Zitierweise / cite as:
Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 1991 / B. E. 2534. -- 1. undatiert. -- Fassung vom 2017-03-19. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/chronik1991a.htm
Erstmals publiziert: 2012-10-12
Überarbeitungen: 2017-03-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2017-01-12 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-12-16 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-02-01 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-01-09 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-08-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-05-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-04-17 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-04-10 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-01-17 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-10-08 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-09-25 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-08-17 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-04-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-06-11 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-26 [Aufteilung des Jahrgangs] ; 2013-04-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-17 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-06 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-03-29 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-01-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-01-13 [Ergänzungen]
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ช้างตายทั้งตัวเอาใบบัวปิดไม่มิด
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Gewidmet meiner lieben Frau Margarete Payer die seit unserem ersten Besuch in Thailand 1974 mit mir die Liebe zu den und die Sorge um die Bewohner Thailands teilt. |
 Vorsicht
bei den Statistikdiagrammen!Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind:
Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.
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Statistische Daten 1991:
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1970 - 1991
Arbeitskräfte mit Hochschulabschluss:
Abb.: Arbeitskräfte mit Hochschulabschluss (in Tausend), 1970 - 1991
[Datenquelle: Phongpaichit / Baker (1995), S. 369]
Abb.: Thailand sorgt für Nachschub an Ingenieuren: Faculty of Engineering, Kasetsart University (มหาวิทยาลัยเกษตรศาสตร์), Bangkok, 2009
[Bildquelle: Vee Satayamas. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/vscript/3203134228/. -- Zugriff am 2012-02-05. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]
Abb.: Lage der Kasetsart University (มหาวิทยาลัยเกษตรศาสตร์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]
1960 - 1991
White Collar Arbeitskräfte:
Abb.: White Collar Arbeitskräfte in Prozent der gesamten Arbeitskräfte, 1960 - 1991
[Datenquelle: Phongpaichit / Baker (1995), S. 369]
Abb.: White Collar Arbeitskräfte: Ford of Thailand Sales Manager, 2009
[Bildquelle: Ford APA. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/fordapa/3728432003/. -- Zugriff am 2012-02-05. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]
1991
Welche Thai-Traditionen sind ihnen wichtig?
Abb.: Umfrage unter Werktätigen des Slums Khlong Toey (คลองเตย), Bangkok: "Welche Traditionen sind Ihnen wichtig?", 1991 (in Prozent, Mehrfachnennungen sind möglich)
(N: 68 Männer, 78 Frauen)
[Datenquelle: Jackson, Peter A. <1956 - >: Dear Uncle Go : male homosexuality in Thailand : สวัสดีกรับ อาโก๋ ปากน้ำ. -- Bangkok : Bua Luang, 1995. -- 310 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 0942777115. -- Völlige Neubearbeitung von Ders.: Male homosexuality in Thailand : an interpretation of contemporary Thai sources (1989). -- S. 63]
Abb.: Lage von Khlong Toey (คลองเตย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]
1991
"Was verstehen Sie unter Sex (ร่วมเพศ)?"
Abb,; Antworten von 3000 Personen auf die Frage "Was verstehen Sie unter Sex (ร่วมเพศ)?" (in Prozent, Mehrfachnennungen sind möglich)
[Datenquelle: Jackson, Peter A. <1956 - >: Dear Uncle Go : male homosexuality in Thailand : สวัสดีกรับ อาโก๋ ปากน้ำ. -- Bangkok : Bua Luang, 1995. -- 310 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 0942777115. -- Völlige Neubearbeitung von Ders.: Male homosexuality in Thailand : an interpretation of contemporary Thai sources (1989). -- S. 55]
1991
Die Volksrepublik China eröffnet in Chiang Mai ein Generalkonsulat (中华人民共和国驻清迈总领事馆).
1991- 1998
Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ): Thai-German Highland Development Program in Nordthailand.
1991 - 2004
Entwicklungshilfe und technische Hilfe Japans:
Abb.: Entwicklungshilfe und technische Hilfe Japans (in 100 Mio. Yen), 1991 - 2004
[Datenquelle: OFficial Development Assistance (ODA), Japan]
1964-2011
Netto-Entwicklungshilfe der Schweiz
Abb.: Netto-Entwicklungshilfe der Schweiz an Thailand, 1964 - 2011 (in Tausend US$)
[Datenquelle: http://www.indexmundi.com/facts/thailand/net-bilateral-aid-flows-from-dac-donors#DC.DAC.CHEL.CD. -- Zugriff am 20114-04-05]
1977 - 1992
Entwicklungshilfe Japans
Abb.: Staatliche Entwicklungshilfe Japans an Thailand 1977 - 1992 (in 100 Mio. Yen)
[Datenquelle: Potter, David M. <1961 - >: Japan's foreign aid to Thailand and the Philippines. -- New York : St. Martin's, 1996. -- 206 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0-312-12563-1. -- S. 25]
"In general, Japan’s aid has conformed to the priorities established by the Thai government in its five-year plans. Japanese aid has been allocated to those sectors for which Thailand programmed aid receipts. Moreover, areas that received a lot of attention in the plans, as measured by proportion of funding in the development budgets, also received Japanese aid, although the relationship was never one-to-one. As expected, the Japanese aid program favored capital assistance, and branched out into the “soft” sectors in later plans. Changes in Japanese aid policy, such as the inclusion of strategic aid and policy statements by the Suzuki cabinet [Zenkō Suzuki / 鈴木 善幸, 1911 – 2004)] in the early 1980s, largely meant that Japan expanded its aid funding to sectors for which the Thai government had already planned external funding; Japan’s aid simply augmented expected aid levels. Japan’s bias toward capital projects in its aid program is well known. Its aid program in Thailand is no different; infrastructure projects have tended to dominate the loan aid program. Even in the grant program, aid has tended to be in the form of provision of equipment or construction of facilities. The benefits to the Japanese companies that are awarded contracts for these projects are real. The capital project emphasis, however, does not exist solely on the Japanese side. The agencies of the Thai government share this orientation. As seen above, infrastructure development has constituted a major portion of all seven plan budgets.
The Thai case is also interesting because it cautions us against simplistic assumptions about the relationship between aid and other aspects of the economic relationships between the two countries. In particular, it suggests that the link between trade and aid is not one-way. We saw in the negotiations that followed the anti-Tanaka riots and the formulation of the White Paper an attempt to link the two. It is significant that the linkage came from the Thai negotiators. Given Japan’s economic presence in Asia, the issue for them was not simply the link between Japan’s aid and trade success, but how to use Japanese aid to promote Thai producers’ ability to export to the region’s largest market. Thai negotiators during the White Paper negotiations went so far as to request technical assistance intended specifically to teach Thai exporters how to meet Japanese import standards for processed agricultural products. While this may smack of dependent development in microcosm, it is useful to consider the direction of negotiations.
The bias exists even in sectors such as rural development. The Thai Foreign Ministry noted at the beginning of the Fourth Plan that “the Central Government agencies have limited absorptive capacity to plan and carry out rural development programmes and are generally oriented towards basic physical infrastructure or big projects. ”
The emphasis in the Japanese aid program on capital aid has resulted in the overwhelming emphasis on projects. The technical assistance program has grown over the years, but remains a small portion of Japan’s annual aid. With the exception of loans to IFCT [Industrial Finance Corporation of Thailand] and BAAC [Bank for Agriculture and Agricultural Cooperatives], the loan program has been exclusively oriented to individual projects. The result has been that Thailand’s largest aid donor has not been actively involved in assisting the planning of the Thai economy. As one observer noted, the World Bank has played the leadership role in Thai development, while Japan has been the largest aid donor. While this situation keeps Japan from being criticized for “interference in domestic affairs, ” it has limited its scope to help shape Thai development in ways it considers appropriate.
Japan’s capital aid allowed Thailand to substitute for the changes in other donors’ programs. In the 1950s USAID [United States Agency for International Development] carried out a sizeable infrastructure aid program emphasizing transportation development. Most of the projects had been completed by the early 1960s, just as American interest shifted to counterinsurgency and other security aid. In the mid-1970s, just as Japan’s aid program was shaping up, USAID turned its focus to poverty alleviation and basic human needs development. Similarly, while the World Bank allocated three-quarters of its loans to Thailand between 1954 and 1972 for infrastructure, it shifted its emphasis to agriculture and rural development in the mid-1970s, as did the ADB [Asian Development Bank]. Throughout most of its aid history, then, Japan has been Thailand’s major supplier of loans for infrastructure development.
Japanese aid has generally followed the sectoral and regional priorities of the Thai government. The terms of aid, however, are another matter. Discussion of interest rates, repayment periods, the ratio of loans to grants, and the status of untying have been problematic throughout the period under investigation. Japan has made concessions in these areas, but because decisions on terms of aid are made at the policy level in the four-ministry system, and because these decisions affect all recipients, Thailand has little power to consistently affect such decisions. Aid terms, moreover, are based on DAC norms. As a middle-income economy, Thailand can expect a certain level of concessionality in the aid it receives, but not beyond a certain level.
Two recent Japanese decisions illustrate Thailand’s vulnerability to changes in donor policies. In February 1990 Japan closed ranks with international donors in suspending aid to Thailand in the wake of the February coup d’état. While Japan was careful to argue that the suspension covered only discussions of “new aid, ” the result was to postpone the signing of an aid package until late 1990. The most dramatic change in terms for Thailand occurred during the Seventh Plan period. In April 1993 Japan announced its decision to suspend new grant aid beginning that year. The decision resulted from Japan’s adherence to an earlier World Bank judgment that Thailand had “graduated” to NIC [Newly Industrialized Country] status and therefore no longer qualified for grants. While Japan has room to adjust its aid terms for specific recipients, those adjustments will be made within a framework set outside the bilateral aid relationship."
[Quelle: Potter, David M. <1961 - >: Japan's foreign aid to Thailand and the Philippines. -- New York : St. Martin's, 1996. -- 206 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- ISBN 0-312-12563-1. -- S. 66ff. -- Faire use]
1991 - 2009
Jährliche Produktion an Thai-Kinofilmen 1991 - 2009
Abb.: Jährliche Produktion an Thai-Kinofilmen 1991 -
2009
[Datenquelle: Raksarn Wiwatsinudom (รักศานต์ วิวัฒน์สินอุดม), 2011]
1991
Zum UNESCO-Weltkulturerbe werden ernannt:
Sukhothai Historical Park (อุทยานประวัติศาสตร์สุโขทัย)
Kamphaeng Phet Historical Park (อุทยานประวัติศาสตร์ กำแพงเพชร)
Si Satchanalai Historical Park (อุทยานประวัติศาสตร์ศรีสัชนาลัย)
Ayutthaya Historical Park (อุทยานประวัติศาสตร์พระนครศรีอยุธยา)
Abb.: Lage von (von Nord nach Süd) Si Satchanalai (ศรีสัชนาลัย), Sukhothai (สุโขทัย), Khamphaen Phet (กำแพงเพชร), Ayutthaya (อยุธยา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]Zum UNESCO-Weltnaturerbe werden ernannt:
- Thungyai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary (เขตรักษาพันธุ์สัตว์ป่าทุ่งใหญ่นเรศวร)
- Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary (เขตรักษาพันธุ์สัตว์ป่าห้วยขาแข้ง)
Abb.: Lage des (von West nach Ost) Thungyai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary (เขตรักษาพันธุ์สัตว์ป่าทุ่งใหญ่นเรศวร) und Huai Kha Khaeng Wildlife Sanctuary (เขตรักษาพันธุ์สัตว์ป่าห้วยขาแข้ง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]
1991
Finanzminister Banharn Silpa-archa (บรรหาร ศิลปอาชา, 1932 - ) lässt auf Rat eines Wahrsagers zwei Holzelefanten vom Eingang des Finanzministeriums zu einem Tempel versetzen. Weil Silpa-archa (ศิลปอาชา) "Pferd" bedeutet, Elefanten aber Pferde stets antrompeten, sind Elefanten vor dem Ministerium für Banharn unheilsam. Sechs Jahre später lässt ein anderer Finanzminister die Elefanten wieder zurückbringen, in der (vergeblichen) Hoffnung, dass sie die Finanzkrise 1997 beheben helfen.
1991
Jon Ungphakorn (จอน อึ๊งภากรณ์, 1947 - ) gründet die AIDS ACCESS Foundation (มูลนิธิเข้าถึงเอดส์).
Abb.: ®Logo
"The AIDS ACCESS Foundation was founded in 1991 by Jon Ungphakorn, a former member of Thailand 's Senate, in collaboration with volunteers from the Thai Volunteer Service Foundation. The initiative was in response to the growing HIV epidemic in Thailand and a lack of organisations responding to the issue at that time. The organisation aimed to initiate a social effort to control and cope with the HIV epidemic from a humanitarian and human, social development perspective. The AIDS Access Foundation pioneered in giving confidential counseling to people with HIV/ AIDS and their families, and advocated successfully to the public health care system and the public about the importance of counseling in care and support work. Furthermore, the AIDS Access Foundation has been at the forefront of the Access to Treatment movement, networking nationally and regionally to ensure effective and affordable treatment for all. A strong movement from civil society and the partnership of NGOs has been responsible for numerous successes in the field of HIV/ AIDS ‘Access to Medicines', prevention, and care and support.
The aims of the AIDS ACCESS Foundation of Thailand are:
• To contribute towards limiting the spread of HIV / AIDS.• To contribute to the empowerment of, and advocacy for people with HIV / AIDS (PHA)
• To contribute towards the development of social services which will be effective for the long term needs of people with HIV / AIDS and their families. "
[Quelle: http://www.aidsaccess.com/07/Enmain.php. -- Zugriff am 2014-09-14]
1991
Bruce Weniger unterscheidet fünf Wellen von AIDS in Thailand
1987 - 1988: Drogenabhängige, die intravenös spritzen
1988 - 1989: professionelle Sexarbeiterinnen (Prostituierte)
1990: sexuell "aktive" heterosexuelle Männer (Kunden von Prostituierten)
1991: Gattinnen und Freundinnen sexuell "aktiver" heterosexueller Männer (Kunden von Prostituierten)
1991: Kinder HIV-positiver Mütter
1991
Matthew McDaniel gründet die Akha Heritage Foundation gegen die Missionare, die die Akha-Kultur (อาข่า) zerstören.
1991
Dr. med. Phunphit Amatayakun [พูนพิศ อมาตย
กุล, 1937 - ] , Direktor des Institute for Language and Culture Research der Mahidol University [มหาวิทยาลัยมหิดล], veröffentlicht einen Artikel über Geisterglauben bei Studenten der Mahidol University.พูนพิศ อมาตย
กุล <1937 - > : ความเชื่อเรื่องเจ้าที่ในพื้นที่มหาวิทยาลัยมหิดล ณ ศาลายา. -- In: ภาษาและวัฒนธรรม. -- 10 (2) (กรกฎาคม-ธันวาคม). -- 1991
Abb.: Dr. med. Phunphit Amatayakun [พูนพิศ อมาตยกุล, 1937 - ]
(Bildquelle: MU. -- Fair use)
"In the article, Phunphit Amatayakun combines his personal belief and experience in chao thi [เจ้าที่] (spirits of the place) and spirit mediums. He notes that there was an unusually high rate of deaths and accidents on the MU [Mahidol University - มหาวิทยาลัยมหิดล] Salaya [ศาลายา] campus before a spirit shrine was set up and a merit-making ritual was organized in 1991. Phunphit gathered stories of spirit encounters on the campus from the MU staff and villagers living in the Salaya area. He also made use of his knowledge of local history, dating back to the discovery of the giant pagoda ruin, Phra Pathom Chedi [พระปฐมเจดีย], by King Mongkut [พระบาทสมเด็จพระปรเมนทรมหามงกุฎ พระจอมเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัว, 1804 - 1868], while in the monkhood, prior to his succession to the Siamese throne in 1851.
Phunphit concludes that the chao thi spirits in the Salaya area were composed of three groups:
- Khmer [ខ្មែរ] and Cham [ជនជាតិចាម / người Chăm] who were killed in wars during the Dvaravati era (8th-14th centuries);
- villagers killed in the great epidemic of the early eighteenth century; and
- corpses in the MU health sciences’ laboratories. Frequent deaths, accidents, and other mysterious troubles affecting the MU population were being caused by these chao thi [เจ้าที่] spirits. They had become hungry, fierce ghosts, since no one on the campus had given them offerings or set up spirit shrines for them. In the past, offerings had been given only to known spirits (such as the spirits of university personnel and their relatives).
Phunphit learned about the coexistence of the spirit and university communities through a senior monk in a Bangkok temple. He was later introduced to a female medium, who earned a living as a market vendor in Bangkok. These two religious specialists gave him similar advice: organize a religious ritual to appease the chao thi [เจ้าที่] and set up a spirit shrine on the campus. The chao thi spirit on the Salaya campus was identified as Chao Pho [เจ้าพ่อ] Khun Thung (Lord Father Khun Thung). After the death of his senior monk mentor, Phunphit kept his faith in the female spirit medium and invited her to perform a rite establishing a chao thi shrine on the Salaya campus. As a member of the MU administration, Phunphit was able to organize the merit-making ritual with Buddhist monks and invited high-ranking university officials to attend the ritual.
Phunphit was happy to take advice from this female medium from Bangkok, who was able to perform a spirit possession and produce an accurate account of the Salaya chao thi and other related events. In his own words, he “has to believe” in the chao thi spirit and mediumship because he witnessed the chao thi’s possession, talked to the chao thi via the medium, and understood the logical sequence of the event. In addition, the female medium was also very professional and displayed the genuine qualities of spirit mediumship. She never asked for a service fee or spoke highly about her own mediumship quality. She committed herself to her professional ethics very seriously (by making merit at Buddhist temples regularly, eating vegetarian food, and adhering to fundamental Buddhist precepts). A portion of her speech during the ritual of setting up the chao thi shrine on the MU Salaya campus is translated as follows:
I am the medium of Chao Pho Khun Phaen (the Lord Father Khun Phaen) from Kanchanaburi [กาญจนบุรี]. Today I have come to perform the ritual of setting up a shrine for Chao Pho Khun Thung on the MU Salaya campus. I hereby would like to invite all thewada [เทวดา] (gods) to witness the ritual. I would like to invite all thep [เทพ], deities, and spirits. I have to rely on their merit (bun barami [บุญบารมี]). Today is a very auspicious day. Please, Chao Pho Khun Thung come and live happily in your new shrine. Whoever comes to pay respect to [this spirit shrine], be happy and prosperous. Chao Pho, please protect all university residents, ranging from professors, to students, to ordinary people. May everyone live in harmony. The spirit of Chao Pho Khun Thung has already possessed my body. I am now ready for questions..."
[Quelle: Pattana Kitiarsa [พัฒนา กิติอาษา] <1968-2013>: Mediums, monks, and amulets : Thai popular Buddhism today. -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, [2012]. -- 170 S. : Ill ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 9786162150494. -- S. 137ff.]
1991
Es erscheint:
ศักดินา ฉัตรกุล ณ อยุธยา [Sakdina Chatkun na Ayudhaya]: ชีวิต, แนวคิด และการต่อสู้ของ นรินทร์กลึง หรือ นรินทร์ ภาษิต คนขวางโลก. -- กรุงเทพฯ : มติชน, [1991]. -- 224 S. -- "Leben, Plan und Kampf von Nanrin Klueng oder Narin Phasit, dem Mann, der im Widerspruch zur Welt stand"
Abb.: Einbandtitel einer der Ausgaben
"The king writes—and the interior minister reads: In regards to Narins [Narin Phasit - นรินทร์ ภาษิด, 1874 - 1950] ordination, I would like to ask you: what can be done—or can nothing truly be done at all? When Narin, wishing to provoke us, sends out a letter of this sort, we cannot simply ignore him and pretend that we do not know what is going on. We must take on an ATTITUDE. Otherwise, he will surely laugh at us in contempt. Now if women can be thrown into jail for ordaining fraudulently, why cannot the same hold true for men? Why cannot we simply invoke the same statute that he is dressing in illegal imitation of a Buddhist monk? Truthfully speaking, the best possible solution would be to simply throw him in the mental institution at Pak Khlong San [ปากคลองสาน]. However, I do not know specifically what laws are in existence concerning the incarceration of the mentally ill. Or is it possible that there are in fact no such laws in place at all? Must we continue to allow him to run around causing such a great disturbance, which could be of danger to the general population? This old man must provoke us until he draws some kind of reaction because that is his idea of fun. If we do nothing at all, he grows bored and is not fulfilled in his wishes. But I think that he will only continue on in his crazy behavior until he gets what he wants. It looks as if he is truly begging to be thrown into prison."
"As for throwing the man in an asylum as a crazy man many people have discussed this possibility ever since the samaneri incident first arose.... From a legal standpoint, section number forty- five of the Police Law dated 1875 states that if a crazy person is spotted, he should be brought into custody by the local police and taken to the proper authorities. This law can be applied to people who either speak or act in a manner that can be construed to be deranged. The reason behind such a law is that were people of this type let free to run around unhindered, they might well create a disturbance that could ultimately be of harm to the public. However, if this particular law were to be made use of in the case of Phanom Sara Narin, it simply would not hold. For once he was arrested and a doctor upon inspection found out that he was not in fact crazy, the resulting uproar would be impossible for us to live down. Narin might even bring the arresting officers to trial on charges that they had improperly deprived him of his freedom. For the fact of the matter is that none of the man’s behavior genuinely represents a threat to the public. Speaking honestly, I myself do not personally feel that Narin is crazy. He is simply a boastful and arrogant man who enjoys acting in a strange manner that goes against all established custom and tradition, tinged with a dose of contempt for any and all government authority. That is the extent of it. As for making use of your special royal authority in a similar manner to the case of Mr. Kulap,119 that type of strategy would in the end be of no positive effect. It is my feeling that in this era more would be lost than gained."
[Übersetzung: Koret, Peter: The man who accused the king of killing a fish : the biography of Narin Phasit [นรินทร์ ภาษิด] of Siam (1874-1950). -- Chiang Mai : Silkworm, 2012. -- 397 S. : Ill. ; 21 cm. -- ISBN 9786162150432. -- S. 214f. -- Fair use]
1991 (?)
Es erscheint:
[Thai radicalism, 1973-1983] : A joint project of Thammasat University and the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin. -- กรุงเทพฯ : มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์ ; Madison : Univ. of Wisconsin, 1991 [?]. -- 34 Mikrofilm-Rollen ; 35 mm. -- Eine Sammlung sonst nirgends archivierter Literatur der radikalen Linken Thailands, wie z.B. Anti-Monarchie-Schriften wie เก้ารัชกาล [Neun Reiche], eine Skandalgeschichte der Chakri-Dynastie.
1991
Es erscheint
Darunee Tantiwiramanond [ดรุณี ตันติวิรมานนท์] ; Pandey, Shashi Ranjan: By women, for women : a study of women's organizations in Thailand. -- Singapore : Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1991. -- (Research notes and discussions paper, no. 72.; Social issues in Southeast Asia.). -- ISBN 978-9813035676
Abb.: Einbandtitel
"In western society the word ‘feminism' sometimes connotes a strong ‘antimale’ attitude. It often gets confused with lesbianism. Because of this impression of confrontation (male-hatred), or individual pursuits (often related to ‘bra-burning', ‘free sex’), the word ‘feminist’ is often disliked (frowned upon) or explained differently in the Third World specifically in Thailand. There is no feminist movement in Thailand as a unified theory. Those using it assign levels of meaning to it: welfare, autonomy, choice and justice." [a.a.O., S. 10. -- Zitiert in: Whittaker, Andrea <1967 - >: Abortion, sin, and the state in Thailand. -- London : RoutledgeCurzon, 2004. -- 189 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- ISBN 041533652X. -- S. 64.]
1991
Es erscheint das erste Album des Ensembles Korphai (กอไผ่).
"Korphai Ensemble or Korphai, kor phai, (Thai: กอไผ่, pronounced [kɔː pʰàj], RTGS: ko phai) which literally means a 'bunch of bamboo', is an ensemble of traditional Thai percussion music.[1][2] It was established in the 1980s by Anant Narkkong, the present musical director of the ensemble, who is a professor of ethnomusicology and composition at the Faculty of Music, Silpakorn University (มหาวิทยาลัยศิลปากร), Thailand[3][4] He also airs a radio program of Thai music at the Thailand National Radio Broadcasting.[4]
MusicThe group plays Thai classical, or piphat (ปี่พาทย์), as well as Thai contemporary music. Throughout the past 20 years, Korphai has released a number of albums and performed in numerous public concerts in Thailand, including a performance with the Bangkok Symphony Orchestra.[5] The group has also performed abroad, including Los Angeles, San Francisco, Chicago, Paris, Amsterdam and Berlin.[2]
The groups is also involved in the music used in Thai films, documentaries, theatres, plays, and festival presentations, such as "Thai Percussion Days 2004" (Vienna). Their music was used in the Thai films, The Legend of Suriyothai (สุริโยไท, 2001)[2] and The Overture[6][7] (โหมโรง, 2004). The Overture won Best Music with Kor Phai named as co-recipient in Star Entertainment Awards 2004[8] and Bangkok Critics Assembly Awards[9]
In 2005, at the concert dedicated to the 55th anniversary of Thai-Cambodian diplomatic relations at the Chaktomuk Theatre, the performance of the ensemble "won accolades from members of Cambodian royal family", Bangkok Post reported.[10]"
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Korphai. -- Zugriff am 2012-06-08]
1991
Es erscheint das Luk-krung-Album (เพลงลูกกรุง):อรวี สัจจานนท์ [Orawee Sujjanon, 1966 - ]: อรวี กับความรัก สายน้ำ เสียงสะอื้น ["Orawee und die Liebe, der Fluss, Schluchzen"]
Das Album auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:album:2iBAHwZ6OAo5St2xOBxdpn
URL: https://open.spotify.com/album/2iBAHwZ6OAo5St2xOBxdpn
1991
Es erscheint der Song
ซูซู [Zu Zu]: ลุยคูเวต ["Nach Kuwait waten"] in der Audikassette คนเค็มเลคาว ["Die Salzmenschen und das Meer der Sterne"]
Künstlerlink auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:artist:1xzYmd4FF2tBVcxWuDFIH7
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/1xzYmd4FF2tBVcxWuDFIH7
Abb.: Zu Zu [ซูซู], 2008
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]
Abb.: Kassettentitel
1991
Premiere des Films über den schlechten Einfluss des Tourismus auf Phuket (ภูเก็ต):Thailand for sale / von Ing Kanjanavanit (สมานรัชฎ์ "อิ๋ง" กาญจนะวณิชย์) <1959 - >
Abb.: Lage von Phuket (ภูเก็ต)
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]
1991
Abb.: Todd (Thomas James) "Thongdee" Lavelle (ทอดด์ ทองดี), 2010
[Bildquelle:
Der US-Sänger Todd (Thomas James) "Thongdee" Lavelle (ทอดด์ ทองดี, 1963 - ) wird von Soldaten von der Bühne geholt, weil seine Songtexte den Militärputsch angreifen. Thongdee ("gutes Gold") wird zum wohl bekanntesten ausländischen Sänger in Thailand. Er lässt sich in Thailand nieder und veröffentlicht u.a. folgende Alben:
Abb.: CD-Cover
- Thailand: Inside-Outside (1992)
- Songs of the Earth = เพลงแผ่นดิน (1995)
- Rhythm of the Earth = จังหวะแผ่นดิน
- Colors of the Earth
- Acoustic Life = ชีวิตโปร่ง
- Aq Kaq Zaq Ma - Akha Hilltribe Celebrations (vol. 1 and 2)
- The PROmISE
- You & me
- The Legend of Toja - ตำนานโทจา
- Back to the Beach : an Island Opera
- Sand'n Shells (mini CD)
Abb.: Plakat für Rhythm of the Earth World Festival : World Music World Bar-B-Q = จังหวะแผ่นดิน #7, Bangkok 2012 / veranstaltet von Todd Tongdee
[Fair use]
1991
Das Goethe-Institut veranstaltet ein Workshop für experimentellen Film. Es ist die erste Veranstaltung dieser Art in Thailand.Die Filmemacherin Pimpaka Towira (พิมพกา โตวิระ) ist eine der Absolventinnen dieses Workshop.
"Pimpaka Towira (Thai: พิมพกา โตวิระ) is a Thai independent film director, screenwriter and film producer. Her films include One Night Husband (คืนไร้เงา) and The Truth Be Told: The Cases Against Supinya Klangnarong. (ความจริงพูดได้ (คดีสุภิญญา)) Pimpaka Towira studied film at Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์). After graduating, she worked on one film production, but, in her words, "found it disappointing and dropped out". She went to work as a film critic and writer for The Nation newspaper in Bangkok, and was programming director for 2001 Bangkok Film Festival, which was sponsored by The Nation.[1]
She also made experimental short films. Among her early works was a short called Mae Nak (แม่นาก, 1997), a deconstruction of the Mae Nak Phra Khanong (แม่นากพระโขนง) ghost legend.[1]
Her feature film debut came in 2003 with One Night Husband (คืนไร้เงา), a romantic-thriller film that she co-wrote with Prabda Yoon (ปราบดา หยุ่น, 1973 - ) and Laddawan Ratanadilokchai. Co-produced by Mingmongkol Sonakul (มล.มิ่งมงคล โสณกุล, 1971 - ), the film starred Nicole Theriault (นิโคล เทริโอ, 1973 - ) and Siriyakorn Pukkavesh (สิริยากร พุกกะเวส, 1974 - ). It premiered at the Berlin International Film Festival, and was screened at several other film festivals.
In 2005, Pimpaka was featured in Worldly Desires, portraying a film director in a short film by Apichatpong Weerasethakul (อภิชาติพงศ์ วีระเศรษฐกุล, 1970 - ). The film was commissioned as part of the Digital Short Films by Three Directors project of the Jeonju International Film Festival (전주국제영화제).
Meanwhile, Pimpaka had started on her next feature, a documentary on Supinya Klangnarong (สุภิญญา กลางณรงค์, 1976 - ), profiling the Thai media activist and her legal fight against defamation lawsuits brought against her by the Shin Corporation, at the time owned by the family of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร;, 1949 - ). Filmed over the course of nearly three years, The Truth Be Told: The Cases Against Supinya Klangnarong (ความจริงพูดได้ (คดีสุภิญญา)) covers the political scene in Thailand in the last days of the Thaksin administration, the controversial sale of his family's assets to Singapore's Temasek Holdings, demonstrations against Thaksin, the 2006 Thai coup d'état and the post-coup atmosphere.
The film premiered in September 2007 during the Digital Forum in Bangkok.[2]
Also in 2007, she directed a series of short films for the Free Thai Cinema Movement, which featured interviews with Thai film directors and artists opposed to censorship of films by the government."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pimpaka_Towira. -- Zugriff am 2014-10-08]
Mala Kamchan (= Charoen Malaroj) (มาลา คำจันทร์ = เจริญ มาลาโรจน์, 1952 - ) erhält den Southeast Asian Writers Award für เจ้าจันท์ผมหอม นิราศพระธาตุอินทร์แขวน
Abb.: Einbandtitel einer der Ausgaben
1991
Nation Building, Bangkok, von Sumeth Jumsai Na Ayudhaya (ดร. สุเมธ ชุมสาย ณ อยุธยา, 1939 - )
Abb.: Nation
Building, Bangkok, von Sumeth Jumsai Na Ayudhaya (ดร.
สุเมธ ชุมสาย ณ อยุธยา), 1991
[Bildquelle: Sumet jumsai / Wikipedia. --
Creative Commons
Lizenz (Namensnennung, ahre alike)]
1991
Die Royal Thai Navy nimmt die Fregatte HTMS Bangpakong (456) in Dienst.
Abb.: HTMS Bangpakong, 2009
[Bildquelle: Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Joshua Scott / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]
1991
Beginn der Entwicklung des Medium Tactical Vehicle M1083 MTV. Es wird von der Royal Thai Navy in Dienst genommen werden.
Abb.: Sanitäts-M1083 MTV der Royal Thai Navy, 2012
[Bildquelle: Aaron Glover USN / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]
1991
