1982-09

Chronik Thailands

กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย

von

Alois Payer

Chronik 1982 / B. E. 2525

Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 1982 / B. E. 2525. -- Fassung vom 2017-03-18. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/chronik1982.htm

Erstmals publiziert: 2012-10-07

Überarbeitungen: 2017-03-18 [Ergänzungen] ; 2017-01-10 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-12-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-12-19 [Ergänzungen] ;  2016-12-01 [Ergänzungen] ;  2016-11-03 [Ergänzungen] ;  2016-05-13 [Ergänzungen] ;  2016-05-01 [Ergänzungen] ;  2016-03-25 [Ergänzungen] ;  2016-01-19 [Ergänzungen] ;  2015-12-29 [Ergänzungen] ;  2015-06-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-05-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-04-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-02-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-11-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-11-02 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-10-09 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-09-22 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-08-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-04-12 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-27 [Ergänzungen] ;  2013-10-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-09-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-06-11 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-05-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-03-18 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-01-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-01-13 [Ergänzungen]

©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Herausgebers.

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Thailand von Tüpfli's Global Village Library

ช้างตายทั้งตัวเอาใบบัวปิดไม่มิด

Vorsicht bei den Statistikdiagrammen! Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind: Morgenstern, Oskar <1902 - 1977>: On the accuracy of economic observations. -- 2. ed. -- Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. -- 322 S. ; 20 cm. Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.

2525 / 1982 undatiert

1982

Man braucht immer noch die kommunistische Gefahr:

Abb.: Antikommunistisches Plakat einer Polizeistation in Trat (ตราด): "Wache auf! Thai-Volk!", 1982
[Bildquelle: Chronicle of Thailand : headline news since 1946 / ed. in chief Nicholas Grossman. -- Bangkok : Bangkok Post, 2010. -- ISBN 978-981-4217-12-5. ---- S. 244. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Trat (ตราด)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982

Gründung des militärischen Internap Peace-keeping Command (กองอำนวยการรักษาความสงบเรียบร้อยภายในประเทศ). Das Command ist u.a. für die "Sicherheit" in den Städten zuständig.

1982

Es erscheint die zweite Ausgabe des Royal Institute Dictionary (RID, พจนานุกรม ฉบับราชบัณฑิตยสถาน).

Abb.: Royal Institute Dictionary (RID, พจนานุกรม ฉบับราชบัณฑิตยสถาน) (1982), Nachdruck 1988

"The 1982 edition of the Royal Institute Dictionary was first published in 1982, in commemoration of the 200th anniversary of the establishment of Bangkok as the capital of Thailand by King Rama I. In 1976, Prime Minister Tanin Kraivixien (ธานินทร์ กรัยวิเชียร, 1927 - ) ordered a revision of RID 1950, as part of an increased effort to promote knowledge of the standard language among Thai citizens. His charge included the task of updating the Dictionary to include new words that had become standard, particularly terms coined by the Royal Institute that had gained widespread use, as well as to include in this revised Dictionary those words which were overlooked or otherwise omitted in the previous edition. The motion to have the Royal Institute finally produce an "unabridged dictionary" was presented by Tanin at the cabinet meeting of December 28, 1976 and was accepted. Work was officially ordered the following day, with the charge to complete the new Dictionary within one year. At the end of the first year, the Dictionary Revision Committee requested an extension of another year, citing great interest from both other government bodies as well as the general public, so as to be able to process the many requests and suggestions received. After the second year had passed, a seven-month extension was requested and granted, followed by a three-month request, after which the revision was completed. In total, the committee met 280 times, first on February 22, 1977, and finally on December 27, 1979. RID 1982 remained the standard Dictionary of Thai for more than 20 years, with 6 printings totally 280,000 copies. In 1996, in collaboration with National Electronics and Computer Technology Center (NECTEC, ศูนย์เทคโนโลยีอิเล็กทรอนิกส์และคอมพิวเตอร์แห่งชาติ), RID 1982 was also produced in a limited edition CD-ROM version to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the reign of King Bhumibol Adulyadej. Twelve-thousand discs were made, of which 8,000 were distributed to schools throughout the country, and the remainder were given away to interested persons upon request. The sixth and final printing of 60,000 copies in 1996 was expected to be sufficient until the completion of RID 1999, but as it proved not to be, and with the supply of the CD-ROM edition similarly exhausted, the Royal Institute decided to meet the demand by creating an internet edition of RID 1982. It was online from 1996 until 2007, when it was supplanted by an online version of RID 1999." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Institute_Dictionary. -- ZUgriff am 2012-10-07]

1982

Die 98 km lange Überlandstraße zwischen Chiang Kham (เชียงคำ) und Chiang Khong (เชียงของ) in Nordthailand ist nach neun Jahren Bauzeit fertig. Um zu verhindern, dass die Straße durch von kommunistischen Guerillas beherrschtes Gebiet gebaut wird, greifen Guerillas die den Bau bewachenden Soldaten immer wieder an. In über 160 Angriffen werden 183 Soldaten und 3 Arbeiter getötet. Baumaschinen und Baumaterial im Wert von 8,8 Mio. Baht werden in Brand gesetzt.

Abb.: Verlauf der Straße
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1982

Gründung der Rural Doctor Foundation (มูลนิธิแพทย์ชนบท)

Abb.: ®Logo

1982 - 1983

Kronprinz Vajiralongkorn (สมเด็จพระบรมโอรสาธิราช เจ้าฟ้ามหาวชิราลงกรณ สยามมกุฎราชกุมาร, 1952 - ) ist ein Jahr lang zur Ausbildung an der Williams Air Force Base in Mesa (Arizona, USA).

Abb.: Lage der Williams Air Force Base
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Northrop T-38, das hauptsächliche Ausbildungskampfflugzeug auf Williams Air Force Base, 1986
[Bildquelle: USAF / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

"Williams Air Force Base is a former United States Air Force (USAF) base, located in Mesa, Arizona, and about 30 miles (48 km) southeast of Phoenix. It is a designated Superfund site due to a number of soil and groundwater contaminants. It was active as a training base for both the United States Army Air Forces, as well as the USAF from 1941 until its closure in 1993. Williams was the leading pilot training facility of the USAF, supplying 25% of all pilots." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Williams_Air_Force_Base. -- Zugriff am 2015-04-25]

1982

Zum Beispiel: Aus einem Bericht über einen Forschungsaufenthalt auf Nipa Island (Krabi [กระบี่]):

Abb.: Lage von Krabi (กระบี่)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"A national education system was introduced into all of Thailand’s provinces in 1921 to provide all Thai children with "a broad-based knowledge that would enable them to make decisions independently" (Grandstaff 1986). The Muslims of southern Thailand initially resisted these programs (Uthai 1991), considering them a governmental effort to assimilate them and to seduce them away from their Islamic faith and lifeways. Such perceptions were once shared by Nipa Islands Muslims. A grandmother told me that when the Thai governments four-year formal elementary education system was first introduced, Many families simply left the island because they were afraid of being arrested and punished for not allowing their children to go to the school that had just been started on the island. We didn’t have to pay the tuition because it was a free, government-sponsored education.  Yet we did not want to participate. My family was one of the ones that left the island. We lived elsewhere for a few years before finally deciding to return home. Eventually my husband and I sent all of our children to school. As it turned out, this woman’s children had all benefited considerably by attending the island’s schools, and the benefits of their success had extended to later generations. All had continued their education beyond the compulsory elementary education available on the island itself, and all except one had continued advanced studies in Bangkok. Two daughters had graduated from a teachers’ training college, and one of them was teaching at a girls’ school in Bangkok. This woman’s home had become a second home for Nipa Island siblings and nieces who had also gone on to attend schools in Bangkok. As for the other daughter, she had returned to Nipa Island, where she was a sixth grade teacher at the island’s elementary school, the only school on the island (fig. 9)." [Quelle: Anderson, Wanni W. (Wanni Wibulswasdi) <1937 - >: Mapping Thai Muslims : community dynamics and change on the Andaman Coast. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 2010. -- 185 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 9789749511923. -- S. 54. -- Fair use]

"Aura had enrolled her two daughters at a private elementary school on mainland Krabi. I asked how her Italian-born daughters had adapted to the Thai school environment. Here the conversation took a different turn: They have had a hard time, especially at the beginning. After going to school in Italy and being allowed to speak their minds, they were very upset when their teachers scolded them for "arguing." The teachers also complained to me about behaviors that the teachers see as being aggressive, compared to the other "well-behaved" students. My youngest daughter can now take it more in stride, but my older one, who has had longer Italian schooling experience, is still frustrated and sullen. But Aura added: I really can’t blame them. Living in Italy, I’ve also grown used to speaking my mind. You know what? Here I even argued with a government official in the municipal office over having my two daughters registered here in Krabi as Krabi Thai citizens. I had with me records of having officially registered their births at the Thai Embassy in Italy. The man probably wanted money under the table! I don’t like the practice, and I refused to give it to him! I didn’t give up. I did more homework, found more supporting documents and precedents, and took them with me when I had another meeting with him. He gave in." [Quelle: Anderson, Wanni W. (Wanni Wibulswasdi) <1937 - >: Mapping Thai Muslims : community dynamics and change on the Andaman Coast. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 2010. -- 185 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 9789749511923. -- S. 98f. -- Fair use]

1982

Erste gemeinsame Militärübung Cobra Gold.

Abb.: Cobra Gold
[Bildquelle: a.u.a.O.]

"From its beginning in 1982, Cobra Gold has been a vital part of United States strategy in the Pacific. Hosted annually in the Kingdom of Thailand, the exercise, which is one of the largest of its kind in the world, has grown from a bilateral training exercise to one that includes the direct participation of several other nations in the Pacific. When Cobra Gold began, the goal was to improve the interoperability between Thai and U.S. militaries. As America’s oldest ally in the region, the exercise has been vitally important to operations in the Pacific and strengthening long-established Thai-U.S. relationship. In its 30th installment this year, Marines of the 3rd Marine Expeditionary Brigade worked with service members from Thailand, Republic of Korea, Republic of Singapore, Malaysia, Republic of Indonesia and Japan, along with more than 20 other observing nations. “Cobra Gold offers us a great opportunity to train alongside the soldiers and Marines of seven other  countries within the Asia-Pacific region,” said U.S. Marine Brig. Gen. Mark A. Brilakis, 3rd MEB commanding general. “The multinational training  that we conduct will directly support any future  operation or contingency that may occur in the region, ranging from humanitarian assistance to disaster relief. With this being the 30th iteration of Cobra Gold, the foundation of support and security that we have built between countries grows stronger every year.” As warfare has evolved into the twenty-first century, so has the exercise. Operations ranging from humanitarian assistance to amphibious assaults ensure participating nations experience the full spectrum of modern military missions. Whether actual military challenges involve regional conflicts or natural disasters, all countries involved in the combined training will have  the experience of preparation and the know-how to unite  in response. The thorough nature of the exercise ensures that combat, logistics and air support elements face realistic scenarios, testing their abilities and enabling troops to learn from their international counterparts. Other aspects of the exercise include real-world support for partnering or regional nations’ various civic projects and community relations, such as the building of schools and medical assistance. These projects aim to not only help the local populace, but to strengthen ties between the U.S. military and Thai communities. “The foundation of support and security that we have built between countries grows stronger every year.” “With the help of the Thai military, local government officials, and in collaboration with our multinational partners, we have been very successful in letting the local population know we are here to help,” said Lt. Cmdr. Randy S. Dee, lead planner for the Combined Joint Civil Military Operations Task Force. “Together we are giving people in remote areas access to optometry, dental and other medical care that can possibly change their lives.” Cobra Gold has also proven as an exceptional testing ground for new battlefield technology. The most recent exercise allowed Marines to showcase renewable energy. Marines with Ground Combat Element, 3rd MEB, conducted field tests in order to gain insight on the effectiveness of new solar panels that can be deployed virtually anywhere. “It’s an austere environment,” said Col. Stephen M. Neary, Ground Combat Element commanding officer. “It’s extreme weather conditions of 110, 115 degrees with the heat index and the dust. If they want to test any equipment, this is the perfect place to do it.” Cobra Gold provides dynamic training, international  cooperation and a chance to help people in need. Though it began as a training operation between the U.S. and Thailand, it has grown into a massive effort to support cooperation between nations and as always, to help maintain stability and peace." [Quelle: Lance Cpl. Christofer P. Baines. --  http://marinesmagazine.dodlive.mil/2011/12/02/a-look-at-cobra-gold/. -- Zugriff am 2015-04-26]

1982

Bei einem Aufenthalt in Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz nimmt Prinzessin Sirindhorn (มหาจักรีสิรินธร, 1955 - ) 3 kg zu "The food was just too good."

1982

Abb.: ®Logos einiger der ca. 1000 in Thailand vertretenen deutschen Firmen
[Bildquelle: 120 Jahre deutsch-thailändische Freundschaft = 120 ปีแห่งมิตรภาพ เยอรมัน-ไทย / Hrsg.: Botschaft d. Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Red.: Johannes Preisinger. -- Bangkok :  Botschaft d. Bundesrepublik Deutschland , 1982. -- 186 S. : Ill. ; 20 cm. -- S. 83]

1982

Erstmals wird der Architectural Conservation Award (รางวัลอนุรักษ์ศิลปสถาปัตยกรรมดีเด่น) der Association of Siamese Architects (สมาคมสถาปนิกสยามฯ, ASA) vergeben.

1982

Es erscheint das Album:

สรเพชร ภิญโญ [Soraphet Phinyo] <1950 - > ; น้องนุช ดวงชีวัน [Nong Nut Duangchiwan] : หนุ่มนาข้าว สาวนาเกลือ [Der Knabe vom Reisfeld - das Mädchen vom Salzfeld]

Abb.: Kassettenhülle
[Fair use]

"M: My village farms rice, plants rice at all times F: I harvest salt, sell salt to buy food to eat M: My village is in Kalasin [กาฬสินธุ์] F: As for me, Yuphin, I live in Samut Sakon [สมุทรสาคร] .... [Übersetzung: Mitchell, James Leonhard: Luk Thung : the culture and politics of Thailand's most popular music. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 2015. --208 S. : Ill ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 978-616-215-106-4. -- S. 86. --  Fair use]

ช.บ้านของพี่ทำนา ทำนา ปลูกข้าว ทุกเมื่อ ญ.น้องก็ทำนาเกลือ ขายเกลือ นั้น ซื้อ ข้าวกิน ช.บ้าน ของพี่ อยู่ที่กาฬสินธุ์ ญ.ส่วนตัวยุพิน อยู่ สมุทรสาคร ....

Der Song (andere Sänger) auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:track:36mwmtnaSXjB60I6dj9EiN
URL: https://open.spotify.com/track/36mwmtnaSXjB60I6dj9EiN

Abb.: Lage der Provinzen Kalasin [กาฬสินธุ์] und Samut Sakon [สมุทรสาคร]
[Bildquelel: CIA. -- Public domain]

Innerhalb von sechs Monaten wird angeblich 1 Mio. Exemplare verkauft. Die herausgebende Firma hat daraus angeblich ca. 44 Mio Baht Einnahmen, Soraphet bekommt zunächst 8000 Baht, dann nochmals 2000 Baht und nach dem Hit-Erfolg nochmals 50.000 Baht.

1982

Es erscheint das Album:

สรเพชร ภิญโญ [Soraphet Phinyo] <1950 - > ; น้องนุช ดวงชีวัน [Nong Nut Duangchiwan] : ลาสาวเข้าโบสถ์ [Das Mädchen verlassen - ins Kloster eintreten]

Abb.: Hülle einer Kassettenaufnahme
[Fair use]

ca. 1982

Es erscheint der Song

พิมพา พรศิริ [Phimpha Phonsiri] <1969 - >: น้ำตาเมียซาอุ ["Tränen einer Frau, deren Mann in Saudi-Arabien arbeitet"] in der gleichnamigen Audiokassette ชุดน้ำตาเมียซาอุ

Abb.: Phimpha Phonsiri [พิมพา พรศิริ], 2009
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia]

Abb.: Cover der Audiokassette

ca. 1982

Es erscheinen auf Audiokassette die Songs

พรศักดิ์ ส่องแสง [Phonsak Songsaeng] <1960 - >: ก่อสร้างสั่งสาว ["Abschied von Bauarbeitern, die nach Saudi-Arabien gehen"]

Der Song auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:track:6JbtOjULZXAzCkaN3HHDch
URL: https://open.spotify.com/track/6JbtOjULZXAzCkaN3HHDch

พรศักดิ์ ส่องแสง [Phonsak Songsaeng] <1960 - >:  ซาอุ ["Saudi-Arabien"]

Künstlerlink auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:artist:3Hk1IBwBwN0x8AOLyPyx6W
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/3Hk1IBwBwN0x8AOLyPyx6W

Abb.: Cover einer späteren CD

1982

In der Zeitschrift อนุทินชีวิตคู่ ดารา-นักร้อง ("Tagebuch der Stars und Sänger") über den Filmstar und das Sexsymbol Wiyada Umarin (วิยะดา อุมารินทร์) aka. Mom Um (หม่อมอูม - Lady Üppig) (1955 - )

Abb.: Cover einer DVD mit Wiyada Umarin (วิยะดา อุมารินทร์) aka. Mom Um (หม่อมอูม - Lady Üppig)

"The ability of Thai women to demonstrate their "friendships" with other women as a weapon against slander provides a contrast to Western patterns of homophobia in Hollywood. Thai female celebrities have even made it known they were involved with women rather than face slander that they were promiscuous with men. One example is the case of Wiyada Umarin [วิยะดา อุมารินทร์, 1955 - ], a well-known movie star of the 1960s and 1970s. Her nickname "Morm Um" [หม่อมอูม] was derived from the term "Morm Cao" [หม่อมเจ้า] —the royal title of her husband, film producer Chatrichalerm Yukhol [หม่อมเจ้าชาตรีเฉลิม ยุคล, 1942 - ] —and "Um," [อูม] meaning "full and fleshy," referring to her sensual curves from her early days as a swimsuit model. Wiyada was a sex symbol and had faced the usual gossip that she had numerous male lovers. As a result, a movie star magazine published a story on her life, stating: "She was slandered and gossiped about mercilessly, until she was despondent and she could almost bear it no longer. Our readers want to know if Wiyada Umarin is a virtuous Thai woman (kunlasatri thai) [กุลสตรีไทย] or an oversexed female star" ("Lao chiwit mai khorng ‘morm um’ wiyada umarin," 1982.). She granted an interview to the magazine in order to show her normal life. According to the story, she lived with a female companion whom she calls her "friend," Phii Kaew, along with her own child by a previous relationship. The photos in the magazine showed Wiyada with her arm around her child and Phii Kaew. In an obviously intimate and sensual photo, Wiyada is looking into the eyes of Phii Kaew, with her hand under Phii Kaew’s chin. The message was clear and direct—Wiyada was not promiscuous like people say. On the contrary, she had an intimate female friend with whom she shared a life." [Quelle: Sinnott, Megan J.: Toms and dees : transgender identity and female same-sex relationships in Thailand. -- Honolulu : University of Hawaii Pr., 2004. -- 261 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0824828526. -- Zugl. Diss., Univ. of Wisconsin - Madison, 2002. -- S. 119.]

1982

Chart Korbjitti (ชาติ กอบจิตติ, 1954 - ) erhält den Southeast Asian Writers Award für den Roman คำพิพากษา (The Judgment, 1981)

Abb.: Einbandtitel

1982

Die Botschaft der Bundesrepublik Deutschland in Bangkok hat 58 Mitarbeiter, davon sind 26 aus Deutschland entsandt.

1982

Es erscheint:

Kurzgeschichten aus Thailand / ausgewählt und übersetzt von Ampha Otrakul [อําภา โอตระกูล, 1934 - ]. -- Bangkok : Chalermit, [1982]. -- 312 S. ; 20 cm. -- ISBN 974-7390-08-6

Abb.: Einbandtitel

1982

Katholische Nonnen der Good Shepherd Sisters (La congrégation du Bon Pasteur) gründen in Nong Khai (หนองคาย) ihr erstes Handicraft Center, um Mädchen und Frauen Erwerbsmöglichkeiten vor Ort zu bieten. Es folgen Handicraft Centers in Ban Huai Sai (45 km von Nong Khai) und Don Wai (20 km von Nong Khai). 2012  arbeiten in Nong Khai 80 Frauen, in Huai Sai 60 und in Don Wai 30.

Abb.: Lage von Nong Khai (หนองคาย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage von Ban Huai Sai
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982

Entdeckung der archäologischen Fundstelle Lang Rongrien (ลังโรงเรียน). "Die Höhle wurde 1982 entdeckt und ein Jahr später von Douglas Anderson (University of Pennsylvania) erforscht. Die Fundstelle Lang Rongrien ist bisher der einzige Ort in Thailand, der einen Einblick auf die Menschen (Homo erectus) und ihre Umweltverhältnisse um 30.000 Jahre vor unserer Zeit gewährt." (Wikipedia)

Abb.: Lage von Lang Rongrien (ลังโรงเรียน)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982 - 1986

Wanderausstellung "Bang Chiang : Discovery of a Lost Bronze Age" in verschiedenen US-Museen:

• Philadelphia

• Louisville

• Washington DC

• Boston

• Milawukee

• New York

• Los Angeles

• San Francisco

• Honolulu

Abb.: Plakat

Abb.: Lage der Ausstellungsorte
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

Danach wird die Ausstellung zur Dauerausstellung im Ban Chiang National Museum (พิพิธภัณฑสถานแห่งชาติบ้านเชียง)

Abb.: Lage von Ban Chiang (บ้านเชียง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

vor 1982

The World Supreme Council for Mosques der Muslim World League (MWL,  رابطة العالم الإسلامي‎)  beschließt, in Ländern mit muslimischen Minoritäten (z.B. Philippinen, Thailand) saudisch-sunnitische fundamentalistische Mission zu betreiben

1982

Premiere des Films "Son of the Northeast" (ลูกอีสาน).

Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Son of the Northeast (Thai: ลูกอีสาน, or Look Isan, also Child of the Northeast) is a 1982 historical drama film set in 1930s Isan (อีสาน), or northeastern Thailand. The film is directed by Vichit Kounavudhi (วิจิตร คุณาวุฒิ, 1922 - 1997) and is based on a S.E.A. Write Award-winning book by Kampoon Boonthavee ((คำพูน บุญทวี, 1928 - 2003). Filmed in a documentary style, the story follows a tight-knit group of Isan subsistence farmers as they struggle against drought and other depredations." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Son_of_the_Northeast. -- Zugriff am 2012-03-05]

Der Film findet besonders bei laotischen Flüchtlingen in den USA und Deutschland Anklang.

1982

Premiere des Films เทพธิดาโรงงาน (Factory angel) von Euthana Mukdasanit (ยุทธนา มุกดาสนิท, 1952 - )

Abb.: Filmplakat
[Fair use]

1982

Die irische New-Wave-Band The Boomtown Rats gastiert in Bangkok.

Abb.: The Boomtown Rats, Deutschland, 1980
[Bildquelle: Klaus Hiltscher. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/khiltscher/4300862537/. -- Zugriff am 2013-04-24. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

1982

Die britische Rockband The Pretenders gastiert in Bangkok und versetzt ihre Fans in Raserei.

Abb.: The Pretenders, London, 1981
[Bildquelle: Ohconfucius / Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

1982

Es erscheint erstmals:

Cummings, Joe: Thailand : a Lonely Planet travel survival kit. -- Oakland : Lonely Planet, 1982

Die folgenden Auflagen werden zu einem der beliebtesten Reiseführer

1982

Briefmarken:

1982 - 1986

Klaus Maeser (1932 - ) ist Botschafter der DDR für Thailand. Er residiert in Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia)

1982

Es gelingt Frankfurter Wissenschaftlern, gentechnisch Humaninsulin in großen Mengen ohne den Einsatz tierischen Ausgangsmaterials von Schwein oder Rind zu produzieren. 1999 wird dieses Humaninsulin in den USA auf den Markt gebracht.

2525 / 1982 datiert

1982-01-01 - 1991-12-31

Der Peruaner Javier Pérez de Cuéllar y de la Guerra (1920 - ) ist UNO-Generalsekretär.

Abb.: Javier Pérez de Cuéllar y de la Guerra (links), 1982
[Bildquelle: UN Photo/Yutaka Nagata. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/un_photo/3312302946/. -- Zugriff am 2013-05-21. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]

1982-01

Die Armee richtet ein Directorate of Civil Affairs ein (genannt J-5).

1982-01-01

Abb.: Entwicklung von der EWG (Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft) zur EU (Europäischen Union) bis 2007 (animated gif)
[Bildquelle: JLogan / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Inkraft-Treten des Abkommens mit der Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft über den Handel mit Manihot (Cassava). Thailand verpflichtet sich, bestimmte Höchstgrenzen bei seiner Ausfuhr in die EWG nicht zu überschreiten. Die EWG beschränkt ihre Einfuhrzölle auf Manihot auf höchstens 6% des Zollwerts. Das Abkommen gilt von 1982-01-01 bis 1986-12-31.

Abb.: Manihot-(Cassava)-Ernte bei Korat (โคราช), 2009
[Bildquelle: Neil Palmer (CIAT). -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/ciat/4039213005/in/photostream/. -- Zugriff am 2012-01-27. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage von Korat (โคราช)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Tapioka beziehungsweise Tapiokastärke ist eine nahezu geschmacksneutrale Stärke, die aus der bearbeiteten und getrockneten Maniokwurzel (Kassava) hergestellt wird. Es kann ähnlich wie Sago als Zutat zum Kochen verwendet werden. Es kommt in Form von feinen, weißen Stärke-Kügelchen (Perltapioka) oder als dünne, getrocknete Flocken in den Handel. Die Kügelchen, die vor der Verwendung eingeweicht werden, sind eine oft eingesetzte Zutat in Westafrika und in der südostasiatischen Küche, besonders bei Süßspeisen. Immer größerer Beliebtheit erfreut sich auch der sog. Bubble Tea, eine Mischung v.a. aus Tee, Milch und Tapiokakügelchen. In Brasilien wird Tapiokamehl zu einer Art Eierkuchen verarbeitet, der mit Butter, Käse oder Kokosmilch gegessen wird. Tapiokastärke wird häufig auch als Soßenbinder und als Bindemittel bei der Tablettenherstellung verwendet. Gelegentlich wird es auch in Knabbergebäck und Fruchtgummi eingesetzt. In der Futtermittelherstellung ist es eine wichtige kohlenhydratliefernde Komponente. Außerdem verkleistert sie unter dem hohen Druck bei der Herstellung von Futter-Pellets. Dadurch wird verhindert, dass die Pellets nach dem Auskühlen wieder zerfallen." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tapioka. -- Zugriff am 2012-01-27]

1982-01-01 - 2001-12

United Nations Border Relief Operation (UNBRO)

Abb.: Von UNBRO unterstützte Flüchtlingslager
[Bildquelle: http://www.oknation.net/blog/print.php?id=676398. -- Zugriff am 2012-06-16. -- Fair use]

"The United Nations Border Relief Operation (UNBRO) was a donor-nation funded relief effort for Cambodian refugees and others affected by years of warfare along the Thai-Cambodian border. It functioned from 1982 until 2001. Establishment In January 1979, following the ouster of the Khmer Rouge (ខ្មែរក្រហម) from power by invading Vietnamese forces, hundreds of thousands of Cambodians sought food and shelter along the Thai-Cambodian border, triggering calls for international relief efforts. Initially a consortium of international agencies known as the "Joint Mission" and consisting of UNICEF, the ICRC, UNHCR, and the WFP took responsibility for food distribution, health care, camp construction and sanitation along with considerable support from the Royal Thai Government.[1][2] However it soon became clear that humanitarian aid provided at camps such as Sa Kaeo (สระแก้ว)) would permit the Khmer Rouge to recover from their near-defeat at the hands of the Vietnamese, with a protracted civil war as the likely result. Because of this and ongoing conflicts with other aid agencies, ICRC and then UNICEF reduced their role in the management of refugee relief services on the border.[3] UNHCR worked only with residents of holding centers such as Khao-I-Dang (ខៅ អ៊ី​ ដាង) and Phanat Nikhom (พนัสนิคม) and provided no services in the border camps.[4] In January 1982, UNBRO was established to coordinate border relief operations under the direction of the Special Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations for Coordination of Cambodian Humanitarian Assistance Programs (OSRSG), then headed by Sir Robert Jackson (1911 - 1991).[5] Known originally as "WFP-UNBRO", its first director was the UNDP's Resident Coordinator in Bangkok, Winston R. Prattley, who also served as WFP representative. Because the operation had no staff at the beginning, UNICEF agreed to a six-month loan of its Kampuchean Emergency Unit until UNBRO could hire its own people.[6] UNBRO was a temporary agency, created by the UN General Assembly to address a specific crisis. It had a mandate but no charter or independent governing council. Nor did it have an independent budget; it had to rely on the support of donor countries from the General Assembly, solicited through pledges at donor meetings twice a year.[7] UNBRO received its monetary and in-kind donations primarily from the United States, the European Commission, Japan, France, the United Kingdom, Australia and Canada. Scope of operationsGuiding principles UNBRO operated on the basis of five working principles, laid out in an internal memo on policy guidelines dated July 1982.[8] These principles were revised and updated in an internal memo on policy guidelines dated 2 August 1989 [1]. First, UNBRO was a humanitarian operation which remained neutral in areas of religion, politics and nationalistic alignment. This meant that assistance was to be provided equally to all full-time residents of UNBRO-assisted camps, regardless of their political affiliation. Second, UNBRO camps were to be managed by the Khmers as much as circumstances on the border allowed. UNBRO recognized a civilian administration consisting of a chief administrator and his deputies, the Khmer Women's Association, section leaders, and various administrative committees. Third, the Articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were to be used as much as possible as a guideline for all aspects of camp life. This meant that no one was to be removed by force from an UNBRO camp for any reason; free thought, free speech and free access to education and information should be guaranteed for all; the camps should be free of political or any other kind of coercion; and protection and justice for camp residents should be provided by the Khmer Police and an internal justice system. Fourth, UNBRO assisted civilians only. This meant that UNBRO expected the camps to be free of military influence of any kind, and that no military activity was to take place in or through UNBRO camps at any time. The fifth principle concerned UNBRO's equal commitment to upholding operational efficiency as well as humanitarian principles.[9] Services In its first few years of operation UNBRO was essentially a logistics organization but, over time, it took on other activities as well[10]: Distribution of basic humanitarian relief supplies: Documented residents of the camps received a daily water ration and a weekly food and firewood ration. Mosquito nets, mats, blankets, buckets, and basic cooking utensils were provided upon registration with the camp administration, in addition to a limited amount of bamboo, thatch, wire, and nails with which to build a small house;[11] Maintenance of a central border pharmacy; Primary level education; Information on human rights, landmines awareness and repatriation information; Assistance to affected Thai villages; Material support for Cambodian-run social service facilities for needy families and for community-based programs such as adult literacy, early childhood development, Buddhist education and youth activities and sports.[12] Protection and Security The concept of protection was central to UNBRO's purpose in Thailand, as it was the victimization by war of Cambodian civilians that motivated the establishment of the border relief operation in the first place. While acknowledging that "physical safety is impossible to ensure and constantly at risk" in the border camps, UNBRO nevertheless outlined a broad definition of protection as a goal toward which all its activities would be oriented. This included protection from persecution by any military source, physical or political coercion, criminal victimization, extortion and/or the threat of violent revenge, as well as protection from the negative effects of severe overcrowding, unemployment, limited educational opportunities, etc.[13] UNBRO oversaw the internal security of the camps, although theft and violence plagued camps that were not under the control of the Khmer Rouge.[14] UNBRO coordinated the different organizations providing protection on the border: ICRC was specifically concerned with war crimes, political crimes, and human rights violations, and the Khmer Police took care of traditional police functions within the camps. Between 1980 and 1987 security in the camps was the responsibility of a special Thai Rangers (ทหารพราน) unit known as Task Force 80, however this unit violated human rights so extensively that it was disbanded and replaced by the DPPU (the Displaced Persons Protection Unit, a specially trained paramilitary unit created in 1987 expressly to provide security for the border camps). It was responsible for protecting camp boundaries and preventing bandits from entering the camps.[15] UNBRO also maintained a small team of Protection Officers, whose job it was to monitor the human rights situation in the camps, follow up cases in which people were victimized either deliberately or through poverty, neglect, or "system failure", and encourage people to come to them when they felt their human rights had been abused.[16] UNBRO assumed responsibility for field communications and security coordination for UN and voluntary agency personnel officially working at the border (i.e. working on programs under agreement with UNBRO)[2]. Food distribution and health care UNBRO took charge of food distribution to refugees along the border, where previously there had been widespread diversion of supplies to the Thai military and to Khmer resistance units.[17] By the late 1980s UNBRO had standardized its basic weekly food ration so as to provide adequate daily caloric intake established by the World Health Organization. On a per person basis rice, canned or dried fish, one egg and a vegetable were distributed weekly; dried beans, oil, salt, and wheat flour were given once a month.[18] Exact amounts for the weekly and monthly rations in 1990 were as follows: Rice: 3.4 kilograms/week Eggs: 100 grams/week Vegetables: 500 grams/week Fish products: 210 grams/week Dry beans: 500 grams/month Oil: 700 grams/month Salt: 280 grams/month Wheat flour: 700 grams/month[19] This ration was designed to meet a minimum daily average of 2457 calories per person, the emergency caloric requirement set by the UN according to a 1985 WHO report on protein and energy requirements.[20] When the direct distribution system was initiated in 1987, the energy supplied by a basic UNBRO ration was 2237 calories per person per day. In 1991 budgetary constraints forced UNBRO to reduce this basic ration to 2027 calories per person per day.[21] Food distributions included 120 grams a month of soap. UNBRO also supervised the provision of water in the border camps, few of which had access to natural sources of potable water. Each week trucks supplied by the Thai government transported 650,000 liters of chlorinated water to storage tanks in the camps.[22] In addition, UNBRO supplied building materials to refugees and implemented an agricultural program to produce fresh vegetables in the camps.[23] UNBRO delegated responsibility for basic medical services, sanitation, public and environmental health programs, supplementary feeding and other services to numerous nongovernmental aid agencies operating on the border at that time.[24] Education In 1988, with the agreement of the Royal Thai Government, UNBRO launched a major new educational assistance program, focusing at the primary level and providing support for curriculum development, the printing of educational materials, primary education, special education, adult literacy, and teacher training and the training of teacher trainers, the provision of supplies and the construction and equipment of classrooms. It also greatly expanded its support for social service programs targeting vulnerable and neglected groups and initiated new programs aimed at the development of life skills that would be useful in Cambodia upon repatriation. In all of these programs it strove to exclude political content and ensure that services would be provided equitably to all camp residents regardless of their political orientation. It promoted an ethic of egalitarianism and a system of reward based on merit.[25] Beneficiaries As of January 1982, UNBRO provided services to 290,000 beneficiaries in three groups: • 155,000 Cambodians in nine camps in the border's Central sector stretching from Ban Sangae to Tap Prik. In five camps in the Central (or Northwestern) sector (Ban Sangae, Kok Tahan, Phnom Chat, Nong Samet - ค่ายผู้อพยพหนองเสม็ด - and Nong Chan) UNBRO was permitted to carry out frequent headcounts and direct distribution of food. UNBRO also distributed food in two of the Khmer Rouge camps to the south of Aranyaprathet (อรัญประเทศ; Nong Prue and Tap Prik) although initially it was not permitted to carry out headcounts. The Central sector also included NW82, a subcamp located at Nong Samet housing 800 Vietnamese land refugees assisted by ICRC. • 70,000 Cambodians in the Northern and Southern sectors. The eight camps in the Northern sector (Ban Baranae, O'Bok, Naeng Mut, Chong Chom, Ban Charat, Samrong Kiat, Paet Urn and Nam Yuen) totalled 28,000 people. The three Southern sector camps comprising 42,000 aid recipients were Sok Sann, Borai and Ta Luan. • 65,000 Thai border residents living in villages affected by conflict also received UNBRO food aid through the Affected Thai Village Program.[26] Following the 1984-1985 Vietnamese dry-season offensive the number of refugee camps administered by UNBRO was reduced from 21 to 11 as the refugee population was consolidated into larger camps such as Site Two.[27] Administration The organization was initially run with WFP; in 1988 UNDP took over the administration of UNBRO from WFP. In 1991 the UN Secretary General decided that UNHCR would replace UNDP as the administrative agency. The UNHCR Representative in Thailand had the title of Director of UNBRO, but the UNBRO Deputy Director, whose sole responsibility was UNBRO, administered the day-to-day operations. UNBRO was phased out in December 2001.[28] Historical legacy UNBRO staff provided humanitarian aid under difficult and dangerous conditions in what was frequently an active war zone. In early 1983, Director Winston Prattley described the situation for donors in New York: "The Khmer civilian administration and leadership...has rapidly given way to military or paramilitary leadership, whose visible and active presence has transformed most major settlements into armed camps. Weapons and military equipment are in plain evidence and are brandished amongst the UNBRO and voluntary agency personnel as they attempt to provide relief assistance. As a consequence, the control and direction of food distribution and provision of medical services has become less efficient, more precarious and often dangerous. UNBRO officials have been abused and held at gun-point. During the offensive, UNBRO and voluntary agency personnel have been subject to grave personal risk as a consequence of artillery bombardment and other military action...[29]" Critics concluded that UNBRO served a purpose beyond humanitarianism -- namely as a vehicle to deliver support to anti-Vietnamese factions operating out of the refugee camps located in UNBRO's area of operations, thereby complicating Vietnam's efforts to play a decisive role in Cambodia's internal politics.[30][31] UNBRO was also extensively criticized for failing to provide adequate protection for refugee camp residents from theft and violence.[32][33][34] Furthermore, a portion of the food and monetary aid, totaling US$3–4 million at the height of the operation, was administered by local Thai military and civilian authorities. Scant outside monitoring of these resources led critics to question if it was not in fact used to "buy" unhindered access to the border and the cooperation of the Thais. Most United Nations member states and nongovernmental agencies still consider UNBRO to have been a model UN operation that efficiently and cost-effectively provided essential support to more than 350,000 Cambodian civilians and played a major role in saving the lives of thousands living under the harsh control of the Khmer Rouge or who were subject to shelling by Vietnamese forces.[35] Between 1994 and 2001, UNBRO sent 252 cartons of records to the off-site storage center used by UN organizations in Bangkok. On three occasions, in 1998, 1999, and 2001, the Deputy Director of UNBRO authorized the destruction of these records.[36]" [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Nations_Border_Relief_Operation. -- ZUgriff am 2012-06-16]

1982-01-01

Malaysia führt das metrische System ein.

1982-01-02

Eröffnung des Wochenmarkts beim Chatuchak Park (ตลาดนัดจตุจักร). Der Sanam Luang (สนามหลวง) ist für Märkte geschlossen, da er für die 200-Jahr-Feier der Chakri-Dynastie (Rattanakosin Bicentennial 1982, สมโภชกรุงรัตนโกสินทร์ ๒๐๐ ปี) renoviert wird.

Abb.: Lage von Chatuchak (จตุจักร)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Chatuchak Wochenendmarkt (ตลาดนัดจตุจักร)
[Bildquelle: ®Google earth. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-04]

Abb.: Chatuchak Wochenendmarkt (ตลาดนัดจตุจักร), 2008
[Bildquelle: Richard Walker. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/digitalsadhu/2956660899/. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-04. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]

"Der Chatuchak-Markt (Thai: ตลาดนัดจตุจักร, Aussprache: [tà-làːt-nát ʤà-t̀u-ʤàk]) im Bezirk Chatuchak (จตุจักร) in Bangkok ist der größte Markt seiner Art weltweit. Er gilt als Paradies für Shopper, die gerne feilschen. Der Chatuchak-Markt überdeckt eine Fläche von 1,13 Quadratkilometer, die von mehr als 10.000 Ständen und kleinen Ladengeschäften genutzt wird. Auch ein Park, der Chatuchak-Park (สวนจตุจักร), ist nahe gelegen und lädt zum Verschnaufen ein. Täglich kommen schätzungsweise zwischen 200.000 und 300.000 Besucher, wobei die meisten Stände und Läden nur samstags und sonntags geöffnet haben. Das Angebot reicht von Kleidung, Nahrungsmitteln, Haushaltsgegenständen und Möbeln, Antiquitäten und antiquarischen Büchern und Zeitschriften, thailändischem Kunsthandwerk bis zu Devotionalien und Lebendtieren. Geschichte Der Chatuchak-Markt verdankt seine Entstehung einer Idee des früheren thailändischen Premierministers Plaek Phibulsongkhram (จอมพล พิบูลสงคราม, 1938–1944, 1948–1957), der in jeder Stadt des Landes einen Flohmarkt aufstellen lassen wollte. In Bangkok wurde 1948 der erste solche Flohmarkt als so genannter „Wochenend-Markt“ am Sanam Luang (สนามหลวง) errichtet. Anfang der 1980er Jahre verordnete die Regierung, dass der Sanam Luang in einen öffentlichen Park für die Bürger von Bangkok umgewandelt werden und als zentraler Veranstaltungsort für die 200-Jahr-Feiern der Rattanakosin-Ära im Jahr 1982 dienen sollte. So entschied man, den Flohmarkt in den Bezirk Phahonyothin auf das Gelände des Golfplatzes der thailändischen Eisenbahngesellschaft umzusetzen. Er wurde später nach dem nahe gelegenen Chatuchak-Park benannt und gab dem später ausgewiesenen Bezirk (Khet) Chatuchak seinen Namen. Verkehrsanbindung Der Chatuchak-Markt liegt gegenüber der U-Bahn-Station Kamphaengphet sowie etwa fünf Gehminuten von der BTS-Station Mo Chit und der U-Bahn-Station Suan Chatuchak (Chatuchak-Park) entfernt." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chatuchak-Markt. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-04]

1982-01-04

Die Polizei fahndet fieberhaft nach Suchart Kosolkitiwong (สุชาติ โกศลกิติวงศ์). Suchart ist der Anführer einer buddhistischen millenaristischen Bewegung. Er hatte in einem Pamphlet prophezeit, dass Thailand im Oktober 1982 von vietnamesischen und russischen Streitkräften besetzt wird. Suchart behauptet, dass er vom Geist des verstorbenen Luang Pu Tuad  (หลวงปู่ทวด, 1582 - 1682) geleitet wird.  Tuad hatte sich übernatürlicher Kräfte gerühmt. Die Polizei wirft Suchart vor, die nationale Kultur zu beflecken und die nationale Sicherheit zu gefährden. Später ließ man diese Vorwürfe fallen. Suchart wird 1991 Mönch und stirbt 2005.

Musik-Video über Luang Pu Tuad  (หลวงปู่ทวด, 1582 - 1682), 2012
[Quelle der mp4-Datei: Peung Noi. -- https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0w5WRsM1EME. -- Zugriff am 2014-03-19. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]  

1982-01-06

Nongyao Chaiseri (นงเยาว์ ชัยเสรี, 1935 - ) wird erste Rektorin der Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์). Sie ist die erste Frau in Thailand auf so einer Stelle.

Abb.: Nongyao Chaiseri (นงเยาว์ ชัยเสรี)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1982-01-07

Die jüngste Tochter des Königspaars, Prinzessin Chulabhorn Walailak (สมเด็จพระเจ้าลูกเธอ เจ้าฟ้าจุฬาภรณวลัยลักษณ์ อัครราชกุมารี, 1957 - ), heiratet Flight Officer Virayuth Didyasarin (นาวาอากาศเอก วีระยุทธ ดิษยะศริน, 1955 - ). Obwohl sie wegen der Ehe mit einem Bürgerlichen sämtliche Ansprüche und ihren königlichen Titel hätte abtreten müssen, erließ der König eine Ausnahmeregelung, so dass sie ihren Titel Chao Fa (เจ้าฟ้า) behalten konnte.1994 wird das Glück durch Scheidung beendet.

Abb.: Das Paar mit den zwei Töchtern, mit denen die Ehe Ihrer Königlichen Hoheit gesegnet wurde
[Bildquelle: http://www.ohmpps.go.th/documents/BB2550906/pic/T0001_0004_01.jpg. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-04. -- Fair use]

1982-01-12

Gerüchte über Penis-Schrumpfung nach dem Genuss vietnamesischer Nudeln, Zigaretten und Früchte leben wieder auf. Ein 19jähriger behauptet, dass sein Penis auf 1 inch (= 2,5 cm) geschrumpft sei, nachdem er eine vietnamesische Zigarette geraucht habe. Zwei seiner Freunde hätten dasselbe erlitten. Einer Frau schrumpften die Brustwarzen. Alle hätten sich selbst geheilt, indem sie Melonen aßen. Fünf Jahre lang war dieses Gerücht verstummt gewesen.

1982-01-21

Einige Tausend Thai-Truppen liefern sich mit der Shan United Army des Drogenkönigs Khun Sa (ခွန်ဆာ, 1934 - 2007) erbitterte Schlachten und vertreiben sie aus ihrem Stützpunkt in Ban Hin Taek (บ้านหินแตก), Provinz Chiang Rai (เชียงราย). Khun Sa baut einen neuen Stützpunkt auf der thailändischen Seite des Doi Mak Lang. Beteiligt sind Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน) und Thahan Phran (ทหารพราน, Rangers).

Abb.: Lage von  Ban Hin Taek (บ้านหินแตก)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Ban Hin Taek (บ้านหินแตก)
[Bildquelle: ©Google earth. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-05]

"Ban Hin Taek or Baan Hin Taek (Thai: บ้านหินแตก, lit. "The Village of Broken Stone") now renamed Ban Therd Thai[1] – “Village to Honor Thailand”, is a village found in the Chiang Rai (เชียงราย) area in the northern part of Thailand. This village, composed mainly of Akha (อาข่า) people, has had a very vivid history involving the notorious drug leader known as Khun Sa (ခွန်ဆာ). Despite being called Ban Therd Thai, the village will be referred to as Ban Hin Taek which is the name the villagers refer to when talking about their village.[2] Origins and Directions Ban Hin Taek is more specifically located beyond Doi Mae Salong (ดอยแม่สลอง) in Northern Thailand. It is just south of the Thai-Burma border located in the Golden Triangle. In order to reach Ban Hin Taek, one must take the road which starts at Bap Basang on route 110 between Chiang Rai and Mae Sai. A road by the name of route 1130 goes west into the mountains where its final destination is Doi Mae Salong. The road eventually becomes route 1234, a surfaced road.[3] If you go a ways further on this road, you will come across a dirt road going north towards the Burmese border. This is the road that will take you to Ban Hin Taek. Ban Hin Taek is a village nestled in a valley which is “like a finger pointing” into the Shan State (ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်). It is surrounded by hills that have been scarred by the slash-and-burn agriculture. From Ban Hin Taek you can see the summit of Doi Tung (ดอยตุง) mountain approximately 1322 meters high. While it is not the highest mountain, it is without a doubt a magnificent one. Ban Hin Taek is not as small a village as one would think. It’s inhabitants have expanded the village along a road for more than 3 kilometers towards the Burmese border.[4] It has become quite prosperous over the years mainly because of the agriculture trade, but also because of the drug trade that existed for some time in Ban Hin Taek.  History It is believed that Ban Hin Taek was the first Akha village in Thailand. It was founded in 1903 when the Akha entered Thailand from the easternmost Shan states of Burma.[5] From that point onward we know very little of the happenings in Ban Hin Taek. Once Khun Sa appeared in Ban Hin Taek, we have an inflow of articles concerning Ban Hin Taek and his involvement with it. “Ban Hin Taek's village headman Duangdee Khemmawongse recalls, ‘Khun Sa came to live at Ban Hin Taek in late 1964, when he was around 30 and left a year later. In 1976, he came back again with his wife and children.’”[6] In 1974, Khun Sa was released from Burmese prison he set up his base 2 years later in Ban Hin Taek. As long as the Thai generals were getting some of the drug revenues, Khun Sa could keep operating in Ban Hin Taek. Khun Sa was also beneficial to the Thai because they hoped to topple the Kuomintang (KMT, 中國國民黨) and Rangoon’s hold on north-eastern Burma so that Thailand could become more influential in that area. At this point in time, Khun Sa appointed himself as liberator of the Shan people advocating for a separate Shan state within Burma. He also agreed to “suppress the Beijing-backed Burmese Communist (ဗမာပြည်ကွန်မြူနစ်ပါတ,ီ CPB) and Thai Communist Parties (พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย)” which at the time were very active in that area.[7] Khun Sa ended up becoming a very successful drug warlord in the years 1974-1982. Once the communists came to power in both Laos and South Vietnam in 1975, Khun Sa was able to get a much stronger hold over the drug trade as the KMT’s smuggling routes in the area were now disrupted. With all this newfound wealth came newfound power, and Khun Sa needed a way to secure and protect his power. Thus he set up the Shan United Army (SUA) which at its peak had 20 000 soldiers. Khun Sa’s drug empire continued to grow until the early 1980s when the US Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) estimated that “70% of heroin consumed in the USA came from his organization.” Thus, the DEA decided to take action.[7] Before we look at the DEA’s involvement with Khun Sa, let us look at the benefits Ban Hin Taek got from Khun Sa. While he used the village as a base, it did not mean that he didn’t give back to the community. In fact, Khun Sa built health centers, schools[7] and was the major benefactor of the Da Tong Chinese school which the KMT had set up.[8] According to Apinan Apinanderthai, the kamnan (กำนัน) of tambon Therd Thai, the villagers “called Khun Sa chao oo, or father.”[9] However, Khun Sa’s generosity came to an end when the Thai government suddenly changed hands from General Kriangsak Chomanan (เกรียงศักดิ์ ชมะนันทน์) to General Prem Tinsulanonda (เปรม ติณสูลานนท์). The new general, along with pressure from the DEA who were trying to stop the flow of heroin into the United States (US), decided to kick Khun Sa out of Thailand. Thus, in January 1982,[2] the Thai army, in conjunction with the Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวณชายแดน), launched an offensive against Khun Sa’s base in Ban Hin Taek.[7] Many days of violent fighting ensued and eventually the Thai forces used tanks and planes to get the SUA forces to retreat into Burma.[2] Khun Sa managed to escape beforehand to the town of Hua Muang across the Burmese border. This signaled the end of Khun Sa’s drug regime in Ban Hin Taek. Unfortunately this was not the end of Ban Hin Taek’s involvement in drug trafficking. In recent years, the heroin trade has been replaced with methamphetamines. Ban Hin Taek recently has fallen prey to drug traffickers who operate from across the Burmese border. It has been reported that the traffickers bribed local authorities and that four local residents have been killed by the gangs – “Two were eliminated because they tried to turn their backs on the drug trade, and two others because they were being uncooperative.”[10] Burma decided to take action against this new development and started shelling the border in February 2001. Soon after they also shelled the outskirts of Ban Hin Taek.[11] This wasn’t the end of the new Burmese offensive. In March 2001 Burma prepared more troops and set up for further artillery strikes. As a result, Thai officials were ready to evacuate the villages along the Burmese border to Ban Therd Thai in order to secure their safety.[12] However, there is no evidence that the Burmese military took any further action at this time. The latest news coming out of Ban Hin Taek since 2001 was, when on October 26, 2007, Khun Sa died. A funeral was arranged for Khun Sa in order to commemorate his death, but to also attract tourism to the village.[13] From this point on, investors have approached the village trying to develop it and attract tourists to the area.[14]  Economy One would think that the drug trade is the sole factor for the development of Ban Hin Taek. However, this is not entirely true. Ban Hin Taek has a long custom of an agriculture industry. This is the local’s main source of income as they never really had a hand in the drug trade unless they directly worked for Khun Sa. Produce such as tomatoes, maize, onions, garlic and potatoes are grown and then sold in other places in Chiang Rai. There is even a tea factory in the village.[15] Ban Hin Taek also has a prosperous cross-border trade. Most of this trade is legal, but the villagers who dally in the drug trade always have to be careful of their illegal actions.[4] As mentioned above, the drug trade allowed Khun Sa to build schools and other public facilities which helped the economic situation of the village. Since Khun Sa was expelled from Ban Hin Taek, the village slowly started building a tourist industry. The plan was to turn Khun Sa’s old house into a museum and create new jobs for the locals.[6] “However, local authorities are still reluctant to agree to the idea, fearing the village’s history will be distorted by investors, who may focus only on their own benefits.”[14] Nevertheless, the village now hosts a resort where people can relax by a stream or go mountain biking in the stunningly beautiful mountains around Ban Hin Taek. The renovation of Khun Sa’s house was completed and has become a museum. The most recent news concerning the tourist industry in Ban Hin Taek was in 2007 when the village committee set up a development plan for the village. Resort hotels were to be built in order to accommodate tourists. The committee still fears that investors will abuse Ban Hin Taek, forgoing all of its cultural diversity and customs in favor of profits.[14] Nevertheless, Ban Hin Taek has a growing tourist industry based on its fascinating past.[16]  Culture Ban Hin Taek population of approximately 3000[17] people is very ethnically diverse consisting of Shan (တႆး), Yunnanese ( 云南), Akha (อาข่า), Lisu (ลีสู่), Lahu (ชาวมูเซอ), and other tribe people.[18] The Akha, who were the founders of Ban Hin Taek as stated earlier, are the predominant tribe. The Akha women wear much silver and often wear striped leggings in order to carry firewood and dry goods up to their homes. The houses in Ban Hin Taek are not built in an Akha style, but instead show signs of Yunnanese influence. They are built of wattle and mud on solid ground instead of the commonly found houses built on stilts.[4] “With local corn whisky on sale as a substitute for the eliminated opium crop, other products found include Chinese herb remedies, Khanom Jin (ขนมจีน) curry and Chinese teas.”[15] The diversity of food, drink and herbal remedies just highlights the mixture of the numerous different cultures that exist in Ban Hin Taek. The abundant religions practiced by the villagers are probably the best example to highlight the cultural diversity of Ban Hin Taek. There is a Thai Buddhist wat (วัด) on the north-eastern edge of the village, a mosque on the western front and a little ways out of Ban Hin Taek, a large Chinese temple resides. Thus, there are many religious places of worship to satisfy most of Ban Hin Taek’s villagers. Finally, every year Ban Hin Taek celebrates the Songkran Festival (สงกรานต์). This is less of a cultural tradition than a national tradition, but a tradition nonetheless.[19]  Political and Societal significance Ban Hin Taek is of great political significance. For a long time the route from Ban Hin Taek to Burma was used to enter or leave Burma illegally. Once Khun Sa got involved with this village, it suddenly came under the radar of the Thai, KMT and the DEA. Ban Hin Taek was used to smuggle drugs and as Khun Sa’s base. This is the village where the once dubbed “King of Opium” ruled over his drug regime and created the SUA. Eventually Khun Sa was kicked out of Thailand and the drug trafficking subsided along with the political significance of Ban Hin Taek. However, there is no doubt that Khun Sa left his mark on this village. Ban Hin Taek is also a great example of a wide range of cultures being able to live in peace and harmony. There is no evidence of violence and discrimination against specific ethnic groups by any of the villagers. It is a tightly knit village where people know each other for who they are. Some villagers knew Khun Sa as a neighbor, never getting involved in his affairs, but they developed their own image of Khun Sa, one where he is not the “King of Opium”, but rather a friendly villager. Ban Hin Taek is what it is. A culturally diverse village located in one of remotest parts of Thailand surrounded by unprecedented natural beauty.  References  Ban Therd Thai is also known as: Baan Therd Thai, Ban Terd Thai, Baan Terd Thai, Ban Thoet Thai, Baan Thoet Thai, Ban Theuat Thai, Baan Theuat Thai, Ban Thoed Thai and Baan Thoed Thai. The reason for such numerous spellings is attributed to the phonetic translation of the name into English.  Donald Wilson and David Henley, “Beyond Ban Hin Taek,” Discover Thailand, 1.  “Doi Tung – The Flag Mountains,” Welcome to Chiangmai and Chiangrai.  Donald Wilson and David Henley, “Beyond Ban Hin Taek,” Discover Thailand, 2.  “Venturing through the Ghost Gate,” The Bangkok Post, January 17, 2008, 1.  “Cashing in on Khun Sa’s Fame,” The Bangkok Post, March 17, 1996, 1.  Kelvin Rowley, “Lord of prosperity,” The Diplomat, January 1, 2008, 1.  David Scott Mathieson, “A Hostage to History,” The Irrawady, Volume 14 No.4 (2006).  “Border village to hold memorial service for drug lord Khun Sa,” The Bangkok Post, Nov 9, 2007, 1.  “NARCOTICS: Drug Trade resumes at Khun Sa’s ex-bastion: Villagers serve as tools of traffickers,” The Bangkok Post, Jul 3 2000, 1.  Desmond Ball, “Security Developments in the Thailand-Burma Borderlands,” Australian Mekong Resource Center (2003), 7.  “Burma Mobilizes for Attack on Shan Base,” Bangkok Post, March 11, 2001, 1.  “Burma Village to hold memorial service for drug lord Khun Sa,” The Bangkok Post, Nov 9, 2007, 1. “Khun Sa’s old village may become a tourist attraction,” The Bangkok Post, Nov 10, 2007, 1. Tom Aikins, “Chiang Rai and the Golden Triangle in Thailand,” Now Public Crowd Powered Media.  Bertil Lintner, “Travel: The Golden Triangle - Golden Getaway,” Far Eastern Economic Review, Feb 14, 2002, 1.  Joe Cummings, Becca Blond, Morgan Konn, Matt Warren and China Williams, Thailand, Lonely Planet 2005, 351.  Bertil Lintner, “Travel: The Golden Triangle - Golden Getaway,” Far Eastern Economic Review, Feb 14, 2002, 1.  Joey and Jon, “Songkran Festival at Ban Hin Taek,” Youtube." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ban_Hin_Taek. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-05]

1982-01-22

Tod des Heavy-Rock-Liedermachers Suan Santi (Dao Morakot) [สรวง สันติ (ดาว มรกต)] (1954 - 1982)

Künstlerlink auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:artist:5c3nfnTvz4SFKkN5MusAMF
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/5c3nfnTvz4SFKkN5MusAMF

Abb.: Hülle einer späteren CD
[Fair use]

1982-01-25 -1982-01-28

Gegenoffensive von Khun Sa (ခွန်ဆာ, 1934 - 2007)

"The "Zhang family" had lost not only Ban Hin Taek [บ้านหินแตก] but a great deal of face and prestige too, and Khun Sa [ခွန်ဆာ, 1934 - 2007] was resentful that he had been betrayed by friends. Then on January 25, New Year’s Day by the traditional Chinese lunar calendar, when Chinese people the world over were celebrating the Spring Festival [春節] in a spirit of fellowship, Khun Sa launched his counter-offensive to teach the Thai government a lesson. This is how the Thai press headlined the story: DRUG, TRAFFICKER TAKES REVENGE SURPRISE ATTACK ON MAE SAI POLICE STATION ONE POLICE BOX, FOUR CARS DESTROYED BY FIRE FIVE KILLED, FOUR INJURED Of the five deaths, a spokesman for Thailand’s State Council explained four were civilians and one a policeman. Meanwhile one of Khun Sa’s aides declared that no-one had been killed; the policeman who had supposedly died in the line of duty had in fact been captured and subsequently released by the SURA [Shan United Revolutionary Army - ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်တပ်ပေါင်းစုတော်လှန်ရေးတပ်မတော်] following "peace talks". Nevertheless, they did rob the Sino-Thai Farmers Bank [ธนาคารกสิกรไทย] in the centre of Mae Sai [แม่สาย], at considerable loss to the bank. The Thai press did not publish a figure for the haul and confined themselves to printing rumors that prior to the events at Ban Hin Taek Khun Sa had sold a consignment of heroin for one million Baht. The buyer had supposedly paid this sum with a cheque drawn from the Sino-Thai Chinese Farmer Bank which the bank subsequently refused to honor. This attack shook the entire border region. The second shock followed closely on the heels of the first. Two days later, on January 27, Khun Sa’s troops began bombarding Thai government positions with 913mm mortar fire, an attack which continued through the night until 3 a. m. on the 28th. While army headquarters announced that only three mortar shells had exploded, refugees who fled to the village of Ban Huey Lung (five kilometers south of Ban Hin Taek and populated entirely by ethnic Chinese) asserted that it had been a continuous bombardment. While the mortar attack was under way a 30-man commando unit slipped through to the highway ten kilometers southeast of Ban Hin Taek and intercepted three minibuses, three pickup trucks, a truck loaded with sand, a motor-cycle and two highway maintenance trucks. These were set ablaze after their loads had been seized. No-one was killed, however. When I visited the site of these burned-out vehicles with my guide the charred skeletons of the trucks had already been taken away and the only trace that remained was a patch of scorched dirt road. A government deputy spokeswoman announced that "Khun Sa’ men, who held up and robbed these vehicles of property belonging to ordinary people, must be very weary, since they are extremely short of food. " But my own information was that they were not suffering from any lack of food. The third counterattack took place the next day, on the 28th at eleven a. m. in the village of Ban Sa Lu, another twenty or so kilometers south of the site of the truck fires, when Khun Sa’s commandos surrounded the paramilitary Rangers 201 unit. There were no losses on either side during this engagement, since the commandos were apprehensive that Thai reinforcements would appear at any moment and turn the tables by encircling them in their turn. After a stand-off lasting ten minutes or so Khun Sa’s men retreated and melted away into the dense jungle of the hills. To coincide with this final, symbolic counterblow the SURA distributed leaflets in Chinese. The organization had no leverage with the mass media and there were no newspapers, radio or TV stations to present their case; every report on them which reached the outside world came either from the Thai government or foreign journalists. From the outbreak of the first battle up to the time of my arrival in Ban Hin Taek not one Chinese reporter had made contact with Khun Sa’s staff. Their only means of communication with the outside world was through leaflets, and these were written in Chinese for the simple reason that none of the SURA leaders were able to write in the Thai language." [Quelle: Bo Yang [柏楊] <1920 - 2008>: Golden Triangle : frontier and wilderness. -- Hong Kong : Joint Pub. Co. (HK), 1987. -- 204 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 962040291X. -- Originaltitel: 金三角, 邊區, 荒城 (1988). -- S. 34f. -- Fair use]

"The Thai government reacted to Khun Sa’s counterattack and his threat of greater trouble to come with vituperation. He was "impertinent" in his arrogance. The press, too, found it an unheard-of absurdity. The Americans, on the other hand, were seriously alarmed because they had realized that the counterattack locations were moving progressively southward in a direct line toward Chiang Mai, the site of a royal palace and Thailand’s second city. Both the U. S. embassy in Bangkok told me: "Chiang Mai [เชียงใหม่] is not secure from the threat of Khun Sa’s killers and neither is Bangkok. But we can only escape from Chiang Mai, not Bangkok. " He stared at me for a moment and then suddenly added: "If you don’t think I’m exaggerating, even Taipei isn’t safe either. " So the INCB [International Narcotics Control Board] and U. S. consulate lost no time in retreating from Chiang Mai to Bangkok, in the belief not only that the Thai government was unable to protect them but also that certain highly placed officials were working hand in glove with Khun Sa. The Americans’ anxiety was fully justified, largely because most officials of the INCB were U. S. citizens. It was said that Khun Sa had a bitter hatred of this organization and would pursue any of its agents or suspected agents to the ends of the earth in order to gun them down. The same embassy official told me that the year before an American had been hunted down and killed in Chiang Mai. Such rumors show that the Americans had good reason to leave Chiang Mai in a hurry. Had assassins wiped out the entire staff of the consulate, no-one could have brought them back to life again. What is more, Khun Sa had no fear of retribution at American hands. The Thai government was highly embarrassed by its failure to uncover any narcotics, and Khun Sa’s three successive counterblows had only added to their worries. Furthermore, certain powerful officials were strongly opposed to the campaign against Khun Sa and the Thai army was also voicing complaints that it was expected to put men’s lives on the line while money was flowing into other people’s pockets. Interior Minister General Sitthi Chirarote [สิทธิ จิรโรจน์, 1920 - 2010] began clamping down on the vociferous campaign for the suppression of the drug traffickers by issuing a directive to the media demanding that "newspapers must not print alarming or provocative headlines or photographs or give the people the false impression that the government has suffered setbacks. Please give very careful consideration to the loss of confidence and alarm that the people of our country may feel when they read such news. " The Interior Minister’s words show just how faint-hearted the campaign to suppress drug trafficking was. But even greater timidity was to follow when the two sides initiated "peace talks". On February 1 and 2 representatives were sent in two helicopters from the Thai army command post in Ban Hin Taek to BPP Camp 506 to make contact with Khun Sa’s representatives for peace talks. Among the armed forces delegates were a high-ranking officer from the Army’s Strategic Office and a commander of the BPP [Border Patrol Police - ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน]. One of Khun Sa’s representatives was the senior aide who had received me in Ban Hin Taek. The peace talks resulted in an initial ceasefire, an agreement which was to be broken several times. The conflict on the day before my visit to Ban Hin Taek was one instance, although this proved to be the last time the two sides resorted to arms. Most people would take the view that peace talks should take place between adversaries of equal stature. But these talks were conducted between the government of Thailand and a mere handful of foreign insurgents led by an "opium warlord" whose "narcotics trafficking" had already been "suppressed". Such was the meted conclusion to what some regarded as "The Second Opium War" — a conflict which had been the focus of world attention and earned global acclaim. One could only wonder what had been the point of it all in the first place and whether it deserved the title of a tragedy or a comedy. There ensued a public outcry in Thailand, in the face of which the Thai government pretended that nothing had happened and failed to offer any comment. Nevertheless Thai reporters set out to trace the events of February 1 and 2 at Camp 506. Why was it that on those two days Camp 506 just happened to be heavily guarded, and reporters who normally had free access were turned away with the claim that "some important matters were being dealt with? " The reporters wanted to delve further into just what these important matters were. Under the pressure of relentless questioning Interior Minister Sitthi announced that there had been no peace talk, "only a meeting between the two sides". Prime Minister General Prem Tinsulanond added the following statement: Khun Sa’s armed group, under the title of "the Committee of the Thai Border Patriotic Corps", has sent a letter to the Thai government stating that they entered and settled in Thai territory with full respect for the laws of Thailand. They said that they will assist in the task of national construction by abiding by the policies of the government of Thailand. The letter added that those who slanderously claim that the authorities have been carrying out a policy of suppressing a traffic in narcotics are in the pay of the Americans. After careful study of this letter the government of Thailand takes the view that Khun Sa strongly wishes to negotiate with the government. Nevertheless we absolutely refuse to negotiate. The reporters pressed Prem as to whether the meeting referred to by Interior Minister Sitthi in fact constituted a negotiation session and whether it had been ordered by the State Council. General Prem’s only reply was a slight nod of the head. Not long after this General Sitthi even feigned ignorance of the "meeting" and released the following statement: "Please do not make your stories too provocative or too prominent. The government has already established a clear policy on this matter and there is no margin for discussion. Because this is a question of national security the government will accept no conditions. " He went on to emphasize that "life for the people there (Ban Hin Taek) has already returned to normal. " All of this amounted to a detailed and premeditated obfuscation of the real issues, one for which any explanation couched in diplomatic language would suffice. But on one point they were correct: the armed conflict had indeed ended and those who had fled their homes had now returned to them. The damage to Ban Hin Taek was not very great: only some ten house had been destroyed by the artillery barrage." [Quelle: Bo Yang [柏楊] <1920 - 2008>: Golden Triangle : frontier and wilderness. -- Hong Kong : Joint Pub. Co. (HK), 1987. -- 204 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 962040291X. -- Originaltitel: 金三角, 邊區, 荒城 (1988). -- S. 37ff. -- Fair use]

1982-01-25

Abkommen mit den USA über den Austausch von Gefangenen. Danach wird eine Amnestie in einem Land im anderen Land wirksam, falls sie dort auch amnestiert werden könnten.

1982-02

Regierungstruppen nehmen nach fünf Tagen heftiger Kämpfe den größten Stützpunkt der Guerillas in Südthailand ein. Camp 508 war zehn Jahre lang das Hauptquartier der Terroristen Südthailands gewesen. Es hatte Elektrizität, Telefon, 16 ha Ackerland, ein Basketballfeld, fünf Wohnquartiere, die mit Tunneln verbunden sind.

1982-02

Bo Yang [柏楊, 1920 - 2008) bereist das Goldene Dreieck. Sein Bericht:

Bo Yang [柏楊] <1920 - 2008>: Golden Triangle : frontier and wilderness. -- Hong Kong : Joint Pub. Co. (HK), 1987. -- 204 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 962040291X. -- Originaltitel: 金三角, 邊區, 荒城 (1988)

Abb.: Einbandtitel

"Khun Sa [ခွန်ဆာ / 張奇夫 / จันทร์ จางตระกูล, 1934 - 2007] had other ideas, however, and would not be confined to Rangoon [ရန်ကုန် - Yangon]. One day in July 1976, eighteen months after Khun Sa’s release from prison, a private jeep left Rangoon and sped northward, finally halting several days later on a deserted highway south of Lashio [လႃႈသဵဝ်ႈ]. Khun Sa jumped down from the jeep and turned to face the forested mountains which soared into the sky. He was back in his element again. It became a matter of legend in the Thai-Burma border area that Khun Sa enjoyed better fortune than Luo Xinhan [Lo Hsing Han / လော်စစ်ဟန် / 羅星漢]. But his escape had shamed the Burmese government into a fury and they now dispatched a large force with orders to search out and destroy the SURA [Shan United Revolutionary Army - ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်တပ်ပေါင်းစုတော်လှန်ရေးတပ်မတော်]. Khun Sa fought hard but he was unable to regain his old footing. Meanwhile insurgents of the Burma Communist Party (BCP) [ဗမာပြည်ကွန်မြူနစ်ပါတီ] had begun to close in from the northern border and Khun Sa was forced to retreat step by step as far as the Thai frontier, finally filling the gap left behind by Luo Xinghan, founder of the Opium Dynasty, and making the small valley town of Ban Hin Taek [บ้านหินแตก, heute: Ban Therd Thai - บ้านเทอดไทย] his stronghold. Yet neither his troops nor his headquarters were in Ban Hin Taek: they were tucked away in inaccessible hills seven or eight kilometers to the north of the town. Ban Hin Taek itself was no more than a transit station. Abb.: Lage von Ban Hin Taek (บ้านหินแตก, heute: Ban Therd Thai - บ้านเทอดไทย) [Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)] Until the recent outbreak of hostilities Ban Hin Taek had always been a haven of tranquility, since the Thai Border Patrol Police [ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน, BPP], well aware of their own limited strength, were only able to mount occasional patrols in the area. The army, fully occupied with organizing defences on the eastern border and preparing for possible invasions from Vietnam and Kampuchea, was too busy to attend, to other problems. And it went without saying that Khun Sa himself tolerated lawless behavior from no-one except himself. Even the streets and houses of Ban Hin Taek were kept tidier than in other villages. On the day we arrived in Ban Hin Taek the shooting had just finished. The atmosphere was still tense as one of Khun Sa’s senior aides received us in one of the villagers’ houses, but the street corners and in the marketplaces were still bustling with activity. Local government soldiers and villagers hovered at the roadside stalls in a picture of serenity and calm. "I never thought I would see tremendous changes here, " local writer Zeng Yan [曾檐 ?] sighed not long after we met her (she will be introduced more fully in a later chapter). "I’d always thought Ban Hin Taek was an enchanted domain that had no quarrel with the outside world. " All the same we were surprised to learn that Khun Sa had set up a school in Ban Hin Taek by the name of Datong [大同] (Great Harmony) Middle School. We visited the school, which was fairly large by Taiwan standards, and called on its headmaster, Sun Bin, and several of the young teachers, both male and female. Under Thailand's policy of relentlessly persecuting Chinese educational establishments this was the only school in Thailand where instruction was given in spoken and written Chinese, and knowing this left us overwhelmed by a mixture of emotions. After the fighting broke out, however, SURA [Shan United Revolutionary Army - ရှမ်းပြည်နယ်တပ်ပေါင်းစုတော်လှန်ရေးတပ်မတော်] headquarters was unable to allocate funds to the school and the headmaster had no alternative but to bring forward the start to the vacation and to ask the government in Bangkok to send Thai language teachers, in the hope that the school could become a publicly maintained institution. But while the government was quite willing to send teachers, it was only prepared to pay their salaries. Before it could undertake responsibility for all funding Datong would have to fall in line with other Chinese schools and use Thai as its sole teaching medium. "The headmaster feels very disturbed about this, " Khun Sa’s aide told us. "Under no circumstances will we submit to a suspension of Chinese cultural education. Chinese children here must study Chinese — we will never forget our heritage. " These were somewhat mysterious sentiments. The Shan United Revolutionary Army had founded not a Shan school but a Chinese school. And to add fuel to the debate we might ask: What in fact is Khun Sa’s nationality? Anyone with a little intelligence can see that he is every inch a Burmese — and a Shan Burmese at that, if a man’s nationality is determined solely by the origin of his immigrant forefather two centuries back, then even President Ronald Reagan must be an Irishman. But Khun Sa is undoubtedly of Chinese descent. His mother Nen Xiangzong was in fact a Baiyi [Shan / တႆး] ]from Shan state, which means that he is fifty percent Chinese. His Chinese name — Zhang Qifu [張奇夫] — was chosen for him by his father. But he will never admit to being Chinese; quite clearly no Chinese could be allowed to be a Shan leader, any more than a Frenchman could become a leader of Germany. Neither will Thailand admit his Chinese ancestry; they merely call him Khun Sa rather than Zhang Qifu. The reason for this is quite simple: if they admitted he was Chinese they would have to trace his lineage back to its origins, which would only compound their problems. The western media identify him as a "Chinese", but this is inaccurate inasmuch as he is not a Chinese citizen, nor does he have a Chinese passport. In fact he should only be regarded as an ethnic Chinese, or as a Burmese of Chinese descent. While we were in Thailand the local Thai language newspapers loudly protested that Khun Sa had obtained Thai citizenship and insinuated that this had been achieved through collaboration with the then Minister of Home Affairs, General Kriangsak Chomanand [พลเอกเกรียงศักดิ์ ช มะนันทน์, 1917 - 2003]. Kriangsak was forced to avow solemnly that he had not been involved in any such nefarious scheme." [a.a.O., S. 23ff. -- Fair use]

1982-02-09

Einweihung des Ratchaprapha-Staudamms (เขื่อนรัชชประภา, aka Chieo-Lan-Damm – เขื่อนเชี่ยวหลาน) in der Provinz Surat Thani (สุราษฎร์ธานี). Eine erwünschte Nebenwirkung ist, dass damit die Höhlen von Khao Sok (เขาสก) geflutet werden, die Rebellen als Unterschlupf dienen.

Abb.: Lage des Ratchaprapha-Staudamms (เขื่อนรัชชประภา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Chieo-Lan-See (อ่างเก็บน้ำเชี่ยวหลาน)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Chieo-Lan-See (อ่างเก็บน้ำเชี่ยวหลาน), 2006
[Bildquelle: Troxx / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

"Der Chieo-Lan-See (auch Cheow-Lan-See, in Thai: อ่างเก็บน้ำเชี่ยวหลาน) ist ein Stausee in der Provinz Surat Thani (สุราษฎร์ธานี) in Südthailand, etwa 80 km (Luftlinie) nördlich von Phuket (ภูเก็ต). Er ist Teil des Khao-Sok-Nationalparks (อุทยานแห่งชาติเขาสก). Der Stausee entstand 1982 durch den Bau des Ratchaprapha-Staudamms (auch „Rajjaphapa“, in Thai: เขื่อนรัชชประภา, oder auch Chieo-Lan-Damm – เขื่อนเชี่ยวหลาน), welcher den Khlong Saeng, einem Nebenfluss des Phum Duang (แม่น้ำพุมดวง), aufstaut. Er dient der Stromerzeugung aus Wasserkraft. Mit 165 km² ist er rund doppelt so groß wie der Chiemsee, wirkt durch seine gefingerte Form aber deutlich größer. Im Schnitt ist er 40 Meter und am Damm 90 Meter tief. Vor der Flutung wurden die Bereiche, die überschwemmt werden würden, zur Abholzung freigegeben. Es wurden jedoch nur die lohnenden Objekte gefällt und abtransportiert, so dass heute noch an den weniger tiefen Stellen abgestorbene Bäume aus dem Wasser ragen. Durch die dortige Geländeform – steil aufragende Kalksteinberge – bildeten sich über 100 Inseln. Der Versuch, die Fauna vor dem Ertrinken zu retten, hatte nur mäßigen Erfolg. 13 Dörfer, die vorher nicht per Straße erreichbar waren, mussten umgesiedelt werden und die Bewohner erhielten neue Landflächen überwiegend entlang der Staatsstraße 401 von Takua Pa (ตะกั่วป่า) nach Surat Thani. Mittlerweile wird der See auch touristisch genutzt. Mit dem „Ruea Hang Yao“ (เรือหางยาว, wörtlich Langschwanzboot), dem typischen thailändischen Wasserfahrzeug, werden die Touristen zu „Raft Houses“ – schwimmenden Hütten – chauffiert, die als Ausgangspunkt für Dschungel- und Kajaktouren oder einfach nur zum Übernachten in der Natur dienen. Eine der Sehenswürdigkeiten sind die Nam Tha Loo Höhlen." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chieo-Lan-See. -- Zugriff am 2012-06-18]

1982-02-12 - 1985

Johann Christian Lankes (1920 - ) ist deutscher Botschafter in Thailand.

"Johann Christian Lankes (* 1920) ist ein ehemaliger deutscher Botschafter. Leben 1962 war Lankes als Geschäftsträger der Regierung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland in Thailand und Laos mit Dienstsitz in Bangkok akkreditiert.[1] Anschließend war er im Oktober 1968 als Botschafter der Bundesrepublik Deutschland bei der Regierung von Ahmed Sékou Touré in Guinea akkreditiert worden. Lankes Handeln als Diplomat war darauf gerichtet, den Alleinvertretungsanspruch der Hallstein-Doktrin durchzusetzen und diplomatische Beziehungen der DDR mit Guinea zu verhindern. [...] Am 12. Februar 1982 wurde Lankes Akkreditierungsbrief von der Regierung von Thailand angenommen.[6] Von 1987 bis 1997 war Botschafter a.D. Hans Christian Lankes Vorsitzender der Deutsch-Thailändischen Gesellschaft." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Johann_Christian_Lankes. -- Zugriff am 2014-11-25]

1982-02-12

.

USA: Premiere des Films Making Love von Arthur Hiller (1923 - ). In Thailand wird er später unter dem Titel เล่นสวาท ["Lieblich spielen"] aufgeführt. Von hier aus wird เล่นสวาท ein Thai Ausdruck für "Liebe machen" Sex.

"Making Love is a 1982 American film. It tells the story of a married man coming to terms with his homosexuality and the love triangle that develops around him, his wife and another man." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Making_Love. -- Zugriff am 2014-09-17]

 
Abb.: Plakat des Films 1982
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

Abb.: "เล่นสวาท" 2014. Cover einer DVD
[Fair use]

1982-02-16

Eröffnung der neuen Zentrale der Bangkok Bank (ธนาคารกรุงเทพ). Das 126 m hohe Gebäude hat 32 Stockwerke und ist das höchste Gebäude Bangkoks. Das Bankgebäude ist das größte Südostasiens.

1982-02-25

Einführung der Postleitzahlen (รายชื่อรหัสไปรษณีย์ไทย) in Thailand.

"Postal codes in Thailand, introduced on 25 February 1982 (Thailand date 2525 B.E.), have 5 digits. The first two specify the province (จังหวัด), the numbers are the same as in ISO 3166-2:TH. The third and fourth digits specify a district (amphoe, อำเภอ). The fifth digit, if 0, is the main delivering post office for that postal district; if non-zero, is a sub-post office (which receives but does not deliver mail) in that district. The district containing the provincial capital uses xx000 (e.g. Nakhon Ratchasima Province - จังหวัดนครราชสีมา - codes are 30xxx, and Nakhon Ratchasima city district - นครราชสีมา -  is 30000). Generally, each district has its own postcode, although some larger districts are split into two or more postcodes, and some districts share a code. In about half a dozen cases, postcodes overlap province boundaries, to include one or more sub-districts (tambon - ตำบล) that are more easily accessible from the neighbouring province." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Postal_codes_in_Thailand. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-05]

1982-03

Das US-Verteidigungsministerium erklärt TCP/IP zum Standard für jegliche militärische Computer-Vernetzung. Es ist das später so genannte "Internetprotokoll", die Grundlage für die weltweite Internetvernetzung.

1982-03-20

Bombenanschlag auf das Provinzverwaltungsgebäude (ศาลากลาง) der Provinz Surat Thani (สุราษฎร์ธานี). 10 Tote und über 100 Verletzte. Eine Woche später demonstrierten über 10.000 Personen gegen den Bombenanschlag.

Abb.: Lage von Surat Thani (สุราษฎร์ธานี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Provinzverwaltungsgebäude (ศาลากลาง)  der Provinz Surat Thani (สุราษฎร์ธานี), 2006
[Bildquelle: Ahoerstemeier / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

1982-04

Der König in einem Interview mit dem US-Magazin Leaders:

"Do you have any faults? I do. Everybody has faults [...] Everybody is fallible."

1982-04-02

Bombenanschlag auf den Ring des vollbesetzten Lumphini Boxing Stadiums (สนามมวยเวทีลุมพินี). 4 Tote, 67 Verletzte. Der Anschlag galt einem Box-Promotor, der unverletzt blieb.

Abb.: Lage des Lumphini Boxing Stadiums (สนามมวยเวทีลุมพินี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982-04-03

Erstflug des europäischen Großraumflugzeugs Airbus A310. Die Royal Thai Airforce wird Flugzeuge dieses Typs in Dienst stellen.

Abb.: Airbus A310-300 der Royal Thai Airforce, 2007
[Bildquelle: Jeff Gilbert / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

1982-04-06

Rattanakosin Bicentennial 1982, สมโภชกรุงรัตนโกสินทร์ ๒๐๐ ปี: große königliche Barken-Prozession (กระบวนพยุหยาตราชลมารค). Dem Gründer der Chakri-Dynastie (Rama I.) verleiht der König, พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรมินทรมหาภูมิพลอดุลยเดช สยามินทราธิราช บรมนาถบพิตร, den Titel mahā (มหา, "der Große"). Rama I. heißt nun พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรมินทรมหาจักรีบรมนาถฯ พระพุทธยอดฟ้าจุฬาโลกมหาราช.

Zum Bicentennial Premiere der ersten China-Oper in Thai "Bao Gong executes his nephew, Bao Mian" von Zhuang Meilong (庄美隆/明波巴/Meng Por Plaอาจารย์เม้ง ป.ปลา/ Amphan Charoensuklarp/อำพัน เจริญสุขลาภ, 1941 - )

1982-04-23

Asiaweek: Pomp and majesty / von Robert Woodrow

"The Thais abide by the principle that if you can’t say anything good about someone, say nothing at all. Thus all biographies of Rama VI [พระบาทสมเด็จพระรามาธิบดีศรีสินทรมหาวชิราวุธ พระมงกุฎเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัว, 1880 - 1925] concentrate on his undeniable literary genius. But even in his own time, says Chula Chakrabongse [จุลจักรพงษ์, 1908 - 1963], "popularity escaped him." A member of the Chakri family, who asked not to be identified, told Asiaweek that Rama VI’s reign was "the worst disaster of the dynasty." Nearly five percent of government revenue was spent on his coronation alone, and the sound financial management of the previous reign fell apart because of the extravagant demands of the court. The king built "a vast miniature city" and made frivolous demands on the treasury, leaving the kingdom in "a precarious financial position" at the end of his reign in 1925."

1982-05

In der Provinz Loei (เลย) ergeben sich 1.500 Kommunisten.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Loei (เลย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982-05-01

Der Vizekonsul Thailands in Chicago wird in den USA verhaftet, da er im Diplomatengepäck reines Heroin von Bangkok in die USA geschmuggelt hatte.

Abb.: Lage von Chicago
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982-05-06

Feierliche Eröffnung der Taksin Brücke (สะพานสมเด็จพระเจ้าตากสิน) in Bangkok.

Abb.: Lage der Taksin Bridge (สะพานสมเด็จพระเจ้าตากสิน)

Abb.: Taksin Brücke (สะพานสมเด็จพระเจ้าตากสิน)
[Bildquelle: ©Google earth. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-05]

1982-06

Bis Mitte Juni haben sich 3000 kommunistische Guerillas im Norden und Nordosten ergeben. Sie erhalten Straflosigkeit wie alle, die sich freiwillig ergeben. Die Communist Party of Thailand (CPT, พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย, พคท.) befindet sich in Selbstauflösung wegen des Richtungsstreits zwischen den Anhängern Vietnams und den Anhängern Chinas (und der Roten Khmer - ខ្មែរក្រហម).

1982-06-08

Erklärung von  Richard Lee Armitage (1945 - ), Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, vor dem East Asian and Pacific Affairs Subcommittee des the Senate Foreign Relations Committee:

"Thailand continues a gradual military modernization given day-to-day impetus by events along her eastern border. When Thailand’s Prime Minister, Prem Tinsulanond, came to Washington last October in a very successful visit, President Reagan, noting Thailand’s status on the front lines, reassured him of this country’s firm adherence to the security guarantees we gave Thailand in the 1954 Manila Pact. We have backed these assurances with foreign military sales and the provision of military training (IMET), both at expanded levels. By this assistance, we play a major role in upgrading Thai forces. We do not expect that Thailand can become a military match for the Vietnamese, who, after all, have the fifth largest military force in the world. But we are certain that, if pressed, the Thai Armed Forces would give a good account of themselves in the event of invasion on their homeland. In slowing down a Vietnamese assault, they would buy the time for Thailand’s friends to come to her assistance." [Zitiert in: Randolph, R. Sean: The United States and Thailand : alliance dynamics, 1950-1985. -- Berkeley : Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1986. -- 245 S. ; 23 cm. -- (Research papers and policy studies, 12). -- ISBN 0-912966-92-0. -- S. 225]

1982-06-15

Einweihung der ASEAN-Skulpturen im Fort Canning Park in Singapur. Der thailändische Beitrag ist die Stahlskulptur Concentration von Vichai Sithiratn (วิชัย สิทธิรัตน์, 1947 - ).

1982-07

Truppen des Drogenkönigs Khun Sa (ခွန်ဆာ, 1934 - 2007), des Kuomintang (KMT, 中國國民黨) und der Lahu (ชาวมูเซอ) führen auf der burmesischen Seite des Doi Lang einen Krieg mit der Wa (ဝလူမျိုး) Nationalist Army um den Opiumweg. Hunderte von Dorfbewohnern fliehen nach Thailand.

Abb.: Lage des Doi Lang
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Wohngebiete der Wa (Nr. 10, ဝလူမျိုး) und der Lahu (Nr. 4, ชาวมูเซอ) 1972
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

 

1982-07/08

7400 Hmong-Guerillas (ม้ง = Meo = แม้ว)  ergeben sich in der Provinz Phetchabun (เพชรบูรณ์).

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Phetchabun (เพชรบูรณ์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Wohngebiete der Meo (แม้ว) 1972
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1982-07

Ankündigung der Kabarettistin Patrawadee "Lek" (ภัทราวดี "เล็ก" = ภัทราวดี มีชูธน, 1948 - )

1982-07-03

Thailand anerkennt formell die antivietnamesische Koalitionsregierung des "Demokratischen" Kampuchea (កម្ពុជាប្រជាធិបតេយ្យ) (d.h. faktisch der Mörderbanden der Roten Khmer - ខ្មែរក្រហម). Thailand ehrt den Präsidenten dieser Verbrecherbande, Prinz Norodom Sihanouk (នរោត្ដម សីហនុ), und ihren Ministerpräsidenten, Son Sann (សឺន សាន, 1911 - 2000), mit einem Bankett im Außenministerium. Damit unterstützt Thailand den Bürgerkrieg, an dem Militär, Polizei, Politiker und andere Thais prächtig verdienen.

"The Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) was a coalition government in exile composed of three Cambodian political factions: Prince Norodom Sihanouk's Funcinpec party (គណបក្ស ហ្វ៊ុនស៊ិនប៉ិច), the Party of Democratic Kampuchea (often referred to as the Khmer Rouge) and the Khmer People's National Liberation Front (KPNLF) formed in 1982, broadening the de facto deposed Democratic Kampuchea regime. International recognition The signing ceremony of the coalition took place in Kuala Lumpur on June 22, 1982.[1] The President of the coalition was Prince Norodom Sihanouk, the Prime Minister was the KPNLF leader Son Sann and the foreign secretary was PDK leader Khieu Samphan (ខៀវ សំផន). The CGDK was allowed to retain the seat of Democratic Kampuchea to the UN on the premise that it was a legitimate Cambodian government in contrast to the Vietnamese installed and controlled People's Republic of Kampuchea (សាធារណរដ្ឋប្រជាមានិតកម្ពុជា) regime (the Western states had previously opposed proposals by the Eastern bloc countries to replace the Khmer Rouge-held seat of Cambodia by the representation of the Vietnamese-installed regime). The UN General Assembly voted on the proposed ouster of Democratic Kampuchea: 91 rejected the proposal, there were 29 countries in favor and 26 abstentions. In contrast, in 1981, the results had been 77-37-31.[2] The CGDK was also recognized by North Korea, whose leader, Kim Il-Sung (김일성), had offered Sihanouk sanctuary after he was deposed by Lon Nol (លន់ នល់) in 1970. During a meeting between Kim Il-sung and Sihanouk on April 10, 1986, in Pyongyang, the Kim Il-Sung reassured Sihanouk that North Korea would continue to regard him as the legitimate head of state of Cambodia.[3] History In the late 1980s and early 1990s, prior to the formation of the CGDK political coalition, the Sonn Sann and Sihanouk opposition forces, then known as FUNCINPEC, drew some military and financial support from the United States, which sought to assist these two movements as part of the Reagan Doctrine effort to counter Soviet and Vietnamese involvement in Cambodia. In 1984 and 1985, however, the Vietnamese army's offensives severely weakened the CGDK troops' positions, in effect eliminating the two non-communist factions as military players, leaving the Khmer Rouge as the sole military force of importance of the CGDK.[4] One of the Reagan Doctrine's principal architects, the Heritage Foundation's Michael Johns, visited with Sonn Sann and Sihanouk forces in Cambodia in 1987, and returned to Washington urging expanded U.S. support for the KPNLF and the Sihanouk resistance forces as a third alternative to both the Vietnamese-installed and supported Cambodian government and the Khmer Rouge, which also was resisting the government.[5] Although the PDK was for the most part isolated from diplomacy, their National Army of Democratic Kampuchea were the largest and most effective armed forces of the CGDK. Thai Generals allegedly armed the Khmer Rouge independently in order to boost their capability against the Vietnamese. This support was generally facilitated by the U.S. and other western nations,[6][7][8] which sought to weaken Vietnam's political and military influence within the coalition in an attempt to maintain instability in the region. In 1987, Prince Sihanouk proceeded to take 'a leave of absence' from his position as the president of the CGDK, a move that raised the hopes of Hanoi and Moscow that he would depart the coalition. In 1990 in the run up to the UN sponsored Paris Peace Agreement of 1991, the CGDK renamed itself the National Government of Cambodia. It was dissolved in 1993, a year which saw the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia turn power over to the restored Kingdom of Cambodia. In July 1994 the Khmer Rouge would form an internationally unrecognized rival government known as the Provisional Government of National Union and National Salvation of Cambodia." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coalition_Government_of_Kampuchea. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-05]

1982-07-09

Gründung der Österreichisch-Thailändischen Gesellschaft.

1982-07-15

Eine von einem Army Club aus in Ministerpräsident Prem's Haus geworfene Granate verfehlt ihr Ziel.

1982-07-16 - 1989-01-20

George P. Shultz (1920 - ) ist US Secretary of State (Außenminister).

Abb.: George P. Shultz
[Bildquelle: US Government / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1982-07-22

Lockerung der antikommunistischen Unterdrückungsmaßnahmen des Staats: Studenten, Medien und politische Parteien sollen mehr Freiheiten bekommen. Gewerkschaften werden erlaubt, solange sie Demokratie (?) unterstützen und Unternehmen kritisieren, die soziale Ungerechtigkeiten schaffen.

1982-08

Es ergeben sich 7.500 kommunistische Angehörige der Bergvölker samt ihren Familien.

1982-08-08

In der Provinz Si Saket (ศรีสะเกษ) wird zweimal ein Kouprey (Bos sauveli) gesichtet. Es ist das erste Mal seit 1973, dass eines dieser scheuen Rinder in Thailand gesichtet wird.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Si Saket (ศรีสะเกษ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982-08-14

Burma: Tod von Mahasi Sayadaw U Sobhana (မဟာစည်ဆရာတော် ဦးသောဘန, 1904 - 1982). Seine Meditationsmethode ist in Thailand verbreitet.

Abb.: Mahasi Sayadaw U Sobhana (မဟာစည်ဆရာတော် ဦးသောဘန)
[Bildquelle: Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1982-08-20

Auf der Fachmesse hifivideo 82 in Düsseldorf werden die ersten CD-Player vorgestellt. Sie kosten rund 2200 DM. Damit beginnt die Ablösung der Schallplatte durch Musik-CDs.

Abb.: Philips CD 100, 1982
[Bildquelle: Nichtvermittelbar / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982-09

Udom Srisuwan (อุดม ศรีสุวรรณ) und seine Gattin Comrade Maitri ergeben sich in Bangkok. Udom, Gründungsmitglied der CPT und Mitglied des Zentralkomitees,  ist das höchstrangige Mitglied der Communist Party of Thailand (CPT, พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย, พคท.), das sich bisher ergeben hat. Udom hatte am Institut für Marxismus und Leninismus in Moskau (Москва́) studiert und war das einzige Mitglied des Thai-Politbüro, das fließend russisch sprechen konnte.

1982-09

Political Science Review <Chiang Mai>:

"The fast rolling opium bandwagon was further oiled by the introduction of the Burmese Way to Socialism following General Ne Win's [နေဝင်, 1911 - 2002] coup in 1961. All businesses and banks .. . were nationalised. .. in such an economic vacuum there arose a black market economy which for opium traffickers was a boon. . . . Opium was bought by them at very low prices from ragged cultivators, transported in armed caravans to the border and refined into heroin. And on the return trip to get more opium, Thai goods and commodities were taken back and sold in Shan State [မိူင်းတႆး] . . . . Rather than creating socialism, the Burmese Way to Socialism delivered the economy into the hands of the opium traffickers. As such, opium became the only viable crop and medium of exchange. Thus, cultivation of opium, limited to the east of the Salween [သံလွင်မြစ်] prior to 1963, not only spread all over Shan State, but to Kachin [ကချင်ပြည်နယ်], Karenni [ကယားပြည်နယ်] and Chin [ချင်းပြည်နယ်] states as well." [Zitiert in: Lintner, Bertil <1953 - >: Burma in revolt : opium and insurgency since 1948. -- 2. ed. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 1999. -- 558 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 974-7100-78-9. -- S. 232f. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Lage von Shan [မိူင်းတႆး], Kachin [ကချင်ပြည်နယ်], Karenni [ကယားပြည်နယ်] and Chin [ချင်းပြည်နယ်] States
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1982-09-01

Gründung des Meeresnationalparks "Mu Ko Similan National Park" (อุทยานแห่งชาติหมู่เกาะสิมิลัน).

Abb.: Lage des "Mu Ko Similan National Park" (อุทยานแห่งชาติหมู่เกาะสิมิลัน)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: "Mu Ko Similan National Park" (อุทยานแห่งชาติหมู่เกาะสิมิลัน), 2007
[Bildquelle: dachalan. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/54945394@N00/472833263/. -- Zugriff am 2012-05-03. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

1982-09-22

Erste Sitzung des  Institute for Management Education for Thailand, Inc. (IMET)

"In February 1982 a Bureau for Private Enterprise (PRE) Reconnaissance Mission identified the development of management education as an important component of Thailand's efforts to strengthen its private business sector. A follow-up visit to Thailand resulted in an unsolicited proposal to provide funding for the Institute for Management Education for Thailand, Inc. (IMET). IMET's mission was originally envisioned as upgrading capabilities of urban managers and of management education faculty in Bangkok universities. This mission was subsequently broadened to concentrate on management training for rural business people. IMET has carried out its programs through four institutions: Thai Management Association (TMA), Thammasat University, National Institute of Development Administration (NIDA), and ChulalongkornUniversity. U.S. Assistance: The Bureau for Private Enterprise (PRE) and IMET signed a specific supportg rant agreement (940-0072) in September 1982. The project, administered from Washington, provided $1million to establish IMET. The objectives were to provide: intensive private sector middle management programs; faculty development symposia; hardware and software teaching materials; and short-term consultants from the U.S. business administration academic community. The grant agreement required IMET to raise $400,000 in private sector matching funds. The project enjoyed the support and active involvement of the U.S. Ambassador to Thailand." [Quelle: http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/Pdaas597.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2017-01-10. -- Public domain]

1982-09-24

Seit einem Monat dürfen Frauen Dorfbürgermeister (ผู้ใหญ่บ้าน) und Chefinnen (กำนัน) eines Tambon (ตำบล) werden. Sompong Surapan, eine 53jährige Witwe, wird als erste Dorfbürgermeisterin Thailands in der Provinz Samut Songkhram (สมุทรสงคราม) gewählt.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Samut Songkhram (สมุทรสงคราม)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982-09-27

Mukdahan (มุกดาหาร), bisher ein Teil der Provinz Nakhon Phanom (นครพนม), wird 73. Provinz Thailands.

Abb.: Lage von Mukdahan (มุกดาหาร)
[Bildquelle: NordNordWest / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

1982-09-27

US-Präsident Reagan: Proclamation 4979 -- Thanksgiving Day, 1982, Auszug:

"I have always believed that this anointed land was set apart in an uncommon way, that a divine plan placed this great continent here between the oceans to be found by people from every corner of the Earth who had a special love of faith and freedom. Our pioneers asked that He would work His will in our daily lives so America would be a land of morality, fairness, and freedom." [Quelle: http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/speeches/1982/92782c.htm. -- Zugriff am 2013-10-21]

1982-10

1500 Thai-Soldaten und -Polizisten stürmen den neuen Stützpunkt des Drogenkönigs Khun Sa (ခွန်ဆာ, 1934 - 2007) auf der thailändischen Seite des Doi Mak Lang.

Abb.: Lage von Doi Mak Lang
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982-10-01 - 1986-05-27

General Arthit Kamlang-ek (พลเอก อาทิตย์ กำลังเอก, 1925 - 2015) ist Commander-in-Chief of the Royal Thai Army (ผู้บัญชาการทหารบก).

Abb.: Arthit Kamlang-ek (พลเอก อาทิตย์ กำลังเอก)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

1982-11-12 - 1984-02-09

Juri Wladimirowitsch Andropow (Юрий Владимирович Андропов, 1914 - 1984) ist Generalsekretär des Zentralkomitees der Kommunistischen Partei der Sowjetunion (Генеральный секретарь ЦК КПСС)

Abb.: KGB-Ausweis von Juri Wladimirowitsch Andropow (Юрий Владимирович Андропов)
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1982-11-13

Kinder von Flüchtlingen und illegalen Immigranten können die thailändische Staatsbürgerschaft beantragen. Sie müssen dafür einen Treueid auf die Monarchie ablegen. Kinder von US-Soldaten sollen besonders berücksichtigt werden.

1982-11-13

Einweihung der Memorial Wall des Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington DC (USA). Bis 2011-05 werden dort 58,272 Namen von im Vietnamkrieg getöteten oder vermissten US-Militärs eingehauen.

Abb.: Ausschnitt aus dem Memorial Wall des Vietnam Veterans Memorial
[Bildquelle: .S. Navy photo by Photographer’s Mate 2nd Class Daniel J. McLain (RELEASED) / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1982-11-15

Ein findiger Unternehmer auf Phuket (ภูเก็ต) entdeckte die Rucksacktouristen. Auf einem verlassenen Strand baut er für diese 10 primitive Hütten. Übernachtungspreis pro Raum und Nacht: 35 Baht.

Abb.: Lage von Phuket (ภูเก็ต)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982-12

In der Provinz Nong Khai (หนองคาย) wird erstmals in Thailand eine Chefin (กำนัน) eines Tambon (ตำบล) gewählt.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Nong Khai (หนองคาย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982

In Amphoe Loeng Nok Tha (เลิงนกทา) ergeben sich 216 Mitglieder der kommunistischen Partei Thailands (CPT, พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์ แห่งประเทศไทย)

Abb.: Lage von Amphoe Loeng Nok Tha (เลิงนกทา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1982-12-01

Am 40. Jahrestag der Gründung der Communist Party of Thailand (CPT, พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย, พคท.) ergeben sich fast 5000 kommunistische Guerillas und Sympathisanten in den Provinzen Mukdahan (มุกดาหาร) und Tak (ตาก).

Abb.: Lage der Provinzen Mukdahan (มุกดาหาร) und Tak (ตาก)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1982-12-04

Neue Verfassung der Volksrepublik China. Damit öffnet Deng Xiaoping (邓小平, 1904 - 1997) China nach Westen.

Abb.: Deng Xiaoping (邓小平), 1979
[Bildquelle: Schumacher, Karl H. / USGov / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1982-12-05

In der Rede anlässlich seines Geburtstags spricht der König scherzend über seine Lungenentzündung, die ihn monatelang arbeitsunfähig gemacht hatte.

1982-12-10

United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea

1982-12-25

Premiere des Films Son of the Northeast (ลูกอีสาน) von Vichit Kounavudhi (วิจิตร คุณาวุฒิ, 1922–1997).

Abb.: VCD-Cover
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

1982-12-27

Mae Sot (แม่สอด): mehrere Hundert Hmong (ม้ง / แม้ว), Kader in der Armee der Communist Party of Thailand (พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย), ergeben sich. Sie werden als "National joint developers" willkommengeheißen.

Abb.: Lage von Mae Sot (แม่สอด)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Verwendete Ressourcen

ausführlich: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/ressourcen.htm