreuzzug, Thailand Kinderevangelisationsbund, Slawische und Orientalische Mission, Thailand-Bibelhaus (von Amerika unterstützt, dient allen Christen), Kirche Christi (eine anglikanische Gemeinde), CVJM [Christlicher Verein Junger Männer]. [Quelle: Ray C. Downs <1917 - 2006>. -- In: Lexikon zur Weltmission / hrsg. von Stephen Neill [u. a.]. -- Wuppertal : Theologischer Verlag Brockhaus ; Erlangen : Verlag der Evang.-Luth. Mission, 1975. -- Originaltitel: Concise dictionary of the Christian world mission (1971). -- ISBN 3-7974-0054-3. -- S. 537.]

1970

Es erscheint:

Tambiah, Stanley Jeyaraja <1929 - >: Buddhism and the spirit cults in North-East Thailand. -- Cambridge : Univ. Press, 1970. -- XI, 388 S. : Ill. -- (Cambridge studies in social anthropology ; 2)

Abb.: Einbandtitel

1970

Es erscheint:

三島由紀夫 <1925-1970>: 暁の寺. -- Tokyo: 新潮社, Shōwa 45 [=1970]

Deutsche Übersetzung:

Mishima, Yukio [三島由紀夫] <1925-1970>: Der Tempel der Morgendämmerung : Roman / aus dem Japanischen von Siegfried Schaarschmidt. --  München : Hanser, 1987. -- 362 S. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 3-446-14614-8. -- "Teilausgabe von: Hōjō-no-umi [豊饒の海]. - Bd. 3 von: Mishima, Yukio: Das Meer der Fruchtbarkeit". -- Dieser Teil des Romans spielt gänzlich in Bangkok.

Abb.: Umschlagtitel

ca. 1970

Als Superstar des Luk Thung (ลูกทุ่ง) und Molam (หมอลำ) tritt Banyen Rakkaen (บานเย็น รากแก่น, 1952 - ) hervor. Sie ist die erste "Queen of Luk Thung und Molam" (ราชินีลูกทุ่งหมอลำประยุกต์)

Abb.: Plattencover
[fair use]

ca. 1970

Es erscheint der Sprechgesang (เพลงพูด)

เพลิน พรหมแดน [Phloen Phromdaen, 1939 - ]: คึกลิดคิดลึก ["Khueklit denkt tief"]

Künstlerlink auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:artist:1XP5ht9alZg5xd0hFbCSRz
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/1XP5ht9alZg5xd0hFbCSRz

Abb.: Cover einer Audiokassette

1970

Ayumongol Sonakul (ม่อมราชวงศ์อายุมงคล โสณกุล, 1938 -  1985) schreibt im ASPAC Quarterly of Cultural and Social Affairs. -- 2 (Winter 1970). -- S. 86 unter "Cultural and Social Notes from Member Countries" über die Entwicklung der siamesischen Erzählgattung Sepha (เสภา):

"No one is quite sure how—or when—sebha [transliterated "sepha" [เสภา] in this study] began; or even what the word "Sebha’’ means. H. R. H. Prince Damrong [สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าดิศวรกุมาร กรม พระยา ดำรงราชานุภาพ, 1862 - 1943], great historian and student of antiquities, who is much believed in matters of this nature, thought it began with professional storytellers who plied their trade at religious ceremonies and in temple pavilions as a form of entertainment, from the earliest times of Siamese civilization. Prince Damrong surmised that the earliest storytellers told their tales in prose, while their successors gradually began to work in a few verse passages to break the monotony and to achieve a more pleasant sound. Gradually, the sebha verse form was born. Sebha verse is not recited in normal speech tone, but chanted to the accompaniment of clicking sticks, and "received" at certain intervals by a full piphat ensemble [ปี่พาทย์].... The use of piphat with sebha recitation began only in the Bangkok era, quite lately; in the Ayudhya [Ayuthaya] era [อาณาจักรอยุธยา] it was voice only. Sebha is basically "folk" as opposed to "formal" verse, thus sharing a common quality with such folk verse arts as pleng choi [เพลงฉ่อย] and pleng rua [phleng] [เพลงเรือ]. However, pleng choi and pleng rua are spontaneous verses sung by men and women to wittily woo and insult each other; sebha, on the other hand, is narrative. Being a folk art, sebha tends to be a little on the bawdy side: but only permissibly so, not bawdy enough to incur police attention upon its reciters, unlike pleng choi performed in its full glory by professionals. Originally, all sebha told the story of "Khun Chang-Khun Phaen, " [ขุนช้างขุนแผน] an epic tale of heroism, intrigue, love, sex, and sadism. In recent decades, however, poets have adapted the form to tell other tales. "Khun Chang-Khun Phaen" is based on a true story that probably occurred during the Ayudhya era. Though the written sebha version names the king at the time only as "Phra Phanvasa" ("Lord of a Thousand Years") a mere honorific title as opposed to a name, Prince Damrong has tentatively dated the occurrence to the reign of King Ramathibodi II [สมเด็จพระรามาธิบดีที่ 2] (1491 — 1529); he believed that the tale was told in prose until the reign of King Narai [สมเด็จพระนารายณ์มหาราช, 1632 - 1688] in the 17th Century, when it was versified and gave birth to sebha. The present written sebha version, however, is a comparatively recent work. It was begun at the court of King Rama II (1809—1824) right here in Bangkok; the final portions were probably not finished until the reign of King Mongkut (1851—1868). It was written by a group of poets at court, including King Rama II himself, who was one of the leading poets of his time. It is not known which other poets collaborated, but they definitely included Sunthorn Phu [สุนทรภู่, 1786 - 1855], one of the greatest poets in Thai literature." [Zitiert in: Morton, David <1920 - 2004>: The traditional Music of Thailand. -- Berkeley : University of California Press, 1976. -- 258 S. : Ill. ; 29 cm. -- ISBN 0-520-01876-1. -- S. 229, Anm. 32]

1970

Es erscheint der sozialkritische Roman:

สุวรรณี สุคนธา [Suwanni Sukhontha] <1932 - 1984>: เขาชื่อกานต์ [Er hieß Kan]. -- Schildert das berufliche und private Scheitern eines Arztes, der sich der vom Staat vernachlässigten Landbevölkerung widmet.

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer der Ausgaben

1970

Es erscheint der Roman Sawan Biang (สวรรค์เบี่ยง) von Krisna Asokesin (กฤษณา อโศกสิน, 1931 - )

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer Neuausgabe

1970

Es erscheinen dei ersten Kurzgeschichten von Maitri Limpichart (ไมตรี ลิมปิชาติ, 1942 - )

Abb.: Einbandtitel eines der Werke Maitris

Ampha Otrakul [อําภา โอตระกูล, 1934 - ] über den Schriftsteller:

"MAITRI LIMPICHAT [ไมตรี ลิมปิชาติ], 1942 in Nakornsritammarat [นครศรีธรรมราช] geboren, ist ein Beamter des gehobenen Dienstes in den zentralen Stadtwerken von Bangkok, Abteilung für Wasserversorgung. Seit 1970 publiziert er regelmässig Kurzgeschichten. Bis jetzt sind etwa hundert Geschichten von ihm mit Erfolg veröffentlicht worden. Der bekannteste Band von Maitri Limpichat ist die Serie von Geschichten aus der Beamtenwelt, in denen er die Arbeitwelt und das Verhalten der Beamten beleuchtet. Maitri Limpichats Kurzgeschichten sind leichte, oft heitere Geschichten aus dem Alltagsleben, die die schwache Seite der Menschen oder der thailändischen Gesellschaft erkennen lassen. [Quelle: Kurzgeschichten aus Thailand / ausgewählt und übersetzt von Ampha Otrakul [อําภา โอตระกูล, 1934 - ]. -- Bangkok : Chalermit, [1982]. -- 312 S. ; 20 cm. -- ISBN 974-7390-08-6. -- S. 179]

1970

จดหมายจากเมืองไทย ("Briefe aus Thailand") gewinnt den SEATO Literature Award. Es sind fiktive Brief, die ein chinesischer Immigrant seiner Mutter in China schreibt. Verfasser ist สุภา สิริสิงห (aka. โบตั๋น - Botan, geb. 1945).

1970 (oder 1968)

Der birmanische Journalist Edward Michael Law-Yone (1911 - 1980) flieht mit seiner Familie aus Burma und lässt sich in Bangkok nieder.

"Edward Michael Law-Yone (Burmese pronunciation: [lɔjòʊɴ], nicknamed Ed Law-Yone; February 5, 1911 – June 27, 1980) was a Burmese journalist and official of Burma and then of the Burmese government-in-exile (ပြည်ထောင်စု မြန်မာနိုင်ငံ အမျိုးသား ညွန့်ပေါင်းအစိုးရ), as well as an author. He was born in Kamaing (ကာမိုင်းမြို့), Myitkyina District (မြစ်ကြီးနားမြို့, now part of Kachin State / ကချင်ပြည်နယ်), British Burma. Educated at Saint Peters' School (now Basic Education High School No. 9) in Mandalay (မန္တလေး), at 16 he went to work as a clerk in the Burma-China border frontier service. He joined the Burma Railways in 1930 as a probationer and by 1938 was in charge of the rates and commercial section, traveling in that year over the recently constructed Burma Road to survey the route proposed for linking the Burma and Yunnan-Indochina Railways. In August 1948, he founded The Nation, Burma's most influential English language newspaper, and served as its chief editor, until his 5-year detention, following Ne Win's (နေဝင်း , 1910 - 2002) coup d'état in 1962.[2][3] In a 1957 interview with American news broadcast See It Now, he said:[4] “It will be realized that although we have a parliamentary form of government, Parliament is not, in fact, well-established in this country. There is a preponderance of a one-party rule, which to me, is in the long run, is as dangerous as having autocracy...I hold entirely with the view that power corrupts, that absolute power corrupts.” Law-Yone was one of the first recipients of the Ramon Magsaysay Award for Journalism, Literature and Creative Communication Arts, in 1959. The Nation was shut down in May 1963, the first to be closed by the new government.[2][5][6] In 1970, Law-Yone left Burma with his family.[7] In exile, he lived near Lumpini Park (สวนลุมพินี) in Bangkok, Thailand before settling in Silver Spring, Maryland.[8] His daughter, Wendy Law-Yone (947 - ), is a journalist and writer, and his granddaughter, Jocelyn Seagrave (1968 - ), is an actress. Law-Yone was a member of the Executive Committee of the Union of Burma Boy Scouts, and was an active promoter of Scouting, taking the lead in fundraising activities and traveling to international Scouting meetings." [Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_Michael_Law-Yone. -- Zugriff am 2016-05-10]

"Although it was U Nu [ဦးနု, 1907 - 1995] who made the official declaration of war against Ne Win's government, the brain behind the move was Edward Law Yone, the well-respected editor of the Nation, who had been arrested shortly after Ne Win's coup in 1962. He had been released together with Kyaw Nyein [ကျော်ငြိမ်း၊ ဦး, 1915 - 1986] and some other former state leaders in January 1968, and Law Yone had left for Bangkok, Thailand, almost immediately to contact other opponents of the military government. At his rented villa in Soi Lang Suan [ซอยหลังสวน] around the corner from Bangkok's central Lumpini Park, Law Yone met with former commanders of the Burma Army who had also fled Burma, with leaders of various ethnic rebel forces, and a scattering of younger characters. Among them were no less than four of the Thirty Comrades [ရဲဘော်သုံးကျိပ်]: Bo Setkya, Bo Yan Naing, Bohmu Aung [ဗိုလ်မှူးအောင်, 1910 - 2004] and Aung San's close friend Bo Let Ya [ဗိုလ်လက်ျာ, 1911 - 1978]. Other prominent personalities included erstwhile chief of operations, Brig.-Gen. Henson Kya Doe (an ethnic Karen, who had been dismissed from service in 1949 when the Karen insurrection broke out); ex-chief of the Air Force, Air Commodore Tommy Clift (an Anglo-Shan former Air Force commander who had been included in the initial seventeen-member Revolutionary Council after the 1962 coup); Jimmy Yang [杨] of the exiled ruling family of Kokang [ကိုးကန့်]; representatives of the Yawnghwe  [ယွင်ႈႁူၺ်ႈ] mahadevi's SSA [Shan State Army / ရှမ်းပြည် တပ်မတော်]; and Karen rebel leader Mahn Ba Zan. Law Yone was "a short, hard-driving and acutely intelligent man, egocentric, solidly built with a square face and steel gray hair, speaking English with a distinct British colonial accent. He could spit out bits of Horace and Shakespeare, then tell a Chinese muleteer's joke—all while simultaneously playing a clarinet, marimba and church organ."24 He had spent nearly six years in jail hatching a plot to overthrow Ne Win's military government, whose incompetence he saw as the main reason why the country had gone down the drain since 1962. The plan seemed simple when it was being discussed over endless glasses of sweet Burmese tea at Law Yone's Soi Lang Suan residence: the ethnic minorities—the only non-Communist, armed opposition to the regime—were not in a position to topple Ne Win for reasons of geography, distance, distrust, poor communication and different political attitudes. And so long as Ne Win held Rangoon and Mandalay, no foreign government would recognise a Burmese government in exile, even if it was pro-Western and inclined towards democracy. The traditionally militant Buddhist sangha [သံဃာ], or clergy, in Mandalay, on the other hand, if properly inspired, might rise up against the regime, bringing with them large numbers of ordinary people—or so Law Yone had worked out in jail. A coordinated attack by the ethnic rebels—and the Burman resistance army which he intended to raise with help from the army veterans around him—might bring down the government in Rangoon. In order to influence the sangha, Law Yone needed U Nu, who was considered a devout Buddhist.25 U Nu flew into Bangkok in October 1969, and was granted political asylum by the Thai government: Law Yone had established close connections with Praphat Charusathien [ประภาส จารุเสถียร, 1912 - 1997] of the Internal Security Operational Command (ISOC) [กองอำนวยการรักษาความมั่นคง ภายในราชอาณาจักร], which also liaised with the Karens, the Mons and other "buffers" along the Thai-Burma border. The PDP [Parliamentary Democracy Party] would be equipped with its own armed force—called the Patriotic Liberation Army (PLA)." [Quelle: Lintner, Bertil <1953 - >: Burma in revolt : opium and insurgency since 1948. -- 2. ed. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 1999. -- 558 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 974-7100-78-9. -- S. 258ff.. -- Fair use]

1970

Es erscheint der Bollywood-Film

Dharti [धरती] / von Chithamur Vijayaraghavulu Sridhar [ஸ்ரீதர்] <1933 - 2008>

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Fair use]

Original Soundtrack auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:album:5zEMgD2oFY94wZ5TWfdXaC
URL: https://open.spotify.com/album/5zEMgD2oFY94wZ5TWfdXaC

Die Songs werden noch im gleichen Jahr ins Thai adaptiert und erscheinen als Album:

โฉมนาง [Angesicht der Dame] / gesungen von ชาตรี ศรีชล [Chatri Srichon] <1949 - 1989>

Künstlerlink auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:artist:2MHyVxBYeCUSId8v1ia41m
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/2MHyVxBYeCUSId8v1ia41m

Abb.: Kassettenhülle
[Fair use]

1970

Erstmals Austragung des Queens Cup (ควีนสคัพ), eines jährlichen Fußball-Cup.

1970

Gründung des Fußballklubs FC Provincial Electricity (สโมสรฟุตบอลการไฟฟ้าส่วนภูมิภาค, heute: Buriram United - สโมสรฟุตบอลบุรีรัมย์ ยูไนเต็ด)

Abb.: ®Logo
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia]

"Buriram United (Thai: สโมสรฟุตบอลบุรีรัมย์ ยูไนเต็ด), formerly Buriram P.E.A. Football Club, is a professional Thai football club based in Buriram province (บุรีรัมย์). The club has played at the top level of Thai football for the majority of their existence and is currently competing in the Thai Premier League (ไทยพรีเมียร์ลีก). The club was founded in 1970 and their current home stadium is New i-mobile Stadium (นิว ไอ-โมบาย สเตเดียม) which has a capacity of 24,000. Buriram United won their first Thai Premier League title in 2008 and the Khǒr Royal Cup in 1998, as PEA FC (Provincial Electricity Authority Football Club). The club was previously based in Ayutthaya (อยุธยา) before moving east to Buriram for the 2010 season. In season 2011, Buriram PEA were the triple champions winning the (2011 Thai Premier League, 2011 Thai FA Cup - มูลนิธิไทยคม เอฟเอคัพ), and 2011 Thai League Cup - โตโยต้า ลีกคัพ) in Thailand." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buriram_United_F.C.. -- Zugriff am 2013-05-02]

1970

Briefmarken:

1970

US-Architekt Robert G. Boughey (1936 - ) kommt dauerhaft nach Thailand. 19743 gründet er das Architekturbüro Robert G. Boughey and Associates Co. Ltd., Architects and Planers (65% Thai und 35% amerikanische Eigentümer).

Zu den Werken gehören:

• Siam Commercial Bank (ธนาคาร ไทยพาณิชย์) Park Plaza

• Pakdee Building (อาคารภัคดี) (Bank of America)

• Siam Discovery Center (สยามดิสคัฟเวอรี่เซ็นเตอร์)

• Marriott Resort & Spa in Bangkok, Pattaya (พัทยา), and Hua Hin (หัวหิน),

• Q. House Lumpini (คิวเฮ้าส์ ลุมพินี)

• Rolex Centre

• GPF Towers (Diethelm Towers) (อาคารจีพีเอฟ)

• B.Grimm (บี.กริม)

• Thai Obayashi Building (บริษัท นันทวัน จำกัด)

• Samaggi Insurance Tower (สามัคคีประกันภัย)

• SCB (Siam Commercial Bank - ธนาคารไทยพาณิชย์) Computer Center

• Srijulsup Tower (อาคารศรีจุลทรัพย์)

2513 / 1970 datiert

1970-01-23

Die Regierung von Bangkok beginnt einen "Krieg gegen Wasserverschmutzung", um den Chao Phraya (แม่น้ำเจ้าพระยา) von einer Kloake in einen Fluss zu verwandeln.

1970-01-22

Auf einem Flug von Thai Airways von Bangkok nach Kuala Lumpur wird über Songkhla (สงขลา) ein Baby geboren: Tharminder Singh. Er erhält viele Jahre lang jeweils eine Geburtstagsfeier von Thai Airways.

Abb.: Bangkok - Songkhla (สงขลา) - Kuala Lumpur
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-01-24

Auf einem Wirtschaftsseminar sind ein Bauer, ein niedriger Staatsbediensteter, ein Lehrer, ein Straßenkehrer und ein Schriftsteller zu Gast. Sie beschreiben ihre finanzielle Situation. Der Lehrer erzählt, dass sein Chef sich weigert, ihm das zugesagte Gehalt zu zahlen. Der Staatsbedienstete sagt, dass reiche Leute ihn oft schmähten, der Straßenkehrer erzählt, dass er einen Tageslohn von 24 Baht hat, dieser aber nicht reicht, da er ein Playboy mit drei Frauen sei.

1970-01-25

USA: Premiere der Antikriegssatire MASH von Robert Altman (1925 - 2006).

Abb.: ©Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

1970-02

Es erscheint die umfassende Übersicht:

Minority groups in Thailand / Joann L. Schrock [u. a.]. -- Washington:  Headquarters, Dept. of the Army, 1970. -- 1135 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- (Ethnographic study series) (Department of the Army pamphlet ; no. 550-107)

Daraus das Folgende:

Abb.: Geschätzte Bevölkerungszahl der Minoritäten 1970 (in Tausend), hohe und niedrige Schätzung
[Datenquelle: a.a.O., passim]

---

Kui (กุย / គួយ)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Kui (กุย / គួយ)
[a.a.O., vor S. 1]

In Thailand gibt es schätzungsweise 100.000 Kui (กุย / គួយ), die noch ihre Sprache sprechen und ihre Kultur pflegen. Dazu kommen schätzungsweise 140.000 Kui, die sich an ihre Umgebung (Lao-Thai, Khmer) assimiliert haben.

---

Vietnamesen (ญวน / người Việt)

---

Abb.: Vietnamesen (ญวน / người Việt) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 34]

Es gibt zwei Gruppen von in Thailand ansässigen Vietnamesen:

• Yuon Gao (ญวนเก่า, Alt-Vietnamesen): Katholiken, sind in den 1850er Jahren nach Thailand geflohen, leben in Zentralthailand und Südostthailand: schätzungsweise zwischen 30.000 und 60.000

• Yuon Mai (ญวนใหม, Neu-Vietnamesen): sind nach 1945 nach Thailand geflohen, leben in Nordostthailand (Isaan - อีสาน): zwischen 35.000 und 50.000

---

Chinesen (ชาวจีน / 漢族人)

---

Abb.: Chinesen (ชาวจีน) in Thailand (1)
[a.a.O., S. 85]

Abb.: Chinesen (ชาวจีน) in Thailand (2)
[a.a.O., S. 86]

In Thailand leben schätzungsweise 2,5 bis 3 Millionen ethnische Chinesen (ชาวจีน).

Abb.: Verteilung der Chinesen auf die Landesteile Thailands (in Prozent aller Chinesen)
[Datenquelle: a.a.O., S. 90]

Abb.: Typisches Chinesen-Haus in Bangkok
[a.a.O., S. 112. -- Fair use]

Thai-Chinesen können folgende Rundfunksender in chinesischen Sprachen hören:

• Voice of America: Mandarin (普通話)

• BBC: Mandarin (普通話), Kantonesisch (廣東話)

• Radio Australia: Kantonesisch (廣東話)

• Radio Peking: Mandarin (普通話), Kantonesisch (廣東話), Hakka (客家話), Teochiu (潮州話)

• Radio Hanoi: Mandarin (普通話), Kantonesisch (廣東話)

• Radio Malaysia: Mandarin (普通話), Kantonesisch (廣東話), Hokkien (福建話), Hakka (客家話)

[a.a.O., S. 205]

---

Khmer (ខ្មែរ / เขมร)

---

Abb.: Khmer (ខ្មែរ / เขมร) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 234]

In Thailand leben schätzungsweise 200.000 bis 400.000 Khmer (ខ្មែរ / เขมร)

---

Lisu (ลีสู่ / လီဆူလူမျိုး / 傈僳族)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Lisu (ลีสู่) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 308]

In Thailand leben schätzungsweise 19.000 Lisu (ลีสู่). Alle Lisus in Thailand kommen ursprünglich aus Burma (Myanmar).

Abb.: Lisu-Tracht (ลีสู่)
[a.aO., S. 326]

---

Lahu (ล่าหู่ / มูเซอ / 拉祜族)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Lahu (ล่าหู่ / มูเซอ)
[a.a.O. 358]

In Thailand wohnen schätzungsweise 117.000 bis 200.000  Lahu (ล่าหู่ / มูเซอ). Sie gliedern sich in vier Untergruppen:

• Lahu Na (Schwarze Lahu)

• Lahu Nyi (Rote Lahu)

• Lahu Shi (gelbe Lahu)

• Lahu Shehleh

Abb.: Lahu-Frau mit Kind (ล่าหู่ / มูเซอ)
[a.a.O., S. 376]

Abb.: Lahu-Na-Paare: Alltagstracht und Zeremonialtracht
[a.a.O., 378]

Abb.: Lahu-Shi: Alltagstracht und Zeremonialtracht
[a.a.O., 380]

---

Lu (ไทลื้อ / 傣仂 / Người Lự)

---

Abb.: Lebensraum der Lu (ไทลื้อ)
[a.a.O., S. 416]

In Thailand siedeln schätzungsweise 50.000 Lu (ไทลื้อ)

Abb.: Lu-Tracht (ไทลื้อ)
[a.a.O., S. 427]

---

Khmu (ขมุ / ຂະມຸ / Khơ Mú / 克木族)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Khmu (ขมุ / ຂະມຸ) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 450]

In Thailand siedeln schätzungsweise 3.300 Khmu (ขมุ / ຂະມຸ).

Abb.: Khmu-Trachten (ขมุ / ຂະມຸ)
[a.a.O., S. 464]

---

Shan (တႆး / ไทยใหญ่ / 傣族)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Shan (တႆး / ไทยใหญ่) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 490]

In Thailand leben schätzungsweise 50.000 (တႆး / ไทยใหญ่).

Abb.: Teile der Shan-Tracht (တႆး / ไทยใหญ่)
[a.a.O., S. 530]

Abb.: Shan-Dolche und Scheiden (တႆး / ไทยใหญ่)
[a.a.O., S. 554]

---

Meo / Hmong (แม้ว / ม้ง / Mèo / H'Mông / 苗族)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Meo / Hmong (แม้ว / ม้ง)  in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 572]

In Thailand leben zwischen 45.000 und 50.000 Meo / Hmong (แม้ว / ม้ง).

Die wichtigsten Untergruppen der Meo in Thailand sind:

• Striped Meo

• Black Meo

• Blue Meo

• White Meo

Agrarischer Jahreslauf der Meo / Hmong (แม้ว / ม้ง):

Crop	Planted	Harvested
Hemp .	Late April—Early May	July
Corn	Late April—Early June	Late July—September
Sorghum	Late April—Early June	.Late July—September
Yams	May	August—September
Sugarcane	May	Varied
Rice	May—June	August—October
Cucumbers	May—June	July—August"
Radishes	May—June	Varied
Opium	End of June	End of December
Tobacco	End of June .	End of November

[a.a.O., S. 639]

Abb.: Meo / Hmong-Tracht (แม้ว / ม้ง)
[a.a.O., S. 623]

Abb.: Wasserleitung und Reisstampfer der Meo / Hmong-Tracht (แม้ว / ม้ง)
[a.a.O., S. 640]

Abb.: Meo / Hmong-Armbrust (แม้ว / ม้ง)
[a.a.O., S. 662]

---

Yao (เย้า / 瑤族 / người Dao)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Yao (เย้า) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 688]

In Thailand leben schätzungsweise 10.000 bis 12.000 Yao (เย้า).

Abb.: Yao-Tracht (เย้า)
[a.a.O., S. 712]

---

Haw (ฮ่อ / ຮໍ່ / حُوِ ذَو / 回族)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Haw (ฮ่อ) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 760]

In Thai unterscheidet man:

• Haw (ฮ่อ): Überlandchinesen (auf dem Landweg, aus Yunnan (雲南) und Burma / Myanmar eingewandert; viele sind Flüchtlinge oder versprengte Soldaten aus dem 2. Weltkrieg)

• Jek (เจ๊ก): Überseechinesen (auf dem Seeweg aus Südostchina eingewandert)

Abb.: Haw (ฮ่อ) und Jek (เจ๊ก)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

In Thailand leben schätzungsweise 6.700 Haw (ฮ่อ).

---

Karen (กะเหรี่ยง / က​ညီ​က​လ်ုာ / Per Ploan Poe / Pwa Ka Nyaw)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Karen (กะเหรี่ยง) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 792]

In Thailand leben schätzungsweise 71.000 nicht-assimilierte Karen (กะเหรี่ยง). 45.000 (280 Dörfer) sprechen S'gaw (สะกอ), der Rest spricht Pwo (โป).

Abb.: Karen (กะเหรี่ยง) mit Bogen
[ā.a.O., S. 851]

---

Akha (อาข่า / 哈尼族 / Hani / Hà Nhì)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Akha (อาข่า) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 870]

In Thailand leben schätzungsweise 25.000 bis 28.000 Akha (อาข่า). Die meisten ihrer Vorfahren sind vor 60 bis 90 Jahren aus Kentung (ၵဵင်းတုင်, Myanmar) eingewandert.

Abb.: Akha-Kindertracht (อาข่า)
[a.a.O., S. 899]

Abb.: Akha (อาข่า) mit Armbrust
[a.a.O., S. 910]

---

Lawa (ละว้า / ลั๊วะ / ລະວ້າ)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Lawa (ละว้า / ລະວ້າ) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 936]

In Thailand leben seit schätzungsweise 9.000 bis 10.000 Lawa (ละว้า / ລະວ້າ) in 43 Dörfern. Ihre Vorfahren sind in Nordthailand vor über 900 Jahren eingewandert. 1885 gab es noch 80.000 Lawa, der Schwund ist auf Assimilation an die Thais zurückzuführen. Die Schule Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน) trägt sehr zur Thaiisierung der Lawa bei.

Abb.: Lawa-Mädchentracht (ละว้า / ລະວ້າ)
[a.aO., S. 962]

---

Malaien (ملايو/ Melayu / มลายู)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Malaien (ملايو) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 1000]

In Thai werden die Malaien irreführend - um ihre malaiische Identität zu leugnen - als Thai Islam (ไทยอิสลาม) bezeichnet. Laut Volkszählung von 1960 gibt es in Thailand 1 Mio. Muslime, davon sind ca. 800.000 Malaien.

Abb.: Malaiische (ملايو) Boote
[a.a.O., S: 1042]

---

Mon (မောန် / မည် / มอญ)

---

Abb.: Lebensräume der Mon (မောန် / มอญ) in Thailand
[a.a.O., S. 1066]

Die meistenVorfahren der Mon in Thailand wurden in den letzten 500 Jahren als Kriegsgefangene verschleppt oder kamen nach geschiterten Mon-Rebellionen in Burma als Flüchtlinge nach Siam. In Thailand gibt es schätzungsweise 60.000 bis 100.000 Mon. Sie sind stark in die Thai-Gesellschaft integriert.

---

Inder (भारत के लोग) und Pakistani (Ostpakistani / Bengalis - বাঙালি - und Westpakistani - پاكِستانى قوم) (แขก)

---

In Thailand leben 7.000 bis 10.000 Inder und Pakistani. Die Inder kommen aus verschiedenen Gegenden Indiens und Ceylons. 80% der 3.000 Pakistani sind Pathanen / Paschtunen (‏پښتانه‎) aus dem Grenzgebiet nach Pakistan. Diese sind vor allem in der Viehzucht tätig, die restlichen 20% sind vor allem Bengalen (বাঙালি, aus Ostpakistan, dem heutigen Bangla Desh)

1970-02

Eröffnung des Dusit Thani Hotels (โรงแรมดุสิตธานี)  in Bangkok. Es ist das höchste Gebäude der Stadt. Das Crown Property Bureau (สำนักงานทรัพย์สินส่วนพระมหากษัตริย์) hat 10% Anteile.

Abb.: Lage des Dusit Thani Hotel (โรงแรมดุสิตธานี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Dusit Thani Hotel (โรงแรมดุสิตธานี), Bangkok
[Bildquelle: 喫遊趣 (Tony Lin). -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/tony926/5309805944/. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-18. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]

1970-02-03

"One of the strongest proponents of adding Nationalist Chinese military remnants to Thailand’s counterinsurgency effort was future Prime Minister RTA [Royal Thai Army] Lt. Gen. Kriangsak Chomanan [เกรียงศักดิ์ ชมะนันทน์, 1917 - 2003], who had succeeded Thawi [ทวี จุลละทรัพย์, 1914 - 1996] as RTARF [Royal Thai Armed Forces] supreme command chief of staff. Prime Minister Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachon accepted in principle Kriangsak’s proposal to resetde the KMT [Kuomintang - 中國國民黨] armies along Thailand’s northern border as paramilitaries to fight communist insurgents. Reaching agreement on how that was to be done, however, would require several months of Thai-KMT negotiation. At Chiang Mai, on February 3, 1970, Kriangsak reached an agreement "in principle" with Tuan Hsi-wen [Duan Xiwen - 段希文, 1900 - 1980] and Li Wen-huan [李文焕] under which the RTG [Royal Thai Government] would resettle their armies on government-owned land in return for their fighting CPT [Communist Party of Thailand - พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย - พคท] insurgents in eastern Chiang Rai province [เชียงราย] along the Lao border. Those KMT already in the country would get permanent refugee status. Those still in Burma would be considered for that status on a case-by-case basis. As part of the bargain, Li Wen-huan and Tuan Hsi-wen promised to quit the drug trade, obey all Thai laws, and stay out of Burma’s internal affairs. They also promised a complete roster of their soldiers and a full inventory of weapons, mules, and horses. Weapons were then to be surrendered to RTG authorities and issued only as required for government-approved operations. A February 13 NSC [National Security Council] meeting approved Kriangsak’s deal in principle and Supreme Command Headquarters (SCHQ) negotiated a formal agreement with the KMT armies for permanent resettlement in 13 border defense villages, all of which KMT families already occupied, along Thailand’s northern borders in Chiang Mai [เชียงใหม่], Chiang Rai [เชียงราย], and Mae Hong Son [แม่ฮ่องสอน] provinces. The Ministry of Defense would administer those villages and the Ministry of Interior would control eight other nearby satellite villages housing civilian refugees. Ban Mae Salong [แม่สลอง] and Ban Tham Ngop [ถ้ำงอบ] were renamed, respectively, Ban Santi Khiri [สันติคีรี] and Ban Santi Wana [สันติวนา], although northern Thai usually refer to those settlements by their former names. IBMND [Intelligence Bureau of the Ministry of National Defense] and Kuomintangi 2nd Section units, still under direct Taipei control in 1970, were not included in the resettlement deal. Further negotiations led to a more detailed May 24 agreement under which the KMT would receive a one-time grant of THB 9.5 million ($475,000) from secret RTG [Royal Thai Government] funds to implement their resettlement. The NSC, however, stipulated that RTG officials administer those funds and that no cash be given directly to Tuan Hsi-wen, Li Wen-huan, or their agents. Aside from government land for small farms and modest financial assistance, the KMT armies would have to be self-supporting and not adversely affect the livelihoods of local Thai residents. During the late May talks, Li Wen-huan and Tuan Hsi-wen agreed to settle several hundreds of their troops in additional border defense villages in highland areas along the Thai-Lao frontier, where communist insurgents were both numerous and troublesome. With logistics and advisory support from Thai military and police units, the KMT would first secure their new homes and then pacify surrounding areas. All communications between the KMT and Taipei were to be through Thai military channels and weapons were to be handed over to Supreme Command once resettlement areas were secure. The arrangement did not mention specifically a KMT role in offensive counterinsurgency operations, but such an informal understanding was central to the agreement. In a series of meetings with Third and Fifth Army leaders, Kriangsak promised privately that forces still in Burma, which included most of the KMT troops, could have refugee status in Thailand. He also told them that the requirement for their armies to disarm was for public consumption and would not be enforced. Meanwhile, the Cabinet allocated THB 6 million ($300,000) for the resettlement project, about two- thirds of the original request. In a separate secret arrangement, Kriangsak allotted to the Third and Fifth Armies each THB 100,000 ($5,000) for salaries of troops carrying out anticommunist operations. That money was to be disbursed by SCHQ [Supreme Command Headquarters] directly to participating troops, without passing through the sticky fingers of their commanders. Kriangsak promised more money if counterinsurgency operations were successful. He cautioned, however, that the cash payments were being made secretly on his personal decision because elements in both Taipei and Bangkok continued to oppose SCHQ use of the KMT in counterinsurgency work. The KMT thereafter provided false receipts for rice and other items to conceal the secret payments. Perhaps Kriangsak’s most welcome promise was that if the KMT complied with Thai laws they would get Thai citizenship—-not simply residence rights. Counterinsurgency objectives aside, Supreme Command had its own bureaucratic reasons to use the KMT as a paramilitary force. Since he was responsible for their resettlement, Kriangsak wanted to display the Nationalist Chinese in a positive light at a time when they were being widely criticized for narcotics smuggling and other illegal activities. Such public relations work was needed. Given the KMT’s tarnished public image, Washington declined Kriangsak’s request to help pay for their resettlement and Thai counterinsurgency experts continued to oppose using them against homegrown insurgents. Concerned RTG agencies aired differing views regarding proposed resettlement plans at an NSC-sponsored Bangkok meeting on September 17, 1970. Police representatives wanted to disarm the KMT and settle them far from the Burmese and Lao borders. Governors of Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai, who wanted to use the KMT against communist insurgents, countered that the KMT were self-supporting where they were and that moving them would be costly. It would also embolden the communists and worsen security, they argued. Ironically, within 48 hours of that meeting communist guerillas ambushed and killed Chiang Rai’s governor near one of the prospective KMT resettlement locations. The September 17 Bangkok meeting agreed that some KMT would be resettled in newly established fortified villages in Chiang Rai province along the Lao border. The rest could remain where they were on the Burmese border and receive land and agricultural materials from the government. The stated purpose in moving KMT soldiers and families into the mountains bordering Laos was resettlement and not, the government insisted, to fight insurgents. Nevertheless, KMT resettlement areas in Chiang Rai were centers of communist activity. Settlers would have to fight to establish and maintain their new homes. In return, the government offered KMT soldiers citizenship, thereby addressing to some extent the face issue of foreigners fighting Thailand’s battles. While Washington and others in the international community were pressuring Thailand to take firm action against the drug trade, Kriangsak assigned a low priority to getting the KMT out of that business He argued, reasonably, that suppressing opium production in Thailand threatened the entire highland socio-economic order and would drive disaffected hill tribe growers into the arms of the communists. Moreover cracking down on drug trafficking threatened border security arrangements the Thai were making with the two KMT armies. Solutions to opium cultivation and trafficking would require years, Kriangsak insisted Meanwhile, anticommunist efforts should have priority. His views prevailed. The RTG would, for the immediate future, quietly tolerate KMT drug trafficking in return for its counterinsurgency cooperation. Thailand’s Cabinet approved the September 17 NSC recommendations for resettlement and set December 10, 1970, as a start date." [Quelle: Gibson, Richard M. ; Chen, Wenhua [陳, 文華] <1944 - >: The secret army : Chiang Kai-Shek and the drug warlords of the golden triangle. -- Singapore : Wiley, 2011. -- 338 S. ;: Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-0-470-83018-5. -- S. 282ff. -- Fair use]

1970-02-07

Gefecht einer thailändisch-malaysischen Polizei-Einheit mit 14 kommunistischen Terroristen in Amphoe Waeng (แว้ง). Die Terroristen entfliehen in den Dschungel.

Abb.: Lage von Amphoe Waeng (แว้ง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-02-10

Tod von Chao Khun Phon (เจ้าคุณผล, geb. 1894), Wat Nang (วัดหนัง บางขุนเทียน), Bangkok

Abb.: Chao Khun Phon (เจ้าคุณผล)

Abb.: Lage von Wat Nang (วัดหนัง บางขุนเทียน)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-02-17 -1973-04-17

US Air Force B-52-Bomber bombardieren die Ebene der Tonkrüge (ທົ່ງໄຫຫິນ) in Laos. Bei 2518 Flügen durch B-52-Bomber werden 58.374 Tonnen Bomben abgeworfen. Die Angriffe werden später durch ein Skyspot-Radarsystem in Udon Thani (อุดรธานี) gesteuert.

Abb.: Lage der Ebene der Tonkrüge (ທົ່ງໄຫຫິນ)
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: B-52 beim Bombenabwurf über Vietnam, 1965/66
[Bildquelle: USAF / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Bombenkrater, Ebene der Tonkrüge (ທົ່ງໄຫຫິນ), 2012
[Bildquelle: damien_farrell. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/92094658@N00/8049895972. -- Zugriff am 2013-09-20. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

1970-02-18

US Präsident Nixon formuliert in einer 120seitigen Sonderbotschaft an den Kongress "Die amerikanische Außenpolitik für die 70er Jahre - eine neue Friedensstrategie".

1970-02-21

Nordvietnam erobert die Ebene der Tonkrüge (ທົ່ງໄຫຫິນ) in Laos.

1970-02-24

Außenminister Thanat Khoman (ถนัด คอมันตร์, 1914 - ) in einer Rede vor dem Board of Trustees of the Asia Society:

"A new direction has clearly emerged. The old concept of security based on military power and alliance, even if it may still be valid as far as nuclear and world powers are concerned, is likely to yield its place to a new concept of political security, or more exactly, a security founded on concerted and coordinated political actions, particularly in regard to smaller non-nuclear states. For the latter, now that the larger powers have already indicated their intention to relinquish or reduce their role and responsibility for overseas security, salvation lies in redoubling their national efforts and in working closely and systematically with those like-minded nations which share the same stake in peace and the secure well-being of the area." [Zitiert in: Randolph, R. Sean: The United States and Thailand : alliance dynamics, 1950-1985. -- Berkeley : Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1986. -- 245 S. ; 23 cm. -- (Research papers and policy studies, 12). -- ISBN 0-912966-92-0. -- S. 137]

1970-02-28

Eine Amphoe in Nakhon Phanom (นครพนม): Sechs Gruppen von kommunistischen Terroristen zerstören neun Brücken, blockieren zwei Straßen, greifen village protection units an und greifen die Armee aus einem Hinterhalt an.

Abb.: Lage von Nakhon Phanom (นครพนม)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1970-03

Aus Nordostthailand werden ca. 150 Vorfälle mit kommunistischen Terroristen gemeldet, davon sind ca. ein Drittel bewaffnete Angriffe. Die meisten Vorfälle ereignen sich in Nakhon Phanom (นครพนม) und Sakon Nakhon (สกลนคร).

1970-03

"The subject of a Thai troop withdrawal, which arose in December 1969 and was seemingly resolved then, came up again three months later. In a meeting with the US Ambassador in March, the Thai Prime Minister indicated that in light of continued US and allied reductions, there was considerable pressure from the Thai parliament to withdraw. He stated that "When the people feel very strongly about a situation, the government must do something to ease the situation." Little occurred until the following November when the Thai government announced it was planning to withdraw its forces from South Vietnam by 1972. The decision was related to the deterioration of security in Laos and Cambodia and the growth of internal insurgency in Thailand, as well as the US pullback. The withdrawal plans were based on a rotational phase-out. The fifth increment would not be replaced after its return to Thailand in August 1971. The sixth increment would deploy as planned in January 1971 and withdraw one year later to complete the redeployment. Thai Navy and Air Force units would withdraw sometime before January 1972. The composition of the remaining residual force would be taken up in Thai-South Vietnamese discussions held later. A token Thai force of a noncombatant nature was under consideration." [Quelle: http://www.history.army.mil/books/Vietnam/allied/ch02.htm. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-12]

1970-03-06

Presidential Statement to Congress: Nixon's Statement on Laos

"In light of the increasingly massive presence of North Vietnamese troops and their recent offensives in Laos, I have written letters today to British Prime Minister Wilson and Soviet Premier Kosygin asking their help in restoring the 1962 Geneva Agreements for that country. As co-chairmen of that conference, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union have particular responsibilities for seeing that its provisions are honored. My letters note the persistent North Vietnamese violations of the Accords and their current offensives; support the Laotian Prime Minister's own current appeal to the cochairmen for consultations; urge the cochairmen to work with other signatories of the Geneva Accords; and pledge full United States cooperation. Hanoi's most recent military buildup in Laos has been particularly escalatory. They have poured over 13,000 additional troops into Laos during the past few months, raising their total in Laos to over 67,000. Thirty North Vietnamese battalions from regular division units participated in the current campaign in the Plain of Jars with tanks, armored cars and long-range artillery. The indigenous Laotian Communists, the Pathet Lao, are playing an insignificant role. North Vietnam's military escalation in Laos has intensified public discussion in this country. The purpose of this statement is to a set forth the record of what we found in January 1969 and the policy of this Administration since that time. What We Found The 1962 Accords. When we came into office, this Administration found a highly precarious situation in Laos. Its basic legal framework had been established by the 1962 Accords entered into by the Kennedy Administration. Laos has been a battleground for most of the past 20 years. In 1949, it became a semi-independent state within the French Union. The Pathet Lao Communists rebelled against the government in the early 1950s, and fighting continued until the 1954 Geneva settlements ended the Indochina war. Laos at that time became an independent neutral state. The indigenous Communists, the Pathet Lao, nevertheless retained control of the two northern provinces. Since then, this small country has been the victim of persistent subversion and finally invasion by the North Vietnamese. By 1961, North Vietnamese involvement became marked, the Communist forces made great advances, and a serious situation confronted the Kennedy Administration. In his news conference of March 1961, President Kennedy said, “Laos is far away from America, but the world is small… The security of all Southeast Asia will be endangered if Laos loses its neutral independence.” In May 1961, negotiations for a Laotian settlement opened in Geneva, with Governor Harriman as the chief American negotiator. During the course of those long negotiations fighting continued and the Communists made further advances. Faced with a potential threat to Thailand, President Kennedy ordered 5,000 Marines to that country in May 1962. Finally, in July 1962, after 14 months of negotiations, 14 nations signed the Geneva Accords providing for the neutralization of Laos. Other signatories besides the United States included the Soviet Union, Communist China, North Vietnam, the United Kingdom, France, the Southeast Asian nations most directly involved, and the members of the International Control Commission, Canada, India, and Poland. These Accords came one month after the three contending forces within Laos announced agreement on the details of a coalition government composed of the three major political factions and headed by the neutralist, Prince Souvanna Phouma. North Vietnam claimed that it favored a coalition government. Both North Vietnam and the Soviet Union backed Prince Souvanna for his new post. The present government of Laos thus has been the one originally proposed by the Communists. In approving the 1962 arrangements, the Kennedy Administration in effect accepted the basic formulation which had been advanced by North Vietnam and the Soviet Union for a Laotian political settlement. The Record 1962–1969. Before the ink was dry on the 1962 Geneva documents, and despite the fact that they embodied most of its own proposals, North Vietnam started violating them. In compliance with the accords, the 666 Americans who had been assisting the Royal Lao Government withdrew under ICC supervision. In contrast, the North Vietnamese passed only a token 40 men through ICC checkpoints and left over 6,000 troops in the country. A steadily growing number of North Vietnamese troops have remained there ever since, in flagrant violation of the Geneva Accords. They climbed to about 33,000 in mid-1967, 46,000 in mid-1968, and 55,000 in mid-1969. Today they are at an all-time high of some 67,000 men. These are not advisors or technicians or attaches. They are line units of the North Vietnamese army conducting open aggression against a neighbor that poses no threat to Hanoi. In addition, since 1964, over a half-million North Vietnamese troops have crossed the “Ho Chi Minh Trail” in Laos to invade South Vietnam. This infiltration route provides the great bulk of men and supplies for the war in South Vietnam. The political arrangements for a three-way government survived only until April 1963 when the Pathet Lao Communist leaders departed from the capital and left their cabinet posts vacant. Fighting soon resumed and since then, there have been cycles of Communist offensives and Royal Laotian Government counter-offensives. The enemy forces have been led and dominated throughout by the North Vietnamese. In recent years Hanoi has provided the great majority of Communist troops in Laos. North Vietnam appears to have two aims in Laos. The first is to ensure its ability to use Laos as a supply route for North Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam. The second is to weaken and subvert the Royal Lao Government—originally established at its urging—to hinder it from interfering with North Vietnamese use of Laotian territory, and to pave the way for the eventual establishment of a government more amenable to Communist control. Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma has tried a variety of diplomatic efforts to restore peace in Laos. He has repeatedly appealed to the cochairmen and others to help arrange for restoration of the 1962 Accords. He and the International Control Commission, hampered by lack of authority, have reported and publicized North Vietnamese violations of the Accords. And Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma has made several attempts to achieve political reconciliation with the Pathet Lao and to reconstitute a tripartite government. None of these efforts has borne fruit. Frustrated in his diplomatic efforts and confronted with continuing outside aggression, Souvanna has called upon three American Administrations to assist his government in preserving Laotian neutrality and integrity. By early 1963, the North Vietnamese and Pathet Lao had openly breached the 1962 agreements by attacking the neutralist government forces in north Laos and by occupying and fortifying the area in southeast Laos along what came to be known as the Ho Chi Minh Trail. In these circumstances, the Laotian Prime Minister requested American aid in the form of supplies and munitions. The Kennedy Administration provided this assistance in line with the Laotian Government's right under the Geneva Accords to seek help in its self-defense. In mid-May 1964, the Pathet Lao supported by the North Vietnamese attacked Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma's neutralist military forces on the Plain of Jars. North Vietnam also began to increase its use of the Ho Chi Minh Trail to further its aggression against South Vietnam. The Johnson Administration responded to Royal Laotian Government requests to meet this escalation by increasing our training and logistic support to the Royal Lao Government. In May 1964, as North Vietnamese presence increased, the United States, at Royal Lao Government request, began flying certain interdictory missions against invaders who were violating Lao neutrality. Thus, when this Administration came into office we faced a chronically serious situation in Laos. There had been six years of seasonal Communist attacks and growing U.S. involvement at the request of the Royal Laotian Government. The North Vietnamese had steadily increased both their infiltration through Laos into South Vietnam and their troop presence in Laos itself. Any facade of native Pathet Lao independence had been stripped away. In January 1969, we thus had a military assistance program reaching back over six year, and air operations dating over four years.  The Policy of This Administration Since this Administration has been in office, North Vietnamese pressure has continued. Last spring, the North Vietnamese mounted a campaign which threatened the royal capital and moved beyond the areas previously occupied by Communists. A counterattack by the Lao Government forces, intended to relieve this military pressure and cut off supply lines, caught the enemy by surprise and succeeded beyond expectations in pushing them off the strategic central plain in north Laos known as the Plain of Jars. The North Vietnamese left behind huge stores of arms, ammunition and other supplies cached on the plain. During their operations in the Plain of Jars last summer and fall, Lao Government forces captured almost 8,000 tons of Communist equipment, supplies and weapons, including tanks, armored cars, artillery pieces, machine guns and thousands of individual weapons including about 4,000 tons of ammunition. The size and nature of these supply caches the Communists had emplaced on the plain by the summer of 1969 show clearly that many months ago the North Vietnamese were preparing for major offensive actions on Laotian territory against the Royal Lao Government. During the final months of 1969 and January 1970, Hanoi sent over 13,000 additional troops into Laos and rebuilt their stocks and supply lines. They also introduced tanks and long-range artillery. During January and February, Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma proposed to the other side that the Plain of Jars be neutralized. The Communists' response was to launch their current offensive which has recaptured the Plain of Jars and is threatening to go beyond the furthest line of past Communist advances. The Prime Minister is now once again trying to obtain consultations among all the parties to the Geneva Accords, envisaged under Article IV when there is a violation of Lao sovereignty, independence, neutrality or territorial integrity. In this situation, our purposes remain straightforward. We are trying above all to save American and allied lives in South Vietnam which are threatened by the continual infiltration of North Vietnamese troops and supplies along the Ho Chi Minh Trail. Hanoi has infiltrated over 100,000 men through Laos since this Administration took office and over 500,000 altogether. Our air strikes have destroyed weapons and supplies over the past four years which would have taken thousands of American lives. We are also supporting the independence and neutrality of Laos as set forth in the 1962 Geneva Agreements. Our assistance has always been at the request of the legitimate government of Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma which the North Vietnamese helped establish; it is directly related to North Vietnamese violations of the Agreements. We continue to be hopeful of eventual progress in the negotiations in Paris. But serious doubts are raised as to Hanoi's intentions if it is simultaneously violating the Geneva Agreements on Laos which we reached with them largely on the basis of their own proposals. What we do in Laos has thus as its aim to bring about conditions for progress toward peace in the entire Indo-Chinese Peninsula. I turn now to the precise nature of our aid to Laos. In response to press conference questions on Sept. 26, Dec. 8, and Jan. 30, I have indicated: That the United States has no ground combat forces in Laos. That there were 50,000 North Vietnamese troops in Laos and that “more perhaps are coming.” That, at the request of the Royal Laotian Government which was set up by the Geneva Accords of 1962, we have provided logistical and other assistance to that government for the purpose of helping it to prevent the Communist conquest of Laos. That we have used air power for the purpose of interdicting the flow of North Vietnamese troops and supplies on that part of the Ho Chi Minh Trail which runs through Laos. That, at the request of the Royal Laotian Government, we have flown reconnaissance missions in northern Laos in support of the Laotian Government's efforts to defend itself against North Vietnamese aggression and that we were engaged in “some other activities.” It would, of course, have posed no political problem for me to have disclosed in greater detail those military support activities which had been initiated by two previous Administrations and which have been continued by this Administration. I have not considered it in the national interest to do so because of our concern that putting emphasis on American activities in Laos might hinder the efforts of Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma to bring about adherence to the Geneva Agreements by the Communist signatories. In recent days, however, there has been intense public speculation to the effect that the United States involvement in Laos has substantially increased in violation of the Geneva Accords, that American ground forces are engaged in combat in Laos and that our air activity has had the effect of escalating the conflict. Because these reports are grossly inaccurate, I have concluded that our national interest will be served by putting the subject into perspective through a precise description of our current activities in Laos. These are the facts: There are no American ground combat troops in Laos. We have no plans for introducing ground combat forces into Laos. The total number of Americans directly employed by the U.S. Government in Laos is 616. In addition, there are 424 Americans employed on contract to the Government or to Government contractors. Of these 1,040 Americans, the total number, military and civilian, engaged in a military advisory or military training capacity numbers 320. Logistics personnel number 323. No American stationed in Laos has ever been killed in ground combat operations. U.S. personnel in Laos during the past year has not increased while during the past few months, North Vietnam has sent over 13,000 additional combat ground troops into Laos. When requested by the Royal Laotian Government, we have continued to provide military assistance to regular and irregular Laotian forces in the form of equipment, training and logistics. The levels of our assistance have risen in response to the growth of North Vietnamese combat activities. We have continued to conduct air operations. Our first priority for such operations is to interdict the continued flow of troops and supplies across Laotian territory on the Ho Chi Minh Trail. As commander-in-chief of our armed forces, I consider it my responsibility to use our air power to interdict this flow of supplies and men into South Vietnam and thereby avoid a heavy toll of American and allied lives. In addition to air operations on the Ho Chi Minh Trail, we have continued to carry out reconnaissance flights in Northern Laos and fly combat support missions for Laotian forces when requested to do so by the Royal Laotian Government. In every instance our combat air operations have been flown only when requested by the Laotian Government. The level of our air operations has been increased only as the number of North Vietnamese in Laos and the level of their aggression has increased. Our goal in Laos has been and continues to be to reduce American involvement and not to increase it, to bring peace in accordance with the 1962 Accords and not to prolong the war. That is the picture of our current aid to Laos. It is limited. It is requested. It is supportive and defensive. It continues the purposes and operations of two previous Administrations. It has been necessary to protect American lives in Vietnam and to preserve a precarious but important balance in Laos.  The Future Peace remains the highest priority of this Administration. We will continue our search for it in Vietnam. I hope my appeal today to the Geneva Conference cochairmen will help in Laos. Our policy for that torn country will continue to rest on some basic principles: We will cooperate fully with all diplomatic efforts to restore the 1962 Geneva Agreements. We will continue to support the legitimate government of Prime Minister Souvanna Phouma and his efforts to de-escalate the conflict and reach political understandings. Our air interdiction efforts are designed to protect American and allied lives in Vietnam. Our support efforts have the one purpose of helping prevent the recognized Laotian government from being overwhelmed by larger Communist forces dominated by the North Vietnamese. We will continue to give the American people the fullest possible information on our involvement, consistent with national security. I hope that a genuine quest for peace in Indochina can now begin. For Laos, this will require the efforts of the Geneva Conference cochairmen and the signatory countries. But most of all it will require realism and reasonableness from Hanoi. For it is the North Vietnamese, not we, who have escalated the fighting. Today there are 67,000 North Vietnamese troops in this small country. There are no American troops there. Hanoi is not threatened by Laos; it runs risks only when it moves its forces across borders. We desire nothing more in Laos than to see a return to the Geneva Agreements and the withdrawal of North Vietnamese troops, leaving the Lao people to settle their own differences in a peaceful manner. In the search for peace we stand ready to cooperate in every way with the other countries involved. That search prompted my letters today to the British Prime Minister and the Soviet Premier. That search will continue to guide our policy." [Quelel: http://quod.lib.umich.edu/p/ppotpus/4731750.1970.001?rgn=main;view=fulltext. -- Zugriff am 2016-09-20]

1970-03-07

Neues Grenzabkommen zwischen Thailand und Malaysia: Polizei und Militär des einen Staats dürfen wie bisher in der Bekämpfung von Terroristen (Kommunisten) jeweils 5 Meilen (8 km)  auf das Territorium des anderen Staats vordringen. Staat bisher 24 Stunden dürfen sie ab nun 72 Stunden auf dem ausländischen Territorium verbleiben.

1970-03-16

Freundschaftsvertrag zwischen Indonesien und Malaysia. Abkommen über die Meeresgrenze zwischen Indonesien und Malaysia in der Straße von Malakka.

Abb.: Lage der Straße von Malakka
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-03-17

Ministerpräsident Thanom ändert seine Meinung zur Geburtenregelung. Angesichts der Bevölkerungsexplosion Thailands befürwortet er Familienplanung und Geburtenkontrolle, bleibt aber strikt gegen Abtreibung. Im King Chulalongkorn Memorial Hospital (โรงพยาบาลจุฬาลงกรณ์) wird eine Planned Parenthood Association (สมาคมวางแผนครอบครัวแห่งประเทศไทย) eingerichtet. Sie bevorzugt als Mittel der Geburtenkontrolle in erster Linie die Pille, an zweiter Stelle die Spirale.

Abb.: ®Logo der Planned Parenthood Association (สมาคมวางแผนครอบครัวแห่งประเทศไทย) Under Patronage of H. R. H. the Princess Mother

Abb.: Lage des King Chulalongkorn Memorial Hospital (โรงพยาบาลจุฬาลงกรณ์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-03-18

Die kambodschanische Nationalversammlung setzt Staatspräsident Norodom Sihanouk (នរោត្ដម សីហនុ) ab. Dieser geht nach Beijing (北京, Rotchina) ins Exil.

Abb.: Lage von Kambodscha und Beijing (北京, China)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"The Cambodian coup of 1970 refers to the removal of the Cambodian Head of State, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, after a vote in the National Assembly on 18 March 1970. Emergency powers were subsequently invoked by the Prime Minister Lon Nol (លន់ នល់, 1913 - 1985), who became effective head of state. The coup led ultimately to the proclamation of the Khmer Republic (République khmère) later that year, and was a turning point in the Cambodian Civil War. Not a monarchy any longer, Cambodia received the semi-official appellation "État du Cambodge" (State of Cambodia) in the intervening six months after the coup, until the republic was proclaimed.[1] It also marked the point at which Cambodia became substantially involved in the Second Indochina War, as Lon Nol issued an ultimatum to Vietnamese forces to leave Cambodia. Background Since independence from France in 1954, Cambodia had been led by Prince Norodom Sihanouk, whose Sangkum (សង្គម​រាស្រ្ត​និយម) political movement had retained power after winning the 1955 parliamentary election. In 1963, Sihanouk had forced the National Assembly to approve a constitutional amendment that made him head of state with no fixed term of office. He had retained domestic power through a combination of political manipulation, intimidation, patronage, and careful balancing of left- and right-wing elements within his government; whilst placating the right with nationalist rhetoric, he appropriated much of the language of socialism to marginalize the Cambodian communist movement, who he proprietarily referred to as the Khmers Rouges (ខ្មែរក្រហម, "Red Khmers"). With the Second Indochina War escalating, Sihanouk's balancing act between left and right became harder to maintain. Cross-border smuggling of rice also began to have a serious effect on the Cambodian economy.[2] In the Cambodian elections of 1966, the usual Sangkum policy of having one candidate in each electoral district was abandoned; there was a huge swing to the right, especially as left-wing deputies had to compete directly with members of the traditional elite, who were able to use their local influence.[3] Although a few communists within the Sangkum - such as Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan (ខៀវ សំផន) - chose to stand, most leftists were decisively defeated. Lon Nol, a rightist who had been a longstanding associate of Sihanouk, became Prime Minister. By 1969, Lon Nol and the rightists were growing increasingly frustrated with Sihanouk. Although the basis for this was partly economic, political considerations were also involved. In particular, the nationalist and anti-communist sensibilities of Lon Nol and his associates meant that Sihanouk's policy of semi-toleration of Viet Cong and Vietnam People's Army activity within Cambodian borders was unacceptable; Sihanouk, during his swing to the left in 1963-66, had negotiated a secret arrangement with Hanoi whereby in return for the guaranteed purchase of rice at inflated prices, the port of Sihanoukville (ក្រុងព្រះសីហនុ) was opened for weapons shipments to the Viet Cong. As well as the rightist nationalists, the liberal modernising elements within the Sangkum, headed by In Tam, had also become increasingly alienated by Sihanouk's autocratic style. There is evidence that during 1969 Lon Nol approached the US military establishment to gauge military support for any action against Sihanouk.[4] Lon Nol's appointee as deputy Prime Minister, Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak - a US-friendly nationalist and leader of the Cambodian business community - is thought to have suggested that Sihanouk should be assassinated, though Lon Nol rejected this plan as "criminal insanity".[5] Sihanouk himself thought that Sirik Matak (who he characterised as a jealous rival claimant to the Cambodian throne) backed by the CIA, and in contact with exiled Sihanouk opponent Son Ngoc Thanh (សឺង ង៉ុកថាញ់, 1908 - 1977), had suggested the coup plan to Lon Nol in 1969.[6] CIA involvement in the coup plot remains unproven, and Henry Kissinger later claimed that events would take the US government by surprise, but it seems likely that at least some military intelligence agents were partly culpable.[7] It is also known that the US military had drawn up plans for an invasion of Cambodia in 1966-7, and were upset that Lyndon B. Johnson would not approve them.[8] Declassified documents indicate that, as late as March 1970, the Nixon administration was hoping to garner "friendly relations" with Sihanouk.  Sihanouk Deposed as Head of State In March 1970, while Sihanouk was touring Europe, the Soviet Union and China, large-scale anti-Vietnamese demonstrations erupted in Phnom Penh. Crowds attacked the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong (Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam) embassies. Sihanouk initially gave a certain degree of support to the demonstrators; he hoped Moscow and Beijing would pressure North Vietnam to reduce its presence in Cambodia. Indeed, it has even been suggested (by William Shawcross and others) that Sihanouk and Lon Nol may have planned the first demonstrations to gain political leverage against Hanoi. The riots, however, escalated beyond the government's control - although this was likely done with a degree of encouragement from Lon Nol and Sirik Matak - and the embassy was sacked. Inside, a "contingency plan" was allegedly found for the communists to occupy Cambodia. On 12 March, Sirik Matak cancelled Sihanouk's trade agreement with North Vietnam; Lon Nol closed the port of Sihanoukville to the North Vietnamese and issued an impossible ultimatum to them: all PAVN (People's Army of Vietnam aka. North Vietnamese Army) and NLF (National Liberation Front aka. Viet Cong) forces were to withdraw from Cambodian soil within 72 hours (on 15 March) or face military action.[9] When, by the morning of March 16, it was clear that this demand had not been met, some 30,000 youths gathered outside the National Assembly in Phnom Penh to protest against the Vietnamese presence. From this point, events were to move with increasing rapidity. On the same day, the Cambodian Secretary of State for Defence, Colonel Oum Mannorine (Sihanouk's brother-in-law), was scheduled to be questioned by the national legislature on allegations of corruption; the proceedings were adjourned to hear the demonstrators' resolutions. According to Sihanouk, Mannorine had received information that Lon Nol and Sirik Matak were about to precipitate a coup; a group of Mannorine's men, under the command of Phnom Penh's Chief of Police Major Buor Horl, attempted to arrest the plotters, but it was by then too late.[10] Mannorine, and other key security personnel loyal to Sihanouk, were placed under arrest. After the Assembly adjourned for the day, Sihanouk's mother Queen Kossamak, at Sihanouk's request, summoned Lon Nol and Sirik Matak to the Royal Palace and asked them to end the demonstrations.[11] It appears to have been sometime during 16 or 17 March that Sirik Matak finally swayed Lon Nol to remove Sihanouk from the government. Lon Nol, who until that point may have been merely hoping that Sihanouk would end his relations with North Vietnam, showed some reluctance to take action against the Head of State: to convince him, Sirik Matak allegedly played him a tape-recorded press conference from Paris, in which Sihanouk threatened to execute them both on his return to Phnom Penh.[12] However, the Prime Minister remained uncertain, with the result that Sirik Matak, accompanied by three army officers, finally compelled a weeping Lon Nol to sign the necessary documents at gunpoint. The next day - 18 March - the army took up positions around the capital, and a debate was held within the National Assembly under In Tam's direction. One member of the Assembly (Kim Phon, later to be killed by pro-Sihanouk demonstrators in Kompong Cham) walked out of the proceedings in protest, though was not harmed at the time. The rest of the assembly voted unanimously to invoke Article 122 of the Cambodian constitution, which withdrew confidence in Sihanouk. Lon Nol took over the powers of the Head of State on an emergency basis, while the position itself was taken by the President of the General Assembly, Cheng Heng. In Tam was confirmed as President of the Sangkum. The coup had, therefore, followed essentially constitutional forms rather than being a blatant military takeover.[13] These events marked the foundation of the Khmer Republic.  Demonstrations against the coup On March 23, Sihanouk (via Beijing Radio) called for a general uprising against Lon Nol. Large-scale popular demonstrations calling for Sihanouk's return began in Kompong Cham (ខេត្តកំពង់ចាម), Takéo Province (ខេត្តតាកែវ), and Kampot Province (ខេត្តកំពត).[14] The demonstrations in Kompong Cham became particularly violent, with two National Assembly deputies, Sos Saoun and Kim Phon, being killed by demonstrators on 26 March after driving to the town to negotiate. Lon Nol's brother, police official Lon Nil, was set upon in the nearby town of Tonle Bet by plantation workers and was also killed. The demonstrations were suppressed with extreme brutality by the Cambodian army; there were several hundred deaths and thousands of arrests. Some witnesses spoke of tanks being used against crowds of unarmed civilians.[14]  Aftermath While Lon Nol initially continued dialogue with the North Vietnamese, who hoped to renegotiate their agreements, the American and South Vietnamese invasion of south-eastern Cambodia in the Cambodian Campaign of the following month was to radically and irrevocably alter Cambodia's involvement in the Second Indochina War. The brutality of the Lon Nol regime is often cited as a factor in the rise of the Khmer Rouge due to increased anti-rightist and anti-American sentiment among the Cambodian people. Numerous nations cut off ties with Cambodia because they only recognised the ousted Royal Government." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cambodian_coup_of_1970. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-18]

1970-03-19

In Bangkok sind Krankenhausbetten knapp: auf die ca. 3 Mio. Einwohner des Großraums kommen nur 5000 Spitalbetten. Deshalb müssen sich oft zwei oder drei Personen ein Bett teilen oder Patienten müssen auf dem Boden liegen.

1970-03-19

Indonesiens Präsident, Suharto (1921 - 2008), trifft zu einem zweitägigen Staatsbesuch ein. Ganz oben auf der Agenda steht die Bedrohung Südostasiens durch den Kommunismus.

Abb.: Indonesien
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Präsident Suharto im Kreise seiner Familie, ca. 1967
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1970-03-20

Prinz Norodom Sihanouk (នរោត្តម សីហនុ, 1922 – 2012) verkündet in Beijing (北京) die Bildung einer National Liberation Army Kambodschas. Nordvietnam, die NLF (National Liberation Front Südvietnams - Mặt Trận Giải Phóng Miền Nam Việt Nam) und der Pathet Lao (ເທດລາວ) bieten sofort ihre Unterstützung an.

1970-03-27

Truppen Südvietnams greifen mit Unterstützung durch U.S. Helikopter und mit Erlaubnis der Regierung Kambodschas Viet Cong Stellungen in Kambodscha an.

1970-03-27

Die Polizei zertrümmert den Glasbehälter, in dem ein Mönch in Bangkok eine auf 1200 Tage geplante Meditations-Show vollzog. Er hatte bis jetzt 237 Tage seine Show abgezogen. Als die Polizisten ihn aus des Show-Box holten, schrie er, sie seien Kommunisten, die den Buddhismus vernichten wollen. Dann versuchte er sich anzuzünden. Schließlich ließ er sich von Mönchen in sein Heimatkloster zurückbringen.

1970-03-30

Die Regierung gibt erstmals zu, dass Thai-Söldner unter CIA-Führung in Laos kämpfen. Die Thais werden oft durch Air America zu ihren Einsatzorten in Laos geflogen. In Laos kämpfen bis zu 16.500 thailändische "Freiwillige"

Abb.: Laos
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

"Air America war eine US-amerikanische Fluggesellschaft, die von der CIA kontrolliert wurde und verdeckte Operationen in Südostasien während des Vietnamkriegs durchführte. Nach außen hin trat sie dabei als zivile Fluggesellschaft auf. Geschichte Hervorgegangen ist die Fluggesellschaft aus der Civil Air Transport (CAT), die im Besitz von Claire Lee Chennault Nachschubflüge an die chinesische Front im Zweiten Weltkrieg durchgeführt hatte. Als dem Unternehmen in der Nachkriegszeit der Bankrott drohte, wurde es als Tarngesellschaft 1949 von der CIA angekauft. Dazu wurde die Firma American Airdale Corporation in Delaware gegründet. Zum 7. Oktober 1957 erfolgte dann eine Umorganisation, nach der dann die Pacific Corporation, die noch weitere Fluggesellschaften betrieb, als Muttergesellschaft auftrat. Die eigentliche Namensänderung erfolgte erst zwei Jahre später. Von 1959 bis 1962 gewährte Air America direkte und indirekte Unterstützung für die Operationen Ambidextrous, Hotfoot und White Star (Training für die laotischen Streitkräfte). Außerdem versorgte sie, schon seit 1950, die aufständischen Kuomintang in Birma mit amerikanischen Waffen, die teilweise von Taiwan aus geliefert wurden. Von 1962 bis 1975 setzte Air America US-amerikanisches Personal ein, um logistische Unterstützung für die Secret Army zu gewährleisten, transportierte Flüchtlinge und machte sogar Aufklärungsflüge. Es wurden auch SAR-Missionen für abgestürzte Kampfpiloten in Indochina durchgeführt. Die Piloten der Air America waren die ersten Zivilisten, die an Kampfhandlungen teilnahmen. Im Sommer 1970 wurden 24 zweimotorige Transportflugzeuge und 24 weitere „short take-off and landing“ (STOL) Flugzeuge sowie 30 Hubschrauber für Operationen in Burma, Kambodscha, Thailand und Laos eingesetzt. Während dieser Zeit arbeiteten über 300 Piloten, Kopiloten, Flugmechaniker und Lademeister, die allesamt in Laos bzw. in Thailand stationiert waren. Im Jahr 1970 transportierte Air America 20.000 t Lebensmittel nach Laos. Als 1975 nordvietnamesische Streitkräfte Südvietnam einnahmen, wurden das Personal der US-Botschaft in Saigon, ihre Angehörigen und Mitarbeiter der Regierung von Südvietnam in letzter Minute durch Hubschrauber der Air America in Sicherheit gebracht. Nach dem Rückzug aus Vietnam gab es einen vergeblichen Versuch, die Fluglinie auf dem thailändischen Flughafen Udon Thani, dem Luftfahrt-Drehkreuz und Hauptquartier für Asien, weiterzuführen. In Folge des Scheiterns dieses Versuches wurde Air America am 30. Juni 1976 offiziell aufgelöst.[1] Staatlich organisierter Drogenhandel Air America war in großem Stil als Transporteur in den Drogenhandel verwickelt. Verbündete (meist informelle) Armeen wurden von amerikanischen Geheimdiensten, wie früher schon von den Franzosen (durch die GCMA), finanziert, indem von diesen in ihrem Auftrag von Bergvölkern angebautes Opium und daraus raffiniertes Heroin mit Hilfe der CIA auf den Markt gebracht wurde. Ein guter Teil der Profite aus diesem Geschäft floß an amerikafreundliche Politiker, wie Ouane Rattikone und den südvietnamesischen Luftwaffenchef und späteren Premier Nguyen Cao Ky. Die Air America war in dieser Schmugglerfunktion die Nachfolgeorganisation der Air Laos Commerciale und anderer als „Air Opium“ bekannter Fluggesellschaften. Der amerikanische Geschichtsprofessor Alfred W. McCoy hat diese Vorgänge detailliert in seinem Buch The Politics of Heroin. CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade beschrieben (deutsch: Die CIA und das Heroin; Verlag Zweitausendeins, 2003). Die CIA versuchte 1972 vergeblich, das Buch "aus Gründen der nationalen Sicherheit" zu zensieren. Die Veröffentlichung hatte eine Reihe von Untersuchungskommissionen in den USA zur Folge, bei denen auch McCoy als Zeuge aussagte, wobei sämtliche CIA-Zeugen jegliche Beteiligung an illegaler Aktivität abstritten. Filme Roger Spottiswoode drehte 1990 angelehnt an die tatsächlichen Ereignisse den Film Air America mit Mel Gibson und Robert Downey jr. in den Hauptrollen. Literatur Alfred W. McCoy: Die CIA und das Heroin. Weltpolitik durch Drogenhandel. Verlag Zweitausendeins, Frankfurt am Main 2003, ISBN 3861506084" [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Air_America. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-18]

Abb.: Air America benutzt schweizerische Pilatus Porter
[Bildquelle: http://www.nationalmuseum.af.mil/shared/media/photodb/photos/110329-F-XN622-004.jpg. -- Zugriff am 2013-10-20. -- Public domain]

1970-03-30

Stellungnahme von Eric R. Wolf (1923 - 1999) und Joseph Jorgensen (1934 - 2008) des Ethics Committee der American Anthropological Association:

"30 March 1970 The undersigned members of the Ethics Committee of the American Anthropological Association have had occasion to see xeroxed copies of the following documents: Minutes of the Jason Summer Study, Institute for Defense Analysis [Analyses], Falmouth Intermediate School, Falmouth, Mass., June 20th-July 6th, 1967; A proposal to the Advanced Research Projects Agency, Pittsburgh, Pa. [actually the location of AIR], entitled "Counter-Insurgency in Thailand: The Impact of Economic, Social and Political Action Programs," American Institutes for Research, Dec. 1967; Trip Report for a visit to Amphoe Nong Han [หนองหาน], Changwad Udon [อุดรธานี], May 28th-June 6th, 1969; Agenda for an Advisory Panel Meeting, American Institutes for Research, June 30th-July 4th, 1969; Amendment to a Contract between the United States of America, represented by the Agency for International Development, and the Regents of the University of California, to facilitate advice and assistance on the part of the academic community for the Academic Advisory Council for Thailand, Sept. 1st, 1968; Minutes of the Academic Advisory Council for Thailand, Oct. 19th, 1968-July 24th, 1969. Since these documents contradict in spirit and in letter the resolutions of the American Anthropological Association concerning clandestine and secret research, we feel that they raise the most serious issues for the scientific integrity of our profession. We shall therefore call the attention of the American Anthropological Association to these most serious matters. Eric. R. Wolf, Professor of Anthropology Chairman, Ethics Comm., AAA Joseph Jorgensen, Associate Prof, of Anthropology" [Zitiert in: Wakin, Eric: Anthropology goes to war : professional ethics & counterinsurgency in Thailand. -- Madison, WI : University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. -- 319 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Monograph <University of Wisconsin--Madison. Center for Southeast Asian Studies> ;  No. 7). -- ISBN 978-1-881261-03-2. -- S. 157f. -- Fair use]

1970-04

Brief des US Anthropologen Herbert Phillips <1929 - > an Kukrit Pramoj (คึกฤทธิ์ ปราโมช, 1911 - 1995). Der Brief wird in der zeitung สยามรัฐ (Siam Rath) auf Thai veröffentlicht:

"I love your country second only to my own. My son is a Thai citizen and when I die I hope that my ashes will be returned to Thailand. I also feel that what we call "Thai culture" is one of the most humanly satisfying and distinctive creations of mankind, and that as a teacher and author I have been privileged in trying to communicate some of these qualities to persons who have been unable to know Thailand first hand. I have seen the towns of Nakornrajasima [นครราชสีมา], Ubon [อุบลราชธานี], Udorn [อุดรธานี], Nakornphanom [นครพนม], and the village of Sathaheep [สัตหีบ] suddenly transformed from peaceful and happy communities into noisy centers of warfare; it is from these centers that American airmen have gone to kill people who have never done any harm to your countryman nor to mine. I have seen Thai citizens in their own towns being treated in the same way that black people have been treated by white hooligans in some of the towns in the State of Mississippi. I have talked with American Military Advisors who are angry at Thai officers and soldiers for refusing to kill Thai citizens whom Americans call "communist terrorists" but whom Thai officers correctly recognize as frustrated and misguided countrymen who need jobs and the help of their own government. I have seen as much as one million baht of my countrymen's taxes being wasted on "counterinsurgency research in Thailand" that nobody reads, nobody wants, and that benefits nobody except a few (and for the most part, incompetent) American research technicians.... Abb.: Lage der US-Militärbasen  Nakhon Ratchasima [นครราชสีมา], Ubon Ratchathani [อุบลราชธานี], Udon Thani [อุดรธานี], Nakhon Phanom [นครพนม], and the village of Sattahip [สัตหีบ] [Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain] For a time I thought I could serve as an advisor to my government and by reaching people in high places I could diminish some of this pain.... Despite my enumeration above, I know that there are many socially desirable things that the United States has done in Thailand.... I also know that along with our many shortsighted and incompetent American officials, there are other men of wisdom and good will. My problem was to be selective in the kind of advice that I gave and to present it in a way that would not permit it to be perverted. I have had great hopes, but grave doubts, about any value that my contribution might have had. The President's recent decision to expand American bombing and destruction in Laos and Cambodia—to kill innocent people who, excepting their language and citizenship, are almost indistinguishable from the people of Thailand—has convinced me that incompetence or cruelty continue to dominate the conduct of American affairs in Southeast Asia, and that nations or people who continue to associate themselves with such conduct do so at the greatest peril to themselves.... the people living in Thailand's Northeast today may be the very people who will die next year from American bombs. Make no mistake about this: U.S. soldiers would no more hesitate to bomb and kill Thai citizens than they have hesitated to bomb and kill Vietnamese, Laotians, Khmers, or American college students in Kent, Ohio." [Zitiert in: Wakin, Eric: Anthropology goes to war : professional ethics & counterinsurgency in Thailand. -- Madison, WI : University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. -- 319 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Monograph <University of Wisconsin--Madison. Center for Southeast Asian Studies> ;  No. 7). -- ISBN 978-1-881261-03-2. -- S. 170f.. -- Fair use]

1970-04

Kommunistische Aufständische schießen ein North American T-6 Jagdflugzeug ab und zerstören einen Helikopter, der die Besatzung bergen soll.

Abb.: Lage von Phu Lom Lo (ภูลมโล)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: T-6, 1943
[Bildquelle: USAF / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1970-04-02

Es erscheint The Student Mobilizer >Washington DC> Vol. 3, No. 4 (1970-04-02). In ihm werden die Kontakte zwischen US-Hochschullehrern un dem US. Defence Department offengelegt. Dies führt zu einer erbitterten Debatte unter US-Anthropologen. Herausgeber der Zeitschrift ist The Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (SMC).

Abb.: Zeitschriftentitelblatt

Dazu siehe:

Wakin, Eric: Anthropology goes to war : professional ethics & counterinsurgency in Thailand. -- Madison, WI : University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. -- 319 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Monograph <University of Wisconsin--Madison. Center for Southeast Asian Studies> ;  No. 7). -- ISBN 978-1-881261-03-2

1970-04-22

USA: erster Earth Day. Seither wird er "in über 175 Ländern begangen und soll die Wertschätzung für die natürliche Umwelt stärken, aber auch dazu anregen, die Art des Konsumverhaltens zu überdenken." (Wikipedia)

Abb.: Logo

1970-04-28

Elektrofischerei wird verboten Auf Zuwiderhandlung steht 1000 Baht Strafe.

1970-04-30

US-Präsident Nixon befiehlt den Einmarsch von US-Truppen nach Kambodscha. Daraufhin marschieren völkerrechtswidrig 25.000 amerikanische und südvietnamesische Militärs von Südvietnam aus in Kambodscha ein.

Abb.: Kambodscha
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

Radio- und Fernsehansprache Nixons (Address to the Nation on the Situation in Southeast Asia):

"Tonight, I shall describe the actions of the enemy, the actions I have ordered to deal with that situation, and the reasons for my decision. Cambodia, a small country of 7 million people, has been a neutral nation since the Geneva agreement of 1954--an agreement, incidentally, which was signed by the Government of North Vietnam. American policy since then has been to scrupulously respect the neutrality of the Cambodian people. We have maintained a skeleton diplomatic mission of fewer than 15 in Cambodia's capital, and that only since last August. For the previous 4 years, from 1965 to 1969, we did not have any diplomatic mission whatever in Cambodia. And for the past 5 years, we have provided no military assistance whatever and no economic assistance to Cambodia. North Vietnam, however, has not respected that neutrality. For the past 5 years--as indicated on this map that you see here--North Vietnam has occupied military sanctuaries all along the Cambodian frontier with South Vietnam. Some of these extend up to 20 miles into Cambodia. The sanctuaries are in red and, as you note, they are on both sides of the border. They are used for hit and run attacks on American and South Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam. These Communist occupied territories contain major base camps, training sites, logistics facilities, weapons and ammunition factories, airstrips, and prisoner-of. war compounds. For 5 years, neither the United States nor South Vietnam has moved against these enemy sanctuaries because we did not wish to violate the territory of a neutral nation. Even after the Vietnamese Communists began to expand these sanctuaries 4 weeks ago, we counseled patience to our South Vietnamese allies and imposed restraints on our own commanders. In contrast to our policy, the enemy in the past 2 weeks has stepped up his guerrilla actions and he is concentrating his main forces in these sanctuaries that you see on this map where they are building up to launch massive attacks on our forces and those of South Vietnam. North Vietnam in the last 2 weeks has stripped away all pretense of respecting the sovereignty or the neutrality of Cambodia. Thousands of their soldiers are invading the country from the sanctuaries; they are encircling the capital of Phnom Penh. Coming from these sanctuaries, as you see here, they have moved into Cambodia and are encircling the capital. Cambodia, as a result of this, has sent out a call to the United States, to a number of other nations, for assistance. Because if this enemy effort succeeds, Cambodia would become a vast enemy staging area and a springboard for attacks on South Vietnam along 600 miles of frontier--a refuge where enemy troops could return from combat without fear of retaliation. North Vietnamese men and supplies could then be poured into that country, jeopardizing not only the lives of our own men but the people of South Vietnam as well. Now confronted with this situation, we have three options. First, we can do nothing. Well, the ultimate result of that course of action is clear. Unless we indulge in wishful thinking, the lives of Americans remaining in Vietnam after our next withdrawal of 150,000 would be gravely threatened. Let us go to the map again. Here is South Vietnam. Here is North Vietnam. North Vietnam already occupies this part of Laos. If North Vietnam also occupied this whole band in Cambodia, or the entire country, it would mean that South Vietnam was completely outflanked and the forces of Americans in this area, as well as the South Vietnamese, would be in an untenable military position. Our second choice is to provide massive military assistance to Cambodia itself. Now unfortunately, while we deeply sympathize with the plight of 7 million Cambodians whose country is being invaded, massive amounts of military assistance could not be rapidly and effectively utilized by the small Cambodian Army against the immediate threat. With other nations, we shall do our best to provide the small arms and other equipment which the Cambodian Army of 40,000 needs and can use for its defense. But the aid we will provide will be limited to the purpose of enabling Cambodia to defend its neutrality and not for the purpose of making it an active belligerent on one side or the other. Our third choice is to go to the heart of the trouble. That means cleaning out major North Vietnamese and Vietcong occupied territories--these sanctuaries which serve as bases for attacks on both Cambodia and American and South Vietnamese forces in South Vietnam. Some of these, incidentally, are as close to Saigon as Baltimore is to Washington. This one, for example [indicating], is called the Parrot's Beak. It is only 33 miles from Saigon. Now faced with these three options, this is the decision I have made. In cooperation with the armed forces of South Vietnam, attacks are being launched this week to clean out major enemy sanctuaries on the Cambodian-Vietnam border. A major responsibility for the ground operations is being assumed by South Vietnamese forces. For example, the attacks in several areas, including the Parrot's Beak that I referred to a moment ago, are exclusively South Vietnamese ground operations under South Vietnamese command with the United States providing air and logistical support. There is one area, however, immediately above Parrot's Beak, where I have concluded that a combined American and South Vietnamese operation is necessary. Tonight, American and South Vietnamese units will attack the headquarters for the entire Communist military operation in South Vietnam. This key control center has been occupied by the North Vietnamese and Vietcong for 5 years in blatant violation of Cambodia's neutrality. This is not an invasion of Cambodia. The areas in which these attacks will be launched are completely occupied and controlled by North Vietnamese forces. Our purpose is not to occupy the areas. Once enemy forces are driven out of these sanctuaries and once their military supplies are destroyed, we will withdraw. These actions are in no way directed to the security interests of any nation. Any government that chooses to use these actions as a pretext for harming relations with the United States will be doing so on its own responsibility, and on its own initiative, and we will draw the appropriate conclusions. Now let me give you the reasons for my decision. A majority of the American people, a majority of you listening to me, are for the withdrawal of our forces from Vietnam. The action I have taken tonight is indispensable for the continuing success of that withdrawal program. A majority of the American people want to end this war rather than to have it drag on interminably. The action I have taken tonight will serve that purpose. A majority of the American people want to keep the casualties of our brave men in Vietnam at an absolute minimum. The action I take tonight is essential if we are to accomplish that goal. We take this action not for the purpose of expanding the war into Cambodia but for the purpose of ending the war in Vietnam and winning the just peace we all desire. We have made--we will continue to make every possible effort to end this war through negotiation at the conference table rather than through more fighting on the battlefield. Let us look again at the record. We have stopped the bombing of North Vietnam. We have cut air operations by over 20 percent. We have announced withdrawal of over 250,000 of our men. We have offered to withdraw all of our men if they will withdraw theirs. We have offered to negotiate all issues with only one condition--and that is that the future of South Vietnam be determined not by North Vietnam, and not by the United States, but by the people of South Vietnam themselves. The answer of the enemy has been intransigence at the conference table, belligerence in Hanoi, massive military aggression in Laos and Cambodia, and stepped-up attacks in South Vietnam, designed to increase American casualties. This attitude has become intolerable. We will not react to this threat to American lives merely by plaintive diplomatic protests. If we did, the credibility of the United States would be destroyed in every area of the world where only the power of the United States deters aggression. Tonight, I again warn the North Vietnamese that if they continue to escalate the fighting when the United States is withdrawing its forces, I shall meet my responsibility as Commander in Chief of our Armed Forces to take the action I consider necessary to defend the security of our American men. The action that I have announced tonight puts the leaders of North Vietnam on notice that we will be patient in working for peace; we will be conciliatory at the conference table, but we will not be humiliated. We will not be defeated. We will not allow American men by the thousands to be killed by an enemy from privileged sanctuaries. The time came long ago to end this war through peaceful negotiations. We stand ready for those negotiations. We have made major efforts, many of which must remain secret. I say tonight: All the offers and approaches made previously remain on the conference table whenever Hanoi is ready to negotiate seriously. But if the enemy response to our most conciliatory offers for peaceful negotiation continues to be to increase its attacks and humiliate and defeat us, we shall react accordingly. My fellow Americans, we live in an age of anarchy, both abroad and at home. We see mindless attacks on all the great institutions which have been created by free civilizations in the last 500 years. Even here in the United States, great universities are being systematically destroyed. Small nations all over the world find themselves under attack from within and from without. If, when the chips are down, the world's most powerful nation, the United States of America, acts like a pitiful, helpless giant, the forces of totalitarianism and anarchy will threaten free nations and free institutions throughout the world. It is not our power but our will and character that is being tested tonight. The question all Americans must ask and answer tonight is this: Does the richest and strongest nation in the history of the world have the character to meet a direct challenge by a group which rejects every effort to win a just peace, ignores our warning, tramples on solemn agreements, violates the neutrality of an unarmed people, and uses our prisoners as hostages? If we fail to meet this challenge, all other nations will be on notice that despite its overwhelming power the United States, when a real crisis comes, will be found wanting. During my campaign for the Presidency, I pledged to bring Americans home from Vietnam. They are coming home. I promised to end this war. I shall keep that promise. I promised to win a just peace. I shall keep that promise. We shall avoid a wider war. But we are also determined to put an end to this war. In this room, Woodrow Wilson made the great decisions which led to victory in World War I. Franklin Roosevelt made the decisions which led to our victory in World War II. Dwight D. Eisenhower made decisions which ended the war in Korea and avoided war in the Middle East. John F. Kennedy, in his finest hour, made the great decision which removed Soviet nuclear missiles from Cuba and the Western Hemisphere. I have noted that there has been a great deal of discussion with regard to this decision that I have made and I should point out that I do not contend that it is in the same magnitude as these decisions that I have just mentioned. But between those decisions and this decision there is a difference that is very fundamental. In those decisions, the American people were not assailed by counsels of doubt and defeat from some of the most widely known opinion leaders of the Nation. I have noted, for example, that a Republican Senator has said that this action I have taken means that my party has lost all chance of winning the November elections. And others are saying today that this move against enemy sanctuaries will make me a one-term President. No one is more aware than I am of the political consequences of the action I have taken. It is tempting to take the easy political path: to blame this war on previous administrations and to bring all of our men home immediately, regardless of the consequences, even though that would mean defeat for the United States; to desert 18 million South Vietnamese people, who have put their trust in us and to expose them to the same slaughter and savagery which the leaders of North Vietnam inflicted on hundreds of thousands of North Vietnamese who chose freedom when the Communists took over North Vietnam in 1954; to get peace at any price now, even though I know that a peace of humiliation for the United States would lead to a bigger war or surrender later. I have rejected all political considerations in making this decision. Whether my party gains in November is nothing compared to the lives of 400,000 brave Americans fighting for our country and for the cause of peace and freedom in Vietnam. Whether I may be a one-term President is insignificant compared to whether by our failure to act in this crisis the United States proves itself to be unworthy to lead the forces of freedom in this critical period in world history. I would rather be a one-term President and do what I believe is right than to be a two-term President at the cost of seeing America become a second-rate power and to see this Nation accept the first defeat in its proud 190-year history. I realize that in this war there are honest and deep differences in this country about whether we should have become involved, that there are differences as to how the war should have been conducted. But the decision I announce tonight transcends those differences. For the lives of American men are involved. The opportunity for Americans to come home in the next 12 months is involved. The future of 18 million people in South Vietnam and 7 million people in Cambodia is involved. The possibility of winning a just peace in Vietnam and in the Pacific is at stake. It is customary to conclude a speech from the White House by asking support for the President of the United States. Tonight, I depart from that precedent. What I ask is far more important. I ask for your support for our brave men fighting tonight halfway around the world-not for territory--not for glory--but so that their younger brothers and their sons and your sons can have a chance to grow up in a world of peace and freedom and justice. Thank you and good night." [Quelle: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=2490. -- Zugriff am 2015-08-11]

1970-05

Aus einem Brief des US Anthropologen Herbert Phillips an die Mitglieder der American Anthropological Association:

"Any social scientists who has been in Thailand for a week knows about the role that ARPA [Advanced Research Projects Agency]—with its annual budget of 5-12 million dollars—plays in subverting the purpose and direction of social science research in that country." [Zitiert in: Wakin, Eric: Anthropology goes to war : professional ethics & counterinsurgency in Thailand. -- Madison, WI : University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. -- 319 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Monograph <University of Wisconsin--Madison. Center for Southeast Asian Studies> ;  No. 7). -- ISBN 978-1-881261-03-2. -- S. 79. -- Fair use]

1970-05-01

Abb.: Aufruf zu einer Demonstration gegen die AAusweitung des Vietnamkriegs auf Kambodscha, 1970-05-01

1970-05-04

Die US-Nationalgarde erschießt auf dem Gelände der Universität Kent (Ohio, USA) vier Studenten, die gegen den Vietnamkrieg protestiert hatten. Dies gibt der Anti-Vietnamkriegs-Bewegung in den USA einen gewaltigen Auftrieb.

Abb.: Lage von Kent (Ohio)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Einschussstelle eines der scharfen Geschoße, die die Nationalgarde gegen die Demonstranten einsetzte
[Bildquelle: M. Stewart / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1970-05-11

New York (USA): Tod des Jazz-Alt-Saxophonisten Johnny Hodges (geb. 1906). Johnny Hodges ist Favorit und Vorbild des Saxophonisten König Bhumibol.

Künstlerlink auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:artist:7lRFrrINQTY35g8hq0kXY5
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/7lRFrrINQTY35g8hq0kXY5

Abb.: Johnny Hodges, 1946 / von William P. Gottlieb (1917–2006)
[Bildquelle: LoC / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1970-05-13

Kambodscha bittet Thailand um Militärhilfe.

1970-05-15

Premiere des Films Monrak Luk Thung (มนต์รักลูกทุ่ง). Er wird Thailands erfolgreichster Film uns spielt in sechs Monaten über 7 Mio. Baht ein.

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Monrak luk thung (Thai: มนต์รักลูกทุ่ง, or Magical Love in the Countryside or Wonder of Luk Thung) is a 1970 musical-comedy-romance film directed by Rungsri Tassanapuk (รังสี ทัศนพยัคฆ์) and starring Mitr Chaibancha (มิตร ชัยบัญชา, 1934 - 1970) and Petchara Chaowarat (เพชรา เชาวราษฎร์, 1943 - ). Released on May 15, 1970, the film was an enormous hit, playing in Thai cinemas for six months.[1] With a hit soundtrack that features 14 luk thung (ลูกทุ่ง, Thai country-folk music) songs that rhapsodize rural life in northeast Thailand, the story is about the romance between a peasant man (Mitr), and a young woman (Petchara) from a wealthy family. The film was remade in 2005, with the English title Sounds from the Field of Love.[2][3] It was also adapted in a hit 1990s Thai television series.[4] Plot In 1970 ,The vast rice fields. Clark's (Mitr Chaibancha) love than love with Thong Kwao (Petchara Chaowarat). But fear is disappointing that because Clark's until The land was mortgaged to the Chom Thong Kwao confirmed, but love it. Clark promised that if the sale of rice to engage Thong Kwao. Clark's hit that poor and seize the land because of debt to Chom Thong pack and Ruby Thong Kwao parents. Is sent to live with Aunt Thong Kwao in Bangkok. Thong Kwao was introduced to Thammarak. Aunt nephew of gold The war gold hope for kids, both married. So do not become the property of others. Thong Kwao that Clark's wanted to come but to ask parents to call the bride Thong Kwao ten thousand. Thong Kwao meaning but hurried back to find that Clark's was with Clark's that Saijai. Thong Kwao made mistake Thong Kwao has agreed to engage Thammarak. But Thammarak already has a wife Rue war is chasing gold Thammarak and wife back. But news of the engagement of the Golden Thong Kwao with Thammarak announced the ear piece bandit. Thong Kwao and capture the war to ransom. That Clark's and police to help in time. Gold pieces, which his father and mother Ruby did not dare refuse. The couple has married.  Film, TV or theatrical adaptations The film was remade in 1982 and 2005, It was also adapted in a hit 1990s Thai TV series. Monrak luk thung (1970) - Starring Mitr Chaibancha and Petchara Chaowarat Monrak luk thung (1982) - Starring Toon Hiranyasap (ทูน หิรัญทรัพย์) and Umpa Pusit (อำภา ภูษิต) Monrak luk thung (1995) - TV series Starring Saranyoo Wongkrachang (ศรัณยู วงษ์กระจ่าง) Monrak luk thung (2005) - TV series Starring Natthawut Skidjai (ณัฐวุฒิ สะกิดใจ) and Suvanant Kongying (สุวนันท์ คงยิ่ง, 1978 - ) Sounds from the Field of Love (2005) - Starring Nanthawat Asirapojanakul (นันทวัฒน์ อาศิรพจนกุล) and Apaporn Nakornsawan (อาภาพร นครสวรรค์) Monrak luk thung (2010) - TV series Starring Tisadee Sahawong (ทฤษฎี สหวงษ์) and Jittapa Jampatom (จิตตาภา แจ่มปฐม)" [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Monrak_luk_thung. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-18. -- Original Thainglish]

Der Titelsong von Phaibun Butkhan (ไพบูลย์ บุตรขัน,1918 - 1972) wird zur beliebtesten Filmmusik Thailands

Abb.: Cover einer späteren CD mit den original soundtrack

Der Song auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:track:7afkKAB5VhVeuoDkEUadED
URL: https://open.spotify.com/track/7afkKAB5VhVeuoDkEUadED

1970-05-15

Expo '70, Osaka, Japan: Premiere des Kurz-Films Tiger Child (虎の仔). Es ist der erste Film im IMAX-Format.

Abb.: IMAX-Kino, Bangkok, 2008
[Bildquelle: Curtis Winston / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

1970-05-19 - 1973-08-15

Operation Freedom Deal der US Airforce: völkerrechtswidrige Bombardierung der Grenzgebiete Kambodschas nach Vietnam.

1970-05-22

Eine Gruppe von 14 Gourmets zahlt 36.000 Baht für ein dreitägiges Schmausen nach altchinesischen Rezepten.

1970-05-28

Thailand anerkennt offiziell die Regierung Lon Nol (លន់ នល់, 1913 – 1985) in Kambodscha.

1970-05-28

Gründung des privaten Thai Suriya College (heute: Sripatum University - SPU - มหาวิทยาลัยศรีปทุม).

Abb.: ®Logo
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia]

Abb.: Lage des Thai Suriya College (heute: Sripatum University - SPU - มหาวิทยาลัยศรีปทุม)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Sripatum University or SPU (Thai: มหาวิทยาลัยศรีปทุม) is a medium size private university in the north of Bangkok, Thailand. Inspired by the vision of Dr. Sook Pookayaporn, who wanted to give Thai youths the chance to develop their full potential, Sripatum University (SPU) was founded on May 28, 1970 under the name Thai Suriya College. The college later was promoted to university status. "Sripatum" means the "Source of Knowledge Blooming Like a Lotus" and was graciously conferred on the college by the Her Royal Highness the late Princess Mother Srinagarindra (ศรีนครินทรา, Somdet Phra Srinagarindra Baromarajajanan). She presided over the official opening ceremony of SPU and awarded vocational certificates to the first three graduating classes. Sripatum University is therefore one of the first five private universities of Thailand." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sripatum_University. -- Zugriff am 2012-02-02]

1970-06

US-General Harry Clay (Heinie) Aderholt (1920 – 2010) wird Chef der Air Force Advisory Group, Joint U.S. Military Advisory Group (JUSMAG).

Abb.: Harry Clay (Heinie) Aderholt
[Bildquelle: USAF]

"Harry Clay (Heinie) Aderholt (6 January 1920 – 20 May 2010) was an American Brigadier General in the United States Air Force and a prominent figure in air force special operations.[1][2] Aderholt died on 20 May 2010. Biography Aderholt was born in Birmingham, Alabama in 1920. He entered active military duty through the aviation cadet program in April 1942 and graduated from pilot training with a commission as a second lieutenant in the U.S. Army Air Corps in May 1943. During World War II, from October 1943 to August 1945, Aderholt served in North Africa and Italy as a B-17 and C-47 pilot. In September 1945 Aderholt went to Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama, assigned as a staff pilot with the Army Air Forces Eastern Flying Training Command. After completion of Air Tactical School at Tyndall Air Force Base, Florida, in December 1948, Aderholt returned to Maxwell and served as a flight instructor and flying safety officer with the 3800th Air Base Wing. During the Korean War, from July 1950 to September 1951, Aderholt commanded a Special Air Warfare Detachment of the 21st Troop Carrier Squadron. He next was assigned as an operations staff officer with the 1007th Air Intelligence Service Group in Washington, D.C. In June 1953 he was transferred to Donaldson Air Force Base, South Carolina, where he served with Headquarters Eighteenth Air Force as tactical and operations staff officer in the Directorate of Operations and Training. In October 1954, Aderholt was assigned to Headquarters U.S. Air Forces in Europe, Wiesbaden Air Base, Germany, and served in the Directorate of Plans as an unconventional warfare planning staff officer. In September 1957 Aderholt returned to Washington, D.C., assigned to the 1007th Air Intelligence Service Group as a special warfare staff officer, and in September 1959 joined the 1040th U.S. Air Force Field Activity Squadron in the same capacity. Aderholt left for Okinawa [沖縄県] in January 1960 where he became commander of the 1095th Operational Evaluation Training Group. During this assignment, he contributed to the pioneering of special air warfare techniques, and was instrumental in developing the Laos airfield complex known as Lima sites. These fields were used throughout Southeast Asia as support sites for special warfare operations and as CH-3 "Jolly Green" helicopter forward staging bases for rescue and recovery operations in Laos and North Vietnam. From August 1962 to February 1964, Aderholt served as special advisor to the commander of the U.S. Air Force Special Air Warfare Center (SAWC) at Eglin Air Force Base, Florida. During this period, he contributed to and participated in RAND Corporation studies which resulted in the publication of the Single Integrated Attack Team Study. He then was transferred to Hurlburt Field, Florida, (Eglin Auxiliary Field 9) where he served as vice commander and commander of the famed 1st Air Commando Wing. Aderholt left for the Republic of the Philippines in August 1965 where he was assigned as deputy commander for plans and operations with the 6200th Materiel Wing at Clark Air Base. While in this assignment, he joined the U.S. Military Assistance Command, Vietnam, where he conceived and activated the Joint Personnel Recovery Center in Saigon, and served as chief from July to December 1966. He then was selected by Headquarters Pacific Air Forces to activate the 56th Air Commando Wing at Nakhon Phanom [นครพนม] Royal Thai Air Force Base, Thailand. This wing, which he organized and commanded from December 1966 to December 1967, conducted low-level night interdiction missions over the Ho Chi Minh Trail in Laos and North Vietnam, using prop-driven aircraft. The efforts of this wing were so successful in slowing infiltration that the enemy reacted by greatly increasing anti-aircraft defenses and committing a large amount of his total assets to keep the trail open. In January 1968 Aderholt was reassigned to the U.S. Air Force Special Air Warfare Center, later redesignated U.S. Air Force Special Operations Force (SOF), at Eglin Air Force Base, Florida, to serve as deputy chief of staff for operations. Aderholt returned to Thailand in June 1970 for a two-year tour of duty as chief of the Air Force Advisory Group, Joint U.S. Military Advisory Group, in Bangkok. He retired from active military duty in December 1972 at Eglin Air Force Base, Florida. He was recalled to active duty in October 1973 and assigned as deputy commander, United States Military Assistance Command, Thailand, and deputy chief, Joint United States Military Advisory Group, Thailand, with headquarters at Bangkok. Aderholt became commander, USMACTHAI, and chief, JUSMAG, Thailand, in May 1975. Evacuation of the Hmong One of Aderholt's prouder moments was his assistance in evacuating Hmong [ม้ง] leaders from Laos as the Pathet Lao [ປະເທດລາວ] communist army advanced on their base at Long Tieng in May 1975. The U.S. by that time had withdrawn all its civilian and military personnel from Indochina, except for a few Embassy personnel in Laos. Aderholt was the last American general on the ground in Southeast Asia. He had few resources. Aderholt was informed that help was needed to evacuate the Hmong who for more than a decade had comprised the "secret army" in Laos assisting the U.S. in fending off the North Vietnamese Army in the Laotian Civil War. He located three American C-130 Hercules transport aircraft and pilots in Thailand.[5] He had the planes "sheep dipped" to remove all markings identifying them as American-owned and sent them to Long Tieng. In four days of intense activity, the transport planes evacuated more than 2,000 Hmong, including General Vang Pao [วังเปา / 王宝, 1929 - 2011] and Jerry Daniels, his CIA case officer.[6] During the last few years of his life from 2002 until 2010 Aderholt was directly involved with the Thailand Laos Cambodia Brotherhood as a member of the TLC Assistance Committee working to raise many thousands of dollars of funds and also made several trips back to Northeast Thailand and Laos hands on involved with humanitarian aid. The TLC Brotherhood has dedicated an assistance project in his memory and many of the members of the TLC Brotherhood served at Nakhon Phanom at all phases." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harry_C._Aderholt. -- Zugriff am 2015-04-08]

1970-06

Thailand erklärt, dass es Freiwillige nach Kambodscha senden wird, um die Städte zu verteidigen. Die Freiwilligen sollen Thai-reservisten sein, die acht Wochen lang auf Kosten Kambodschas trainiert werden. Das US-Verteidigungsministerium stimmt Mitte August zu, die Kosten für 5000 Thai-Freiwillige zu übernehmen. Faktisch werden die Freiwilligen nach Laos geschickt.

1970-06-15

Die manuellen Hersteller von Almosentöpfen für buddhistische Mönche leiden unter der Konkurrenz maschinell gefertigter Almosentöpfe. Während sie früher 22 Baht pro Topf bekamen, bekommen sie infolge der Billigkonkurrenz nur noch 18 oder 19 Baht mit einem Gewinn von zwei Baht. Sie bitten das Religious Affairs Departement um Hilfe für ihre Handwerksgemeinschaft in Ban Bat (บ้านบาตร = "Almosentopf-Dorf") in der Nähe des Wat Saket (วัดสระเกศราชวรมหาวิหาร), wo sie seit fast 200 Jahren Almosentöpfe fabrizieren.

Abb.: Manuelle Herstellung von Almosentöpfen in Ban Bat (บ้านบาตร), Bangkok
[Bildquelle: Henrik Berger Jørgensen. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/darkb4dawn/6158582830/. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-18. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]

1970-06

Der König eröffnet offiziell den chinesisch-buddhistischen Tempel Wat Pho Man Khunaram (วัดโพธิ์แมนคุนาราม / 普門報恩寺) indem er den vielstöckigen Ehrenschirm über das Hauptheiligtum stellt.

Abb.: Wat Pho Man Khunaram (วัดโพธิ์แมนคุนาราม / 普門報恩寺), 2013
[Bildquelle: Nipskung / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage von  Wat Pho Man Khunaram (วัดโพธิ์แมนคุนาราม / 普門報恩寺)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-06-28

Rückzug der US-Truppen aus Kambodscha.

1970-06-30

Internationale Filmfestspiele Berlin (Deutschland): Premiere des Films O.k. von Michael Verhoeven (1938 - ). Es kommt zum Eklat.
 

"o.k. ist ein deutscher Spielfilm von Michael Verhoeven aus dem Jahr 1970. Er beruht auf einer wahren Begebenheit, die sich im November 1966 im Vietnamkrieg zugetragen hat. Der Film wurde in Schwarzweiß gedreht, um sich so näher an die Ästhetik der damaligen Fernseh-Kriegsberichterstattung anzulehnen. Inhalt Junge, 1970 noch unbekannte Schauspieler stellen sich kurz vor, während sie nebenbei in amerikanische Uniformen schlüpfen. Sie befinden sich vermutlich in einem Wald in Bayern, denn die Akteure sprechen bayrische Mundart. Der Soldat Rafe erstattet dem Captain Vorst Meldung über die Geschehnisse eines Herbsttages. Er berichtet ihm über einen Patrouillengang: Seine Kameraden und er haben ein Mädchen angehalten, das mit seinem Fahrrad an ihnen vorbeikam. Aus Langeweile beginnen die Soldaten, das junge hübsche Mädchen Phan Ti Mao eifrig zu kontrollieren und rasch auch zu drangsalieren. Es muss sich ausziehen und eine intensive Leibesvisitation über sich ergehen lassen, wobei jeder der Soldaten genau nachschauen darf, ob sein Vorgänger bei der Durchsuchung auch nichts übersehen hat. Einer der Soldaten geht noch weiter und vergewaltigt unter dem Beifall seiner Begleiter das Mädchen. Die anderen Soldaten wollen ihm nicht nachstehen und fallen ebenfalls über das Mädchen her. Als der berichtende Soldat an der Reihe ist, weigert er sich, mitzumachen, besitzt aber auch nicht den Mut, dem Opfer beizustehen. Er bricht stattdessen zusammen und wird zum klagenden und weinenden Augenzeugen. Er kriecht zu dem Mädchen und flüstert ihm, während einer seiner Kameraden gerade noch einmal über es herfällt, ins Ohr, dass es sich nicht grämen solle, da er alles was geschehen sei, dem Captain erzählen werde. Als die Männer genug von dem Mädchen haben, lassen sie von ihm ab und verlangen von ihm, dass es nackt und ohne sein Fahrrad verschwinde. Aber einen der Soldaten überkommt seine Gier ein weiteres Mal, er hält das Mädchen fest und drückt es erneut zu Boden. In seiner Verzweiflung und Angst droht das Mädchen dem letzten Täter mit seinem Vater. Daraufhin greift dieser zu seinem Bajonett und ersticht es mit den Worten „I schlacht' di, du Sau“. Der Captain hört sich die Geschichte an, empfindet jedoch den berichterstattenden Soldaten als Verräter und kommt nach dem Genuss zweier Gläser Enzian zu dem Schluss: „Der Mord ist außerhalb der Zivilisation geschehen, nämlich auf dem Schlachtfeld. Eine Strafanzeige würde der Sache des Friedens schaden“. Eriksson wird zurück zu seinen Kameraden geschickt. Im Dschungel herrscht wieder Ruhe und Frieden. Es ist alles „O.k.“. Der Berlinale-Skandal Verhoevens o.k. wurde vom Auswahlkomitee der Berlinale 1970 als offizieller deutscher Beitrag zum Wettbewerb eingeladen. Aufgrund des als kontrovers empfundenen Inhalts beschloss die Festivaljury unter ihrem Präsidenten US-Regisseur George Stevens (1904 - 1975) nach der Vorführung, den Film an die Auswahlkommission zurückzugeben und eine erneute Prüfung zu verlangen, ob der Film für die Teilnahme geeignet wäre. Es sei fraglich, so wurde argumentiert, ob der Film die Verständigung zwischen den Völkern fördere, wie es die Statuten der Berlinale vorschrieben. Dušan Makavejev (Душан Макавејев, 1932 - ), Jurymitglied aus Jugoslawien, war mit diesem Vorgehen und Stevens' Druck auf andere Mitglieder nicht einverstanden und opponierte gegen diesen Kurs, den er als Zensur empfand, und andere Juroren taten es ihm gleich. Eine öffentliche Debatte entbrannte, die von Verhoeven und seinem Produzenten Rob Houwer (1932 -- ) weiter angefacht wurde, das Premierenkino Zoo-Palast wurde besetzt. Andere Filmemacher protestierten und zogen teilweise ihre Filme zurück, und schließlich resignierte die Jury. Die Berlinale musste – zum bisher einzigen Mal – abgebrochen werden, die Filmvorführungen wurden bis auf wenige noch verbliebene Ausnahmen eingestellt und keine Preise vergeben. Festivalleiter Alfred Bauer (1911 - 1986) trat vorübergehend zurück und die Zukunft der Berlinale schien gänzlich in Frage gestellt. Verhoevens Skandalfilm war jedoch nur der Anlass, nicht die Ursache für diese Krise, die im aufgeheizten Berliner Klima jener Zeit sowie in der Unzufriedenheit mit einem das weniger etablierte Kino ausschließenden Programm begründet war. Die Berlinale von 1971 wurde nach neuen Gesichtspunkten organisiert." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/O.k._%28Film%29. -- Zugriff am 2013-10-12]

1970-07 - 1975-04

Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland fördert den Aufbau der Berufsschule Thai-German Technical Institute (TGTI) Khon Kaen (ขอนแก่น)

Abb.: Lage von Khon Kaen (ขอนแก่น)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-07

Ausländische Filme werden immer noch live synchronisiert. Dies ist billiger als einen Thai-Soundtrack zu schaffen.

1970-07-03

Sehr große Erhöhung der Steuern auf importierte und einheimische Waren. Die Steuererhöhung ist nötig, um die hohen Militärausgaben (und ihre Abzweigungen auf die Privatkontos der Generäle) zu finanzieren. Als Begründung für die Militärausgaben müssen die kommunistische Gefahr und andere Bedrohungen der nationalen Sicherheit herhalten.

1970-07-09

Die Internationale Juristenkommission fordert die Untersuchung der Verhältnisse auf der südvietnamesischen Gefangeneninsel Côn Sơn, wo mehr als 9000 politische Häftlinge gefangen sind.

Abb.: Lage von Côn Sơn
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Käfig für Gefangene, wie er in Côn Sơn verwendet wurde, War Remnants Museum, Ho Chi Minh City
[Bildquelle: ronan crowley. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/rocrowley/4833715040/. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-18. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine Bearbeitung)]

 
Abb.: "Tiger cage" für Gefangene, wie er in Côn Sơn verwendet wurde, War Remnants Museum, Ho Chi Minh City
[Bildquelle: Adam Jones / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]
 

"During the Vietnam War, prisoners who had been held at the prison in the 1960s said they were abused and tortured. In July 1970, two U.S. Congressional representatives, Augustus Hawkins and William Anderson, visited the prison. They were accompanied by Tom Harkin (then an aide), translator Don Luce, and USAID Office of Public Safety Director Frank Walton. When the delegation arrived at the prison, they departed from the planned tour, guided by a map drawn by a former detainee. The map led to the door of a building, which was opened from the inside by a guard when he heard the people outside the door talking. Inside they found prisoners were being shackled within cramped “tiger cages”. Prisoners began crying out for water when the delegation walked in. They had sores and bruises, and some were mutilated. Harkin took photos of the scene. The photos were published in Life magazine on July 17, 1970. The prison on Côn Sơn Island was closed in 1975, when North Vietnam (now unified as Vietnam) toppled the South Vietnamese government, in the wake of the withdrawal by the United States and its allies (South Korea, Australia) from the Vietnam War. Along with the earlier disclosure of the Mỹ Lai massacre, and the later disclosure of the Pentagon Papers, the revelation of the conditions and purpose of Côn Sơn Island prison led more Americans to believe that supporting the South Vietnamese government was improper, and that they should oppose the war. Recreations of tiger cages can be seen today at the War Remnants Museum in Ho Chi Minh City." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Con_Son_Island_prison. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-18]

1970-07-15

Außenminister Thanat Khoman (ถนัด คอมันตร์, 1914 - ) in einer Rede vor der American Chamber of Commerce Bangkok über The state of U.S-Thai relations and the prospects for their future development:

"Thailand refuses to recognize the jurisdiction and competence of the United States Foreign Relations Committee over the foreign policy of this country. [Zitiert in: Randolph, R. Sean: The United States and Thailand : alliance dynamics, 1950-1985. -- Berkeley : Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1986. -- 245 S. ; 23 cm. -- (Research papers and policy studies, 12). -- ISBN 0-912966-92-0. -- S. 135]

1970-07-22

Der kambodschanische Ministerpräsident Lon Nol (លន់ នល់, 1913 - 1985) kommt auf Staatsbesuch nach Thailand. Er sagt: "Wir alle bewundern die Entschlossenheit und den Mut der Thais im Kampf um Frieden und Freiheit."

1970-08

Der Tratschkolumnist Lloyd "Skip" Shearer (1916 - 2001), Kolumnist der Zeitschrift Parade, über ein Gespräch mit Henry Kissinger:

Abb.: Henry Kissinger, "Man of the year", 1973
[Bildquelle: White House Photo Office / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

"On the drive back to Santa Monica, Lloyd told me about his conversation with Kissinger. He had asked him one question that I’d suggested: Could he imagine any circumstances under which he would leave his position and oppose the president’s policy? Kissinger’s first answer was no, none at all. But when Lloyd pressed him, he said, "Well, I suppose, if there were plans for gas chambers ..." I said, "Of course plans for using nuclear weapons wouldn’t count." It was a random shot; I didn’t know yet that Kissinger was sitting on just such contingency plans. "Look, Lloyd, for Henry Kissinger there is exactly one crime against humanity that he can recognize as such, and it’s happened already, it’s in the past. It was done by Germans, against Jews. That’s the only political act he can conceive as being unquestionably immoral." Lloyd was a little shocked. He said, "Dan, that’s a pretty harsh thing to say. Do you really believe that?" I said yes, and I didn’t think it applied only to Kissinger." [Quelle: Ellsberg, Daniel <1931 - >: Secrets : a memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon papers. -- New York : Viking, 2002. -- 498 S. ; 25 cm. -- ISBN 0-670-03030-9. -- S. 346. -- Fair use]

1970-08-02

Premiere des Films โทน ("A man called Tone") von Piak Poster (เปี๊ยก โปสเตอร์, 1932 - ).

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

1970-08-03

Der stellvertretende Ministerpräsident Praphas Charusathien (ประภาส จารุเสถียร, 1912 - 1997) gibt bekannt, dass der kambodschanische Ministerpräsident Lon Nol Lon Nol (លន់ នល់, 1913 - 1985) und Ministerpräsident Thanom ein mündliches gentlemen's agreement geschlossen haben, dass Thai Truppen jederzeit nach Kambodscha eindringen dürfen, falls die Sicherheit Thailands durch kommunistische Kräfte in Kambodscha bedroht ist.

1970-08-17

Tod des Filmemachers Rattana Pestonji (รัตน์ เปสตันยี, geb. 1908).

Abb.: Filmplakat für โรงแรมนรก - Hotel Hölle
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Rattana Pestonji (Thai: รัตน์ เปสตันยี, May 22, 1908 – August 17, 1970) was a Thai film director, producer, screenwriter and cinematographer and is regarded as the father of contemporary Thai film. Although his filmography was brief, his films placed Thai cinema on the world stage. He also pushed for innovations, and was one of the first Thai directors to use 35-mm film. He died just as he was giving a speech to government officials to call for support of a domestic industry he saw as coming under threat from Hollywood films.[1] Biography Early life He was born Rattan Pestonji (also sometimes referred to as R. D. Pestonji or Ratt Pestonji) in Bangkok, to a family of Parsis (Indian Zoroastrians).[2][3][4][5] At an early age, he showed an avid interest in photography. He was so adept at dismantling and reassembling his camera, that it was decided he should study engineering at the University of London. Between studies in London, he was able to take photos and he picked up several awards in photographic competitions. He returned to Thailand with an engineering degree, but continued to pursue his interest in photography and found a job as a film salesman. It was then he began to explore an art form that was still in its infancy – cinematography.[1]  His first films In 1937, Rattana shot his first film, a short called Tang, about a young Thai girl. Tang won the Amateur Cine Competition in Glasgow, Scotland and Rattana was given the Alfred Hitchcock award. He made another short called White Boat in 1939 and it was shown at the New York World Festival.[1] Rattana continued his work in film sales, but he was given his big break into filmmaking in 1949 when he was asked by Prince Bhanu Yugala (พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าภาณุพันธุ์ยุคล, 1910 - 1995) to act as a cameraman on the film Phanthaay Norasingh (พันท้ายนรสิงห์, Oarsman Norasingh).[6] Rattana showed great talent as a cinematographer. Around this time, Rattana formed his own studio, Hanuman Films Company. He directed his first feature film, Dear Dolly in 1951.[1]  Pushing for innovations In each of his films, Rattana sought to experiment and raise the standard of production. At a time when post-dubbed 16 mm films were the industry standard in Thailand, Rattana wanted to use 35 mm stock, which was more expensive and technically difficult to work with, but it allowed for the sound to be recorded along with the image.[1] His first 35-mm film was the drama, Santi-Weena (สันติ-วีณา), on which he worked as cinematographer only. It was directed by Tawee na Bangchang (better known as "Kru Marut") with a screenplay by Vichit Kounavudhi (วิจิตร คุณาวุฒิ , 1922–1997).[1] Santi-Weena was among the first Thai films to be sent to an overseas competition, the 1954 Asia Pacific Film Festival in Tokyo. It was a sensation, sweeping the awards for best cinematography, art direction and the Golden Harvest Award for best Asian cultural presentation.[1] Still, Rattana would run afoul of the Thai government, and upon his return from the festival, he was charged $5,000 tax for the $16,000 Mitchell Camera he won, and was fined 1,000 baht for failing to clear his film with the Thai censor.[1]  Career as director Undaunted, Rattana continued his work, working as cinematographer on the romantic drama Chuafah Din Salai (ชั่วฟ้าดินสลาย, Dying Forever) and then taking the director's chair for Rongraem Nark (โรงแรมนรก). For Rongraem Nark, (โรงแรมนรก, literally hotel hell, but entitled Country Hotel in English), he employed the use of one camera on a single set, similar to Hitchcock's 1948 film, Rope. The film had a bit of everything – rustic comedy, music (including a full ballad by a Filipina singer), rough-and-tumble action and dark, thrilling drama.[7] His first color film was 1958's Sawan Mued (สวรรค์มืด, Dark Heaven), which featured songs and some dramatic battlefield scenes.[7] Next was Prae Dum (แพรดำ, Black Silk), which is regarded as Thailand’s first film noir (though Country Hotel had film noir elements as well). It is regarded as Rattana's best work. He performed almost all the major tasks himself, acting as writer, producer, director, cinematographer and editor. For his efforts, Prae Dum was included in competition at the 11th Berlin International Film Festival in 1961.[8] His final film was made in 1965, Nahmtaan Mai Waan (น้ำตาลไม่หวาน, Sugar Is Not Sweet). A romantic farce, it is a vibrant film that takes visual cues from the pop-art style of Western films of the time.[7]  Death while giving a speech While Rattana was artistically respected, his films – featuring unhappy endings – were mostly commercial failures. Frustrated, he retired from filmmaking. However, he continued to be involved with the industry and was a tireless lobbyist. He co-founded and headed the Thai Film Producers Association. On the night of August 17, 1970, at the Montien Hotel (โรงแรมมณเฑียร) in Bangkok, Rattana was set to address film producers and Thai government officials in a meeting called to discuss ways of supporting the film industry. Finally, at 9 pm, after an address by Economics Minister Bunchana Atthakorn and speeches by numerous other filmmakers and officials, Rattana's time to speak came. Here is an accounting of his speech: “ When I first started out in the movie business ... Sadet Ong Chai Yai [Prince Bhanu Yugala] had just hired me as a cameraman for a film he wanted to shoot called Phanthaay Norasingh. I've spent every baht I ever earned on my productions and now I have to make adverts just to survive. The foreign film distributors have been preying on Thai cinemas ... ” Rattana faltered then collapsed to the floor. He was rushed to nearby Chulalongkorn Hospital (โรงพยาบาลจุฬาลงกรณ์), but he died three hours later of a massive coronary.[1]  Legacy Rattana's death was the first of two tough blows for the burgeoning Thai industry in 1970, for later in the year, it would lose its biggest star, Mitr Chaibancha (มิตร ชัยบัญชา, 1934 - 1970), in a fatal accident during the filming of a stunt. A few days after Rattana's death, the government did set up the Thai Film Promotion Board, which would be responsible for promoting and encouraging investment in Thai films. But to this day there is still no direct government support for the Thai film industry and foreign films continue to dominate the domestic cinema landscape. Movies made in the Thai studio system, such as Ong-Bak: Muay Thai Warrior (องค์บาก), fare better in local cinemas, while indie directors such as Apichatpong Weerasethakul (อภิชาติพงศ์ วีระเศรษฐ, 1970 - ) are left to seek funding from overseas backers. Still, Rattana's legacy is recognizable. His films are cited as a major influence by Wisit Sasanatieng (วิศิษฏ์ ศาสนเที่ยง, 1963 - ), a Thai film director whose acclaimed Tears of the Black Tiger (Fah Talai Jone) (ฟ้าทะลายโจร) was shown at the Cannes Film Festival in 2000.[8] The studio that Rattana started, Hanuman Films Company, is still operated by his family. It is now called Santa International Film Productions and it provides technical support and equipment to foreign film productions. Santa Pestonji directed a remake of Santi-Weena in 1976. The original version of Santi-Weena has become a lost film. Rattana's films are periodically shown in retrospectives at film festivals. The 10th Pusan International Film Festival screened Sugar Is Not Sweet, Black Silk, Country Hotel and Dark Heaven.[7] He was posthumously awarded the Lifetime Achievement Award at the 2004 Bangkok International Film Festival. The R. D. Pestonji Award, the top prize of the Thai Short Film and Video Festival, is named in his honor. Tang (short) (1937) – (Thai: แตง) White Boat (short) (1939) Phanthaay Norasingh (Oarman Norasingh) (cinematographer) (1949) – (Thai: พันท้ายนรสิงห์) Tukkata Jaa (Dear Dolly) (1951) – (Thai: ตุ๊กตาจ๋า) Santi-Weena (cinematographer) (1954) – (Thai: สันติ-วีณา) Chuafah Din Salai (Forever Yours) (cinematographer) (1955) – (Thai: ชั่วฟ้าดินสลาย) Rongraem Narok (Country Hotel) (1957) – (Thai: โรงแรมนรก) Sawan Mued (Dark Heaven) (1958) – (Thai: สวรรค์มืด) Phrae Dum (Black Silk) (1961) – (Thai: แพรดำ) Namtarn Mai Warn (Sugar Is Not Sweet) (1964) – (Thai: น้ำตาลไม่หวาน)  Further reading Sukwong, Dome and Suwannapak, Sawasdi. A Century of Thai Cinema, Thames and Hudson, 2001. ISBN 0-500-97603-1  References Chaiworaporn, Anchalee (2004). "The Man Who Died for his Art". ThaiCinema.org. Retrieved August 3, 2007.  Individuals can make a difference  Pestonji  Artist profile  The Parsi way of life  Rithinondh, Pusadee; Chaiworaporn, Anchalee (February 11, 1995). "The Prince of Celluloid". The Nation (Thailand): pp. C1  Uabumrungjit, Chalida (2005). "Special Program – Remapping of Asian Auteur Cinema 1". Pusan International Film Festival. Retrieved August 3, 2007.[dead link] (Additional use of search field for "Thailand" helps to find the links to the films.) Williamson, Robert (January 1, 2004). "Black Silk (Prae Dum)". Review. Thai Film Foundation. Retrieved August 4, 2007." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ratana_Pestonji. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-18]

1970-08-21

Der US Senat billigt ein Amendment zum Armed Forces Appropriations Authorization Act of 1971:

"Sec. 10.2 A bill authorizing appropriations for military procurement for fiscal year 1971 was amended to prohibit use of funds to support Vietnamese or other free world forces in actions designed to provide military support and assistance to the Government of  Cambodia or Laos." [Quelle: http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/GPO-HPREC-DESCHLERS-V3/html/GPO-HPREC-DESCHLERS-V3-4-3-8.htm. -- Zugriff am 2015-08-19]

1970-08-24

Bangkok Post:

"As part of its commitment to the struggle against communism, CSOC [Communist Suppression Operations Command] even distributed to rural residents 65,000 bars of anticommunist soap provided by the American psychological warfare unit (7th PsyOps) in Thailand. Eight different slogans were printed on the soap at different layers so that as one washed off, new messages would appear. The slogans included "To remain a Thai one must be anti-communist" and "The government of His Majesty the King sends its good wishes to all the Thai people."" [Quelle: Wakin, Eric: Anthropology goes to war : professional ethics & counterinsurgency in Thailand. -- Madison, WI : University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. -- 319 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Monograph <University of Wisconsin--Madison. Center for Southeast Asian Studies> ;  No. 7). -- ISBN 978-1-881261-03-2. -- S. 124. -- Fair use]

1970-08-27

Große Überschwemmungen in 25 Provinzen, vor allem in Uttaradit (อุตรดิตถ์), Phrae (แพร่) und Phetchabun (เพชรบูรณ์). Über 100 Tote.

Abb.: Lage der Provinzen Uttaradit (อุตรดิตถ์), Phrae (แพร่) und Phetchabun (เพชรบูรณ์)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1970-08-29

Besuch von US-Vizepräsident Spiro Agnew (1918 - 1996) in Thailand.

Abb.: Spiro Agnew  / von Edmund S. Valtman (1914 - 2005), 1970
[Bildquelle: LoC / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1970-08-29

Aus Protest gegen das neue Pressegesetz berichten Thai Journalisten nicht über den Besuch von US-Vizepräsident Spiro Agnew in Thailand. Nach dem neuen Pressegesetz kann die Regierung Medien ohne Gerichtsbeschluss verbieten. Tv- und Radiostationen unterliegen strenger Zensur und dürfen nicht berichten über:

• Studentenproteste
• Kritik an der königlichen Familie
• Militärische Stützpunkte
• Truppenbewegungen
• alles was als obszön und schädlich für die Moral gilt

1970-08-31

der König von Malaysia verkündigt Rukunegara - die nationale Ideologie Malaysias:

BAHAWASANYA NEGARA KITA MALAYSIA mendukung cita-cita hendak: mencapai perpaduan yang lebih erat di kalangan seluruh masyarakatnya; memelihara satu cara hidup demokratik; mencipta satu masyarakat adil di mana kemakmuran Negara akan dapat dinikmati bersama secara adil dan saksama; menjamin satu cara liberal terhadap tradisi-tradisi kebudayaannya yang kaya dan berbagai corak; dan membina satu masyarakat progresif yang akan menggunakan sains dan teknologi moden. berkhidmat untuk negara.	WHEREAS OUR COUNTRY, MALAYSIA nurtures the ambitions of: achieving a more perfect unity amongst the whole of her society; preserving a democratic way of life; creating a just society where the prosperity of the country can be enjoyed together in a fair and equitable manner; guaranteeing a liberal approach towards her rich and varied cultural traditions; and building a progressive society that will make use of science and modern technology.
MAKA KAMI, rakyat Malaysia, berikrar akan menumpukan seluruh tenaga dan usaha kami untuk mencapai cita-cita tersebut berdasarkan atas prinsip-prinsip yang berikut : KEPERCAYAAN KEPADA TUHAN; KESETIAAN KEPADA RAJA DAN NEGARA; KELUHURAN PERLEMBAGAAN; KEDAULATAN UNDANG-UNDANG; KESOPANAN DAN KESUSILAAN	NOW THEREFORE, WE, the people of Malaysia, pledge to concentrate the whole of our energy and efforts to achieve these ambitions based on the following principles: BELIEF IN GOD LOYALTY TO KING AND COUNTRY SUPREMACY OF THE CONSTITUTION RULES OF LAW COURTESY AND MORALITY
[Quelle von Text und Übersetzung: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rukunegara. -- Zugriff am 2014-04-02]

1970-09

Das Königspaar besucht per Hubschrauber das von den Überschwemmungen heimgesuchte Dorf Ban Ngom Sak (บ้านงอมสัก), Tambon Tha Faek (ท่าแฝก), Amphoe Tha Pla (ท่าปลา), Provinz Uttaradit (อุตรดิตถ์) und verteilt Decken, T-shirts, Sarongs, Schuluniformen , Reis, Salz, Gemüse-Samen und andere Gaben der Rajprachanukroh Stiftung (มูลนิธิราชประชานุเคราะห์) und der Sai Jai Thai Stiftung (มูลนิธิสายใจไทย).

Am Nachmittag besucht das Königspaar weitere von der Flut heimgesuchte Dörfer in Amphoe Wat Bot (วัดโบสถ์) und Amphoe Phrom Phiram (พรหมพิราม), Provinz Pitsanulok (พิษณุโลก).

Abb.: Lage von Ban Ngom Sak (บ้านงอมสัก)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Lage von Amphoe Wat Bot (วัดโบสถ์) und Amphoe Phrom Phiram (พรหมพิราม), Provinz Pitsanulok (พิษณุโลก)
[Bildquelle: Ahoerstemeier/ Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]
 

1970-09

Abb.: "An U.S. Air Force Lockheed EC-121D Warning Star (s/n 53-555) of the 552nd Airborne Early Warning & Control Wing at Korat (โคราช) Royal Thai Air Force Base, Thailand, in September 1970. The crew of this aircraft made the first radar-guided intercept on 24 Oct 1967, when it was operating over the Gulf of Tonkin and directed two USAF McDonnell F-4C Phantom II fighters to destruct a North Vietnamese Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-21. The aircraft is today on display at National Museum of the USAF. Note the EC-121Rs in the background."
[Bildquelle: USAF / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Lage der Korat (โคราช) Royal Thai Air Force Base
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-09

Die Zeitschrift สังคมศาสตร์ปริทัศน์ = Social Science Review bringt erstmals wirklich sozialwissenschaftliche Studien (mit Statistiken usw.).

1970-09

Es erscheint auf LP das Rock-Album:

Abraxas / Carlos Augusto Santana Alves <1947 - > + Santana Blues Band

Abb.: Plattenhülle von Abdul Mati Klarwein (1932 – 2002)
[Bildquelle: en.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

Das Album auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:album:1CHUXwuge9A7L2KiA3vnR6
URL: https://open.spotify.com/album/1CHUXwuge9A7L2KiA3vnR6

Das Album hat großen Einfluss auf die Musik Thailands.

1970-09

Gründung der Virginia Slim Series, der heutigen Women’s Tennis Association (WTA), der Vereinigung der professionellen Tennisspielerinnen.

1970-09-09

Über 4000 Studenten der Chulalongkorn University (จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย) brechen ins Parlamentsgebäude ein und fordern die Absetzung von drei Professoren, die der Korruption bei der Verpachtung - im Wert von 30 Mio. Baht - von Universitätsland an private Geschäftsleute beschuldigt werden. Ministerpräsident Thanom verspricht die Absetzung der Professoren.

1970-09-09

Tod von So Sethaputra (สอ เสถบุตร), 64. Während seines 11jährigen Gefängnisaufenthalts (bis 1944) wegen Teilnahme am royalistischen Putschversuch 1933 verfasste er

New model English Thai dictionary. -- 1940. -- 2 Bde.

New model Thai-English dictionary. -- Bangkok, 1965. -- 2 Bde.

Abb.: Titelblatt

Nach 1944 war er Herausgeber der englischsprachigen Tageszeitung The Liberty.

1970-09-20 - 1973-03-30

5.790 kambodschanische Militärs werden in Thailand ausgebildet, die meisten durch Thai Militärs, weniger durch US Air Force und Special Forces.

1970-09-21

Der Gouverneur der Provinz Chiang Rai (เชียงราย), der Polizeichef der Provinz und der Propagandachef der 3. Armee werden aus einem Hinterhalt erschossen. 100 Border-Patrol-Police-Soldaten (ตำรวจตระเวณชายแดน) starten einen Rachefeldzug gegen echte oder angebliche Kommunisten.

Abb.: Lage von Chiang Rai (เชียงราย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-09-21 - 1975-09-20

Almu'tasimu Billahi Muhibbuddin Tuanku Alhaj sir Abdul Halim Mu'adzam Shah Ibni Almarhum Sultan Badlishah (1927 - ) ist König (Yang di-Pertuan Agong) von Malaysia

1970-09-22 - 1976-01-14

Tun Abdul Razak bin Haji Dato' Hussein Al-Haj (1922 - 1976) ist Ministerpräsident Malysias.

1970-10-08

Film-Superstar Mitr Chaibancha (มิตร ชัยบัญชา, geb. 1934) stürzt bei Aufnahmen zum Action-Film Insee tong (อินทรีทอง - Golden Eagle)  von einem Helikopter tödlich ab. Es herrscht in ganz Thailand große Trauer.

Abb.: Schrein für Mitr Chaibancha (มิตร ชัยบัญชา. 1934 - 1970) in Pattaya (พัทยา)
[Bildquelle: Curtis Winston / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

Abb.: Lage des Schreins
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Mitr Chaibancha (Thai มิตร ชัยบัญชา, January 28, 1934 in Phetchaburi (เพชรบุรี), Thailand - October 8, 1970[1]) was a Thai film actor who made 266 films from 1956 to 1970. He died on October 8, 1970 at Dongtan Beach, Jomtien, Pattaya (พัทยา), after falling from a helicopter during the filming of a stunt for the final scene of Insee thong (อินทรีทอง, Golden Eagle). At the height of his career in the 1960s, Mitr, along with Petchara Chaowarat (เพชรา เชาวราษฎร์, 1943 - ), made a string of hit films that packed cinemas. Of the 75 to 100 films produced each year by the Thai film industry during this period, Mitr starred in nearly half of them. Early life Mitr was born into poverty as Pichet Pumhem (พิเชษฐ์ พุ่มเหม). His parents separated when he was an infant. At age 8, Mitr and his mother moved to Bangkok, where he was enrolled in a Thai boxing (มวยไทย) school. He became the lightweight boxing champion for his school in 1952, and went on to win three lightweight division titles. After finishing secondary school, he studied at Pranakhon College. He was then accepted into the Royal Thai Air Force (กองทัพอากาศไทย) aviation school, where he was trained as a pilot. After graduation, he worked as a flight instructor at Don Muang Royal Thai Air Force Base. In 1956 some friends showed his photograph to journalist Kingkaew Kaewprasert, who introduced him to Surat Pukkawet, the editor of a movie magazine. Before long Mitr starred in his first film, Chart Sua (Tiger Instinct). It was then he decided to change his name from Pichet Pumhem to Mitr Chaibancha. He caught the attention of movie fans after starring in Chao Nakleng (Gangster Lord), using the character name Rom Ritthikrai from author Sake Dusit's Insee Daeng (Red Eagle) series of novels. He married his wife, Jaruwan, in 1959. In 1961 a son, Yuthana, or Ton, was born. However, the marriage ended in a divorce.  Height of fame In 1961 Mitr starred in Banthuk Rak Pimchawee (Love Diary of Pimchawee), his first film with Petchara Chaowarat. This was the beginning of the most celebrated hero-heroine partnerships in Thai cinematic history. The Mitr-Petchara duo made about 165 films together. One of the pair's most famous films was 1970's Monrak luk thung (Thai: มนต์รักลูกทุ่ง, or Magical Love of the Countryside), a musical romantic comedy rhapsodizing Thai rural life. Mitr was an extremely busy actor and was always on the move, going from set to set and sleeping as little as a two or three hours per night. Another of his best-known movies, Pet Tad Pet (Operation Bangkok), was shot in both Bangkok and Hong Kong, and featured Kecha Plianvitheee and Luecha Naruenart as the villains, as well as Hong Kong's then top actress, Regina Piping. Monrak luk thung was one of Mitr's last films. It played in Bangkok cinemas for a solid six months in 1970 and took in 6 million baht,[2] its popularity spurred by the best-selling soundtrack album and Mitr's accidental death while filming Insee Thong.  His last film Insee thong was the first film that Mitr produced himself, and it featured the return of his popular character, the masked crime-fighter, Insee Daeng (Red Eagle), the secret alter ego of alcoholic detective Rom Rittikrai. On the last day of shooting, the script called for Mitr, having vanquished the villains, to fly off into the sunset in a helicopter. As the camera rolled, Mitr leapt from the ground to grab a rope ladder hanging from the aircraft, only managing to reach the lowest rung. Unaware of this, the helicopter pilot flew higher and higher, and Mitr finally lost his grip and fell to the ground. The accident was all caught on film and was actually left in the final theatrical release. The fatal fall has since been removed from DVD versions of the film, with Mitr simply flying off into the distance and some onscreen text paying tribute to the star. It was another death that would make 1970 a difficult year for the Thai film industry, as months earlier pioneering director Rattana Pestonji (รัตน์ เปสตันยี) collapsed while giving a speech urging government officials to support the domestic film industry. He died several hours later. Mitr’s death was ruled as a tragic accident. For safety, there should have been two takes for the final scene. The first would have been of Mitr grabbing the ladder and flying off at low altitude. Then, a stunt double would have performed a second shot at a higher altitude.  Funeral and memorial shrine On the day of his funeral, the streets leading to the Buddhist temple were packed, with tens of thousands trying to attend his cremation rites. On the DVD of Insee thong, release in 2005 in Thailand, one of the special features is footage of the cremation ceremony. Mitr's body is held up so the throngs of onlookers could catch a last glimpse of the dead star. A memorial shrine to Mitr is situated on a small street in Jomtien, off Jomtien Road in front of the Amphoe Bang Lamung (บางละมุง) Revenue Department, behind Jomtien Palm Beach Hotel. The shrine is open from 6:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m. daily. Inside the spirit house is a statue of Mitr holding a pistol in his right hand, reminiscent of his numerous roles as an action movie star. The walls are lined with photographs and other memorabilia. Fortune seekers visit the shrine, shake Kau Cim (籤) sticks and then check for the corresponding fortune on tablets hung on the shrine. If wishes have been granted, fortune seekers return and purchase a small offering to leave at the shrine.  Partial filmography Operation Bangkok (เพชรตัดเพชร, Pet Tad Pet) (1966) Top Secret (1967) Monrak luk thung (มนต์รักลูกทุ่ง, Magical Love of the Countryside) (1970) Insee thong (อินทรีทอง, Golden Eagle) (1970) The Tiger and the Dragon (1971)  References Tupchai, Suchada (2005) Adoring fans remember famous Thai film star Mitr Chiabancha, Pattaya Mail. Retrieved December 23, 2005. Rithdee, Kong (2005) Fallen idols, Bangkok Post. Retrieved December 23, 2005. Fleshman, Erich (2005) A Brief History of Thai Cinema, Notes from Hollywood. Retrieved December 23, 2005. Saenkhum, Tanita (2003) Remembering Mitr, The Nation. Retrieved December 23, 2005. The Cremation of Mitr Chaibancha, special features, Insee thong DVD, 2005." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mitr_Chaibancha. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-19]

1970-10-09

Ausrufung der "République Khmère" (សាធារណរដ្ឋខ្មែរ) in Kambodscha.

"Formally declared on October 9, 1970, the Khmer Republic was a right-wing pro-United States military-led government headed by General Lon Nol (លន់ នល់, 1913 - 1985) and Prince Sisowath Sirik Matak that took power in the March 18, 1970 coup against Prince Norodom Sihanouk (នរោត្ដម សីហនុ, 1922 - ), then the country's head of state. The main causes of the coup were Norodom Sihanouk's toleration of North Vietnamese activity within Cambodia's borders, allowing heavily armed Vietnamese Communist outfits de facto control over vast areas of eastern Cambodia . Another important factor was the dire state of the Cambodian economy, an indirect result of Sihanouk's policies of pursuing neutrality through virulent anti-Americanism.[1] With the removal of Sihanouk, the existing Kingdom of Cambodia became a republic, although the throne had been officially vacant for some years since the death of King Norodom Suramarit (នរោត្ដម សុរាម្រិត, 1896 - 1960). The character of the new regime was right-wing and nationalist; most significantly, it ended Sihanouk's period of covert cooperation with the North Vietnamese regime and the Viet Cong, and aligned Cambodia with South Vietnam in the ongoing Second Indochina War. The Khmer Republic was opposed within the Cambodian borders by the Front Uni National du Kampuchea or FUNK, a relatively broad alliance between Sihanouk, his supporters, and the Communist Party of Kampuchea. The insurgency itself was conducted by the CPNLAF, the Cambodian People's National Liberation Armed Forces: they were backed by both the People's Army of Vietnam (PAVN) and the National Liberation Front (NLF, better known as the Viet Cong), who occupied parts of Cambodia as part of their ongoing war with the South Vietnamese. Despite the strongly militaristic character of the Khmer Republic, and quantities of military and financial aid from the United States, its army (the Force Armée Nationale Khmère, or FANK) was poorly trained and unable to defeat either the CPNLAF or the Vietnamese forces of the PAVN and NLF. The Republic eventually fell on 17 April 1975, when the Cambodian communists took Phnom Penh (ភ្នំពេញ)." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khmer_Republic. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-18]

1970-10-10

Laut der Zeitung Siam Rath beklagen zwei Abgeordnete die weitverbreitete Sitte, auf staatlichen Gehaltslisten nicht existierende Angestellte und Arbeiter zu führen. Die Gehälter fließen in private Taschen.

1970-10-18

Pattaya (พัทยา) bietet als neueste Attraktion Parasailing an.

Abb.: Parasailing in Pattaya (พัทยา)
[Bildquelle: Shuba. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/enchant_me/65799976/. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-19. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

1970-11

Studenten der Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์) veranstalten ein Referendum zur Wahl eines neuen Rektors. Gewählt wird mit überwältigender Mehrheit Puey Ungphakorn (ป๋วย อึ๊ง ภากรณ์ = 黃培謙, 1966 - 1999). Die Regierung ernennt Puey.

1970-11

Zum Beispiel:

"One particular episode involving an underfunded primary school illustrates that the incapacity of the central state to provide relief funds for the poor allowed Banharn [Banharn Silpa-archa - บรรหาร ศิลปอาชา, 1932 - ] to appear as a compassionate local benefactor. Abb.: Lage von Amphoe Sam Chuk [สามชุก] [Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)] In November 1970, Pratheep [ประทีป], a private primary school in Sam Chuk District [สามชุก], faced a serious budget crunch. By the late 1960s, the school, run by a Japanese Christian missionary, had become a "sanctuary" for the children of an ethnic minority (Mons) [มอญ] in the nearby Phetchabun Province [เพชรบูรณ์], where the Communist Party of Thailand [พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย - พคท] had gained much ground. The students' parents, deeply concerned about imminent armed clashes between communist guerrillas and government security forces, entrusted their twenty-three children, aged five to six, to the schoolmaster, promising to come back to fetch them in due course. They thought that it would be safer to leave their children with a non-Thai teacher, whose school fell outside the jurisdiction of the state-controlled MOE [Ministry of Education - กระทรวงศึกษาธิการ]. The schoolmaster kindly agreed to take in the children and provided them with shelter and food for free, but then the parents did not return for several months, and there was no telling whether they were dead or had deserted their offspring. As two years passed, Pratheep—a small private school running on a shoestring budget—found it increasingly difficult to accommodate and feed the "internal refugee children." When the cold season arrived, the school could not provide enough blankets for the children. In early November 1970, the schoolmaster and his Thai wife (Prakhong Suwanpratheep [ประคอง สุวรรณประทีป]), who is the granddaughter of one of the founders of the Thai air force, visited Minister of Education Sukit Nimmanhemin [สุกิจ นิมมานเหมินทร์, 1906 - 1976] in Bangkok to plead for help. In principle, since their school was privately run, it was not entitled to receiving help from the state, but the schoolmaster thought that circumstances were so special as to warrant some emergency relief funds. Sukit would not or could not provide any help, but out of sympathy he wrote a letter to Banharn to ask for assistance. As mentioned earlier, Sukit had presided over an opening ceremony for Banharn-Jaemsai School I [โรงเรียนบรรหารแจ่มใสวิทยา 1] in 1970, so he knew Banharn personally. Soon thereafter, on November 14, 1970, Banharn appeared at Pratheep School and handed out 3,000 baht worth of school uniforms and blankets to all the children in need. Thus, he saved the lives of the minority group children who, under other circumstances, could have been deserted or politically persecuted for being related to communist sympathizers. This news, like news of Banharn's other good deeds, hit the headlines in a local newspaper, along with a photo of the schoolchildren who received his help." [Quelle: Nishizaki, Yoshinori [訳吉武好孝, 西崎一郎]: Political authority and provincial identity in Thailand : the making of Banharn-buri. -- Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell, 2011. -- 254 S. :Ill. ; 26 cm. -- (Studies on Southeast Asia ; 53). -- ISBN 978-0-8772-7753-8 . -- S. 70f.]

1970-11

DDR-Sicht der Lage in Südostasien

Abb.: Ausschnitt aus der DDR-Sicht Südostasiens
[Bildquelle: Neue Berliner Illustrierte (Ostberlin), 48 (1970). -- Fair use]

1970-11

Das Executive Board der American Anthopological association beschließt die Bildung eines Ad hoc committee to evaluate the controversy concerning anthropological activities in Thailand. Den Vorsitz hat Margaret Mead (1901 - 1978). Deshalb wird das Committee "Mead Committee" genannt.

"an ad hoc committee of inquiry to deal with the controversy over research and other activities of United States anthropologists in Thailand and their implications for anthropology as a profession and for anthropological research throughout the world." [Zitiert in: Wakin, Eric: Anthropology goes to war : professional ethics & counterinsurgency in Thailand. -- Madison, WI : University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. -- 319 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Monograph <University of Wisconsin--Madison. Center for Southeast Asian Studies> ;  No. 7). -- ISBN 978-1-881261-03-2. -- S. 201. -- Fair use]

1970-11-03

Das Königspaar spendet die Kathina-Roben im Wat Jed Yod (วัดเจ็ดยอด) in Chiang Rai (ᨩᩭᨦᩁᩣᩭ / เชียงราย), wo Polizei-Col. Sridej Poompraman aufgebart ist, der mit dem Gouverneur von Chiang Rai sowie einem Militär von Guerillas aus einem Hinterhalt getötet worden war. Das Königspaar zeigt dem Getöteten seine Hochachtung.

Abb.: Lage von  Chiang Rai (ᨩᩭᨦᩁᩣᩭ / เชียงราย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-11-09

Der König hält eine Rede vor dem Thai Rotary Club bei einem Gala-Dinner im Dusit Thani Hotel. Er berichtet über seine Arbeit bei den Hill Tribes in Nordthailand. Vor einem Jahr hatte der Rotary Club bei einem ähnlichen Anlass 300.000 Baht gespendet als Anfangskapital für ein königliches Projekt für die Hill Tribes in Nordthailand. Der König betont in seiner Rede, dass die Hill Tribes Menschen wie die Thais sind. Er berichtet von einer Gruppe Lahu (ชาวมูเซอ - Muser), die die Schweine, die sie zur Zucht bekommen hatten, aßen statt sie aufzuziehen. Es habe sich herausgestellt, dass die Lahus aber nur die Schweine sofort schlachteten, die einen überzähligen Zehen hatten. Von solchen Schweinen  glauben sie, dass sie Unglück bringen. Darum mussten diese Schweine geschlachtet und den Geistern geopfert werden. Seither gibt das königliche Projekt nur noch Schweine ohne überzählige Zehen an Lahu ab, und die Zahl der Schlachtungen hat abgenommen.

Abb.: Lahu Lahu (ชาวมูเซอ - Muser), um 1900
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1970-11-12

Premiere des Films Insee tong (อินทรีทอง - Golden Eagle)

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

1970-11-17

Eine französische Firma legt eine Machbarkeitsstudie für eine Einschienenbahn in Bangkok vor.

1970-11-19

Es erscheint:

Jorgensen, Joseph G. <1934 - 2008> ; Wolf, Eric R. <1923 - 1999>: A Special Supplement: Anthropology on the Warpath in Thailand. -- In: The New York review of books. -- 1970-11-19. -- Online: http://www.nybooks.com/articles/1970/11/19/a-special-supplement-anthropology-on-the-warpath-i/. -- Zugriff am 2016-05-23

"Most recently, anthropologists have been in the forefront of the protest against the war in Vietnam. The concept of the teach-in was in fact invented by an anthropologist, Marshall Sahlins [1930 - ] of Michigan; Eric Wolf was a founder of the movement, and anthropologists contributed disproportionately to the organization of the first teach-ins on campuses throughout the country. Therefore, although we did not solicit the information that was handed to us by the Student Mobilization Committee, it was understandable that they should have contacted us. Immediately afterward, the SMC held a press conference in Washington which was covered by The New York Times in a confusing report. Nevertheless, some anthropologists had now been alerted to the issue. On April 2, excerpts from the documents were published in a special issue of the Student Mobilizer, an SMC publication which was devoted exclusively to the exposure of counter-insurgency research in Thailand. Copies of the Mobilizer were subsequently distributed at the annual meeting of the Association of Asian Studies in San Francisco: names were given, reputations were questioned, tempers flared, and, once again, the integrity of social scientists was challenged.3 Independently, and without any knowledge of the steps planned by SMC, Wolf, as chairman of the Ethics Committee, privately wrote to each of four anthropologists whose names were most prominently and repeatedly mentioned in the documents, asking them for clarification and assuring them that the “announced purpose of the Ethics Committee [is] to deal with cases on as anonymous a basis as possible, in an effort to develop an approach—without penalizing any individuals.” With these letters we enclosed the following statement: Since these documents contradict in spirit and in letter the resolutions of the American Anthropological Association concerning clandestine and secret research, we feel that they raise the most serious issues for the scientific integrity of our profession. We shall, therefore, call the attention of the American Anthropological Association to these most serious matters. Predictably, our request for clarification provoked a storm of protest—not from all, but from those who felt themselves maligned by the disclosures. Therefore, on May 2, at our regularly scheduled meeting in Chicago, the Ethics Committee speaking as a group announced formally that: Our examination of the documents available to us pertaining to consultation, research and related activities in Thailand convinces us that anthropologists are being used in large programs of counter-insurgency whose effects should be of grave concern to the Association. These programs comprise efforts at the manipulation of people on a giant scale and intertwine straightforward anthropological research with overt and covert counter-insurgency activities in such a way as to threaten the future of anthropological research in South-East Asia and other parts of the world. This statement was part of a communication addressed by the Ethics Committee to the president, the president-elect, and members of the executive board of the Anthropological Association. Shortly thereafter, in response to our initiative, the executive board reprimanded both of us for actions beyond the charge of the committee, and instructed the committee to limit itself “to recommendations on its future role and functions.” We rejected what seemed to us a bureaucratic interpretation of the role of the committee, an interpretation which would have the effect of keeping professional peace at the expense of substantive issues, and, in a detailed statement published in the Association’s newsletter this past September, we resigned from the committee." [a.a.O. -- Fair use]

"At least one person who was engaged in ethnographic research among the hill people of northeastern Thailand is not present in these documents. He appears to have understood that the request for “raw data” and the eagerness of unnamed persons to “use the processed data” are politically and professionally intolerable. He has, therefore, refused to make available his field research data, and has asked other anthropologists to do the same.41 Furthermore, this lone dissenter has called on anthropologists to help create radical political alternatives for the people among whom they work, people whose social integrity is already—and whose physical existence may soon be—at stake. This anthropologist states that as a graduate student in a foreign area program in the early 1960s he was engaged in studies in the hill region because US government funds were available, and because his professors who were specialists in the area advised him to do so. He thought it unfortunate that no information on the area existed prior to 1960, and he was pleased to join political scientists, anthropologists, and linguists in filling this gap in ethnographic knowledge. Statements by Thai officials made at the Tribal Research Center, Chiang Mai, in 1967, however, disturbed him, as well as the kind of data gathered at that center. When the Student Mobilization Committee exposed the project in the spring of 1970, the truth was brought home to him. Furthermore, as he reflected on the conference held at Chiang Mai in 1967, he came to realize that other researchers not only recognized how their basic work had been put to use by the Royal Thai government and its Border Patrol, but that they were aware of the political uses to which their data could be put. They had chosen to comply with the Thai government’s requests for further information, because such compliance guaranteed their continuing research work in the region. If they refused to comply, it was made clear that future anthropological research in Thailand would be closed to them, and their careers would be in jeopardy. Thus the lone dissenter had witnessed how the increased awareness of his colleagues intensified their compliance. Individual dissent is, of course, honorable, but it is not enough. The issues transcend the individual; they are political, they concern the nature and distribution of political power in our society and in the world." [a.a.O. -- Fair use]

1970-11-22

Tod des Luk Thung (ลูกทุ่ง) Sängers Mueangmon Sombatcharoen (เมืองมนต์ สมบัติเจริญ, geb. 1938)

Künstlerlink auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:artist:6IMb7E1bBn1jrbhRKVp5iv
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/6IMb7E1bBn1jrbhRKVp5iv

Abb.: CD-Titel
[Fair use]

1970-12-01

"By 1970, the Thai were increasingly uncomfortable with ROC [Republic of China] intelligence agencies in Chiang Mai [เชียงใหม่] city. With the war in Vietnam dragging on, Bangkok understood that Taipei’s Washington patrons would at some point be leaving Indochina. The IBMND [Intelligence Bureau of the Ministry of National Defence] and Kuomintang [中國國民黨] 2nd Section activities had already become political liabilities by being too public and an affront to Thai sovereignty. Most importantly, they complicated the political accommodation that Bangkok would have to make with its communist neighbors when peace eventually came to Indochina. On December 1, 1970, Thailand’s National Security Council concluded that Taipei’s intelligence presence was of little benefit and should be curtailed. The following day, the RTG [Royal Thai Government] informed the Nationalist Chinese that the IBMND and KMT [Kuomintang] Party 2nd Section had to either leave Thailand or relocate to a remote area and stay out of public view. The ROC took the second option. On December 20, its two intelligence units closed their Chiang Mai city offices and moved to Kehchihwan base on Doi Ang Khan[g] [ดอยอ่างขาง]. Small, unobtrusive IBMND units remained at Ban Huay Mo, in Chiang Rai’s Mae Sai [แม่สาย] district, and in Laos at Ban Kwan." [Quelle: Gibson, Richard M. ; Chen, Wenhua [陳, 文華] <1944 - >: The secret army : Chiang Kai-Shek and the drug warlords of the golden triangle. -- Singapore : Wiley, 2011. -- 338 S. ;: Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 978-0-470-83018-5. -- S. 275. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Doi Ang Khang [ดอยอ่างขาง]
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1970-12-09 - 1970-12-20

In Bangkok finden die 6. Asian Games statt. Sportler aus 18 Ländern nehmen teil.

Abb.: ®Logo
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

1970-12-13

"Wundersteine" namens pong kham ist bei reichen Thais der neueste Hit. Der Stein, richtig getragen, soll großes Glück bringen, obwohl es ein ganz gewöhnlicher Quarz ist. Er kostet Tausende von Baht. Gefunden wird der Stein am Berg Pong Luang (โป่งหลวง).

1970-12-15

Operation Virakom (วีรกรรม): Die ersten zwei Thai-Bataillone (BC 601 und BC 602) betreten Laos. Sie haben zur Tarnung französische Namen. Es folgen weitere Bataillone, mindestens bis BC18.

Die Thai-Freiwilligen-Soldaten verpflichten sich für ein Jahr und erhalten einen monatlichen Sold von US$ 97. Offiziere der Thai-Armee, die an der Oparation teilnehmen, erhalten eine Zulage von bis zu US$ 200 pro Monat, im Todesfall erhält ihre Familie US$ 5000. Auch werden in Laos gefallene Thai-Offiziere rückwirkend um einen Dienstgrad befördert, sodass Die Hinterbliebenen höhere Renten bekommen.

1970-12-16

Ein Großfeuer in Saraburi (สระบุรี) zerstört das halbe Geschäftsviertel und macht 3200 Personen obdachlos.

Abb.: Lage von Saraburi (สระบุรี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Verwendete Ressourcen

ausführlich: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/ressourcen.htm