Chronik Thailands

กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย

von

Alois Payer

Chronik 2000 / B. E. 2543

3. Juli bis Dezember


Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 2000 / B. E. 2543. -- 3. Juli bis Dezember. -- Fassung vom 2016-02-28. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/chronik2000c.htm

Erstmals publiziert: 2012-10-27

Überarbeitungen: 2016-02-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-02-08 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-10-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-05-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-29 [Ergänzungen] ;  2013-04-26 [Teilung des Jahrgangs]; 2013-04-21 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-04-09 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-03-30 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-03-19 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-03-09 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-03-02 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-01-30 [Ergänzungen]; 2013-01-13 [Ergänzungen]; 2012-11-12 [Ergänzungen]

©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Herausgebers.

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Thailand von Tüpfli's Global Village Library


ช้างตายทั้งตัวเอาใบบัวปิดไม่มิด


 

 

Gewidmet meiner lieben Frau

Margarete Payer

die seit unserem ersten Besuch in Thailand 1974 mit mir die Liebe zu den und die Sorge um die Bewohner Thailands teilt.

 


Vorsicht bei den Statistikdiagrammen!

Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind:

Morgenstern, Oskar <1902 - 1977>: On the accuracy of economic observations. -- 2. ed. -- Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. -- 322 S. ; 20 cm.

Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.

 


2543 / 2000 Juli bis Dezember


2000-07-03

Ca. 60 Bewaffnete, darunter 15 Thai, die sich United Lao National Resistance for Democracy nennen, dringen nach Wang Tao in Laos vor und nehmen 15 Händler als Geiseln. Laotische Truppen drängen sie zurück nach Thailand.


Abb.: Lage von Wang Tao
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

2000-07-06

Kanokwan Tarawan (กนกวรรณ ธราวรรณ) über die Ungleichheit von Mann und Frau in sexuellen Beziehungen:

"The sexual culture of Thai people, which teaches that the sexual behaviour of men can take advantage of and hurt women, is an important factor in unplanned pregnancies. Rape is the harshest sexual act against women in Thailand. This study found many examples of unequal power relations between men and women in sexual relations that has led to a pregnancy. Men have either not been responsible, tricked the woman, or had many wives. Many unmarried women have sexual relations for the first time unwillingly and resisting. But, Thai society questions this type of male behavior little. In fact it is the opposite, men who take advantage are praised and women are put down. This reinforces this type of male behavior...

We are not able to create responsible and happy sexual relations if the sexual culture of Thai men does not change."

[Übersetzt in: Whittaker, Andrea <1967 - >: Abortion, sin, and the state in Thailand. -- London : RoutledgeCurzon, 2004. -- 189 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- ISBN 041533652X. -- S. 101]

2000-07-23

Samak Sundaravej (สมัคร สุนทรเวช, 1935 - 2009) wird zum Gouverneur von Bangkok (ผู้ว่าราชการกรุงเทพมหานคร) gewählt.

Die Polizei konfisziert in Bangkok 595.620 Baht, die zum Stimmenkauf bei der Bürgermeisterwahl für Bangkok bestimmt waren. Alle Parteien dementieren, dass sie mit dem Geld etwas zu tun haben. Pro Stimme sind 100 bis 500 Baht vorgesehen.


Abb.: Karikatur auf Samak Sundaravej (สมัคร สุนทรเวช), 2008-07-06
[Bildquelle: Adaptor-Plug. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/11401580@N03/2557581853/. -- Zugriff am 2012-10-07. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]

"Samak Sundaravej, auch Samak Sunthornvej (thailändisch: สมัคร สุนทรเวช, Aussprache: [sàmàk sǔntʰɔráwêːt]; * 13. Juni 1935 in Bangkok; † 24. November 2009 ebenda) war ein thailändischer Politiker und Chef der im August 2007 neu gegründeten Phak Palang Prachachon (PPP, พรรคพลังประชาชน). Am 28. Januar 2008 wurde er zum Ministerpräsidenten seines Landes gewählt und am nächsten Tag ernannt. Nach wochenlangen Protesten gegen Samaks Regierung wurde er am 9. September 2008 vom Verfassungsgericht wegen einer verfassungswidrigen Nebentätigkeit abgesetzt.

Leben

Samak galt als reaktionärer Politikveteran, der bereits in den 1970er Jahren Hoffnungsträger der ultrarechten Monarchisten war. Mitte der 1970er Jahre war Thailand gespalten zwischen linken und rechten Aktivisten, während Indochina unter kommunistische Herrschaft geriet. Am 6. Oktober 1976 gingen Soldaten und bewaffnete „Hilfstruppen“ gegen demonstrierende Studenten der Thammasat-Universität (เหตุการณ์ 6 ตุลา) vor und massakrierten vermutlich hunderte von ihnen. Kurz danach wurde Samak Innenminister einer vom Militär eingesetzten Regierung und verschärfte in dieser Position den Kampf gegen die Studenten und linke Aktivisten, die er massenweise verhaften ließ.

Nach dem Militärputsch von General Kriangsak Chomanan im September 1977 sowie in den relativ ruhigen Folgejahren verschwand Samak als Führer seiner rechtspopulistischen Pratchakon-Thai-Partei weitgehend aus den Schlagzeilen. Als nach einem weiteren Militärcoup 1992 unter General Suchinda Kraprayoon dieser eine Regierung bildete, war Samak Sundaravej wieder zurück auf der politischen Bühne als Vizepremierminister. Großdemonstrationen und ein Machtwort des Königs Bhumibol Adulyadej (Rama IX.) zwangen Suchinda jedoch zum Rücktritt und ermöglichten die Rückkehr zur Demokratie. Ende der 1990er Jahre diente Samak als Minister in der Regierung des damaligen Premierministers Banharn Silapa-archa , unter anderem zusammen mit Thaksin Shinawatra.

Im Juli 2000 wurde Samak zum Gouverneur von Bangkok gewählt und versprach, die Korruption zu bekämpfen. Nach vier Jahren räumte er aber ein, dass er ihr Ausmaß unterschätzt habe und dass man machtlos dagegen sei. Zur Wiederwahl trat er nicht mehr an. Nach dem Ende seiner Amtszeit als Gouverneur wurde er Talkmaster im Fernsehen, bevor er im Jahr 2007 den Vorsitz der neu gegründeten PPP übernahm. Seine Partei ist de facto die Nachfolgerin der nach dem Militärputsch verbotenen Partei („Thai Rak Thai“ – Thais lieben Thais) des ehemaligen Ministerpräsidenten Thaksin Shinawatra, der sich nach einer Verurteilung zu einer Gefängnisstrafe ins Ausland abgesetzt hat. Eines der wichtigsten Ziele der PPP ist es immer noch, Thaksins Rückkehr aus dem Exil zu ermöglichen.

Bei den Parlamentswahlen in Thailand vom 23. Dezember 2007 gewann die PPP die Mehrheit der Stimmen. Nach einem vorläufigen Endergebnis entfielen 228 der 480 Sitze im Bangkoker Parlament auf Samaks Partei. Damit verfehlte sie die absolute Mehrheit. Samak kündigte jedoch an, eine Koalitionsregierung bilden zu wollen. Er selbst beanspruchte das Amt des Premierministers für sich.[1] Am 28. Januar 2008 wurde er vom thailändischen Parlament zum neuen Ministerpräsidenten gewählt. An seiner Regierung waren neben der PPP fünf weitere, kleinere Parteien beteiligt.[2]

Ende August 2008 kam es zu Massenprotesten gegen Samak, bei denen der Regierungssitz (Government House) tagelang besetzt wurde. Außerdem wurden kurzzeitig mehrere Flughäfen und Bahnlinien blockiert und ein Fernsehsender besetzt.[3] Anfang September 2008 kam es bei den Massenprotesten auch zu Toten und Verletzten, woraufhin der Ausnahmezustand in Bangkok ausgerufen wurde.[4] Einen Rücktritt lehnte Samak zu diesem Zeitpunkt ab.[5]

Am 9. September 2008 entschied das Verfassungsgericht, dass Samak mit einer Nebentätigkeit als Koch in einer Fernsehshow gegen die Verfassung verstoßen habe. Unmittelbar nach der Verkündung des Urteils wurde Samak für abgesetzt erklärt.[6] Pläne der PPP, Samak nach der Amtsenthebung als Ministerpräsidenten wiedereinzusetzen, scheiterten an dem Widerstand der Koalitionspartner, die am 12. September die Parlamentssitzung boykottierten. Die PPP erklärte daraufhin, auf eine weitere Kandidatur Samaks zu verzichten.[7]

Am 24. November 2009 um etwa 9 Uhr 30 verstarb Samak nach einem drei Tage langen Koma im Bumrungrad Hospital in Bangkok, in dem er schon monatelang wegen einer Krebserkrankung behandelt worden war. In einem ersten kurzen Nachruf[8] beschrieb ihn The Nation als eine der schillerndsten und umstrittensten Figuren in der thailändischen Politik."

[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Samak_Sundaravej. -- Zugriff am 2012-10-07]

2000-08

Der "magische" Sand des Sai Dam Hua Strand in Laem Ngop (แหลมงอบ), Provinz Trat (ตราด) , wird zum beliebten Kurort, da er alle Arten von Schmerzen, vor allem Muskelschmerzen, heilen soll.


Abb.: Lage von Laem Ngop (แหลมงอบ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

2000-08

Festnahme von Holly Deane-Johns (1972 - ) wegen Heroinbesitzes und Heroinschmuggels.


Abb.: Lage des Bandyup Women's Prison
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Holly Deane-Johns (born 1972) is an Australian woman convicted in Thailand of attempting to post a parcel of 11 grams heroin back to Australia. Further quantities of 15 grams of heroin was found in her Bangkok apartment and another 110 grams in the residence of her companion Robert Halliwell. Originally facing the death penalty, she pleaded guilty in 2003 to heroin trafficking in order to receive a reduced sentence of 31 years.[1]

Under Thai law, traffickers found with more than 100 grams of heroin face a mandatory penalty of death by lethal injection. She was born in Western Australia, where she attended Mount Lawley Senior High School in Perth, becoming a heroin addict at the age of 15.[2] Her mother died from a heroin overdose. Deane-Johns spent six years in Western Australia's Bandyup Women's Prison for a range of drug related offences prior to the Thai conviction.

Background and arrest

Deane-Johns was arrested by Thai police in August 2000 when she attempted to mail a parcel, later found to contain about 11 grams of heroin at Bangkok Central Post Office in the company of Robert Halliwell. Thai narcotics agents had been monitoring their movements for two months previously.

She had flown to Thailand in early 2000 to reunite with her boyfriend, but after he returned early to Australia spent time with Halliwell, a mutual friend and fellow junkie who had fled to Thailand 20 years earlier to escape drugs charges in Australia.

Prisoner transfer to Australia

After having spent seven years in incarceration in the Klong Prem Central Prison (คลองเปรม)) in Chatuchak (จตุจักร), in 2006 Deane-Johns applied to be transferred to a Western Australian jail under a 2002 bilateral prisoner exchange agreement between Australia and Thailand.[2] Despite Federal government approval, her application was refused by Western Australian Corrective Services Minister Margaret Quirk.[3]

On 14 June 2007, Federal Minister for Justice and Customs, Senator David Johnston urged the Western Australian Government to reconsider its decision to block Deane-Johns' return[4] but the request was promptly declined. Minister Quirk announced on 9 August 2007 that she now supported Deane-Johns' return to Australia based on new medical evidence that she had been provided with that indicated Deane-John's "already serious health problems would be further complicated should she remain in the Bangkok prison".[5]

On 7 December 2007, Deane-Johns arrived back in Australia where she was transferred to Bandyup Women's Prison.[6] She is expected to serve another five years of her sentence there before being considered for parole.[7]"

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Holly_Deane-Johns. -- Zugriff am 2012-10-09]

2000-08-04

Her Imperial Majesty The Queen-Empress, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth, The Queen Mother (Queen Mum) (1900 - 2002) feiert ihren hundertsten Geburtstag.


Abb.: Her Imperial Majesty The Queen-Empress, Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth, The Queen Mother
[Bildquelle: Allan Warren / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

2000-08-08

Ein Gericht in Malaysia verurteilt den früheren Vizepremier Anwar Ibrahim (1947 - ) wegen angeblicher homosexueller Kontakte zu neun Jahren Haft. Schon 1999-04-14 war er wegen Korruption zu sechs Jahren Gefängnis verurteilt worden (siehe dort!). Es scheint klar, dass Anwar mit dem Urteil als Gegner von Ministerpräsident Mahathir bin Mohammad (1925 - ) politisch kalt gestellt werden soll.


Abb.: Anwar Ibrahim, 2008
[Bildquelle: adzliyana. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/adzliyana/2286827885/. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-19. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]


Abb.: Mahathir bin Mohammad, 2003
[Bildquelle: Sebastian Derungs / World Economic Forum. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/worldeconomicforum/350285302/. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-29. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

2000-08-10

Eröffnung von The Mall Nakhon Ratchasima in Korat (นครราชสีมา), es ist mit 220.000 m² das größte Einkaufszentrum Nordostthailands.


Abb.: Lage von Nakhon Ratchasima
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

 

2000-08-12

Geburtstag der Königin: Eröffnung des National Science Museum (พิพิธภัณฑ์วิทยาศาสตร์แห่งชาต)


Abb.: Lage des National Science Museum (พิพิธภัณฑ์วิทยาศาสตร์แห่งชาต)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: National Science Museum (พิพิธภัณฑ์วิทยาศาสตร์แห่งชาต)
[Bildquelle:
A.Aruninta / th.Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]


Abb.: National Science Museum (พิพิธภัณฑ์วิทยาศาสตร์แห่งชาต)
[Bildquelle:
A.Aruninta / th.Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

2000-08-13


Abb.: Sanitsuda Ekachai (สนิทสุดา เอกชัย)
[Bildquelle: FAO]

Bangkok Post: Sanitsuda Ekachai (สนิทสุดา เอกชัย, 1955 - ): Residents carry on ancestors' spirit : struggle for compensation not easy

"Boonmee Khamruang [บุญมี คำเรือง] was seventeen years old when his village in northeastern Thailand disappeared under water. His father was supposed to receive 1,800 baht as compensation for the loss of his house and farmland, but never saw the money. The family was offered a place to live in a resettlement zone, but they turned it down, claiming the land was useless. His elder brother took up arms with the Communists—"at that time," says Boonmee, "it was the only way to fight state abuse"—and was eventually killed. "We first settled in a degraded forest, but then we were evicted again to make way for the state’s eucalyptus plantations, " Boonmee continues. "Without land, we must leave our families to work as laborers in big cities. Many villagers ended up as garbage collectors in Bangkok. "


Abb.: Lage des Sirindhorn Dam [เขื่อนสิรินธร]
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

In many ways, this is a typical life story for the victims of dam displacement. But the Sirindhorn Dam [เขื่อนสิรินธร] that inundated Boonmee’s village was completed more than three decades ago [1971]. By the time he told his tale to the Bangkok Post's crusading columnist Sanitsuda Ekachai [สนิทสุดา เอกชัย, 1955 - ] in August 2000, Boonmee was fifty years old and a father of four. He was participating in a mass protest in front of Government House in Bangkok, one of many that has been organized by a group called the Assembly of the Poor [สมัชชาคนจน] to demand redress for past wrongs committed by the state against rural villagers. At the time the dam was built, Boonmee and his fellow farmers believed it was impossible to oppose the government. "It was a dark time under military dictatorship. Anyone who protested was labeled a Communist and risked persecution. So no one dared," he explains.

Sanitsuda points out that Thailand’s "so-called democracy" hasn’t been kind to the protestors, either. Consider the chronology of their campaign. After years of demonstrations and talks, a committee to assess their claims was finally established in 1996 under the Banharn [บรรหาร ศิลปอาชา, 1932 - ] administration. The committee concluded that most of the 2,526 uprooted families had received poor farmland and only partial compensation. The affected villagers were told they’d each be given a 15-rai plot of farmland in addition to long-term, low-interest loans. But because the farmland wasn’t available, in 1997 the committee agreed to establish a special fund that would allow the displaced to buy land themselves. But then a new government came in, led by the Democrats and Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai [ชวน หลีกภัย, 1938 - ], and announced there would be no compensation for old dam claims. In 2000, another protest led to another committee and another recommendation for recompense, followed by another government refusal. And so it goes, on and on.

Although there’s some public sympathy for the protestors, many city people are fed up with the continuous demands, and suspicious that the displaced are just trying to welch off the state. The villagers aren’t likely to back down now, however. "My community dates back centuries, with local legends and a history of struggle against injustice. We’re just carrying on our ancestors’ spirit, " Boonmee asserts. "I don’t want my children and grandchildren to live a homeless life like I have. " He has little to lose by continuing to fight; but by exercising his democratic rights, he has a new future to gain."

[Quelle: Fahn, James David <1965 - >: A land on fire : the environmental consequences of the Southeast Asian boom. -- Boulder : Westview, 2003. -- 365 S. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-8133-4267-8. -- S. 91f. -- Fair use]

2000-08-24

Tod des bildenden Künstlers Montien Boonma (มณเฑียร บุญมา, geb. 1953).


Abb.: Plakat für eine Ausstellung von Werken von Montien Boonma (มณเฑียร บุญมา), 2013
[fair use]

2000-08-24

Es erscheint das erste Album ลูกทุ่งบ้านดอน ชุดที่ 1 ปริญญาใจ der Luk Thung (ลูกทุ่ง) und Molam (หมอลำ) Sängerin Siriporn Ampaipong (ศิริพร อำไพพงษ์ = Sirima Amken - ศิริมา อำเคน, 1964 - )

Künstlerlink auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:artist:63JRIk20Lc1tlo0W5zYkSf
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/63JRIk20Lc1tlo0W5zYkSf


Abb.: CD-Titel
[Fair use]

2000-09

Die Shan State Army (ရှမ်းပြည် တပ်မတော, SSA) überfällt ein Methamphetamin-Labor auf birmanischem Gebiet gegenüber von Chiang Dao (เชียงดาว). Die SSA beschlagnahmt hunderttausende von Pillen. birmanische Militär, unterstützt von zwei Bataillonen der United Wa State Army (UWSA, 佤邦联合军 / ဝပြည် သွေးစည်းညီညွတ်ရေး တပ်မတော်) machen einen Gegenangriff auf die SSA.


Abb.: Lage von Chiang Dao (เชียงดาว)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

2000-09-01

Royal Thai Army Radio and Television Channel 5 sendet erstmals die Quiz-Show Fan Pan Tae ((แฟนพันธุ์แท้).


Abb.: ®Logo
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia]

"Fan Pan Tae (แฟนพันธุ์แท้) is a quiz show of Thailand.
On air : Friday 10.10PM - 12.10AM Royal Thai Army Radio & Television, Channel 5 (
สถานีวิทยุโทรทัศน์กองทัพบกช่อง 5)
Presenter : Phanya Nirunkul (
ปัญญา นิรันดร์กุล, 1954 - ), Tankhun Jitissara (แทนคุณ จิตต์อิสระ, 1979 - ) and Ek Himsakul (เอก ฮิมสกุล, 1975 - ) (Rotation: one person hosted in each episode).
Production by : Workpoint Entertainment Public Co., Ltd. -
บริษัท เวิร์คพอยท์ เอ็นเทอร์เทนเมนท์ จำกัด (มหาชน)

Fan Pan Tae is a knowledge-enhancing game of personal interests. The program has become talk of the town shortly since its first broadcast on 1 September 2000. The game was recognized as winner of best game or quiz programme from Asian Television Award in 2003 and 2004. In addition, the show has won multiple awards from many institutions in Thailand.

The game challenges player in all aspects of their passion such as sport, hobby, music, and famous person, etc. The question will be put to the test to see if you really are the "hard-core fan" (Sud Yord Fan Pan Tae).

Five finalists compete to be the "hard-core fan". The game challenges your memory, quick answer, and ability to solve the puzzle. The special prize, custom made for each game, makes the contest unique and precious for the winner. The weekly winner will join the year end challenge for "Fan of the year".

Your heartbeat will go up as you wait for the host to confirm whether you get to the right answer. The excitement continues throughout the whole hour of the show as challenged, and one of a kind question awaits for answers.

Fan pan tae, a knowledge-enhancing game of personal interests, challenges the contestants’ amazing ability and knowledge of their interests. The program, a phenomenon of Thailand’s quiz show, has become a talk of the town shortly since its debut in 2000. The tremendous excitement makes your breath hold whilst waiting for the host to confirm the right answer. The game is awarded the winner of the best game or quiz programme from Asian Television Awards in 2003 and 2004, including multiple awards from many institutions in Thailand. The game challenges contestants in all aspects of their passion, such as, sports, music, history, literature, famous persons, etc.

The competition will find the genuine fan, one out of the 5 contestants. The first competition involves memorization and spontaneous response in answering the question pictures within 3 seconds. The next break competes between 2 pairs to find the last two contestants by answering the question from a hint of a given qualification or jigsaw game. The final round lets the last 2 contestants answer the question from a hint of a given qualification to find the last man standing. In last break, the winner who is able to answer the special question will become “The genuine fan” and receive special unique prizes. At the end of the year, winners from each telecast will join the year end challenge for the “Fan of the Year” for the grand prize, such as land, house and a brand new car (Toyota Camry in 2007), which is worth more than 4 million bahts.

Controversy

Fan Pan Tae, while popular, is repeatedly questioned about its accuracy. Internet webboard posters, such as in Pantip.com, has proven that the show was giving wrong answers in many occasions. A more serious allegation claims that the show is giving unfairly advantages to famous contestants, especially those in the show business, over ordinary people who contest in the same topic (anyone can apply to play the game, regardless of their notability.) Another Workpoint's show, Tod Sa Gun Game (เกมทศกัณฐ์), is also criticized of fraudulent."

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fan_Pan_Tae. -- Zugriff am 2012-03-07]

2000-09-02

Die Militärregierung bringt Aung San Suu Kyi (အောင်ဆန်းစုကြည်, 1945 - ) gewaltsam nach Yangon (ရန်ကုန်) zurück. Sie war unterwegs zu einem Treffen mit politischen Anhängern, wurde vom Militär festgehalten und campierte darum zehn Tage lang ca. 15 km außerhalb Yangon.


Abb.: Lage von Yangon (
ရန်ကုန်)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

2000-09-14


Abb.: Sanitsuda Ekachai (สนิทสุดา เอกชัย)
[Bildquelle: FAO]

Bangkok Post: Sanitsuda Ekachai (สนิทสุดา เอกชัย, 1955 - ): "And the moral of this story is ..."

Kommentar zu Phra Khru Wibulpattanakit, Abt von Wat Hua Krabue. Dieser will seine Sammlung von Mercedes-Oldies zu einem Museum machen. Man ist empört. Sanitsuda wundert sich, da Reichtum bei Mönchen alltäglich ist. Es gibt zwar viele Studien über Korruption in Thailand, aber keine über die Korruption von Mönchen, "though it [the Sangha] is one of the country's richest yet poorest-run institutions."

"There are many good monks around. They need help from us to lift the yoke of oppression imposed by the feudalistic and authoritarian monastic hierarchy. They also need help to set up an accountable clergy management system."

[Sanitsuda Ekachai (สนิทสุดา เอกชัย) <1955 - >: Keeping the faith : Thai Buddhism at the crossroads. -- Bangkok : Post Books, 2001. -- 322 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 974-228-016-9. -- S. 302]

2000-09-15 - 2000-10-01

XXVII. Olympische Sommerspiele in Sydney (Australien). Die Gewichtheberin Khassaraporn Suta (เกษราภรณ์ สุตา, 1971) gewinnt Bronze und ist die erste Thai-Frau, die eine olympische Medaille gewinnt. Thailand gewinnt auch noch eine Goldmedaille (Fliegengewicht-Boxer Wijan Ponlid - วิจารณ์ พลฤทธิ์, 1976 - ) und eine weitere Bronzemedaille (leichtes Mittelgewicht Boxer Pornchai Thongburan - พรชัย ทองบุราณ, 1974 - ). Wijan sagt. "Diese Medaille ist für meinen König. Ich will sie ihm geben."


Abb.: Lage von Sydney
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.:  "Diese Medaille ist für meinen König": Goldmedaille
[Bildquelle: Cliff. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/28567825@N03/2914145922/. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-29. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]


Abb.: Schlussveranstaltung
[Bildquelle: David Shapinsky / USAF / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

2000-09-19

Hochwasser des Mekong (ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ / แม่น้ำโขง / មេគង្គ / Sông Mê Kông) und seiner Nebenflüsse. In Laos, Thailand, Kambodscha und Vietnam kommen bis Monatsende über 1700 Personen ums Leben.


Abb.: Lauf des Mekong (ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ / แม่น้ำโขง / មេគង្គ / Sông Mê Kông)
[Bildquelle: Pfly / Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

2000-09-20

Tod von Chandra Khonnokyoong (จันทร์ ขนนกยูง, geb. 1909)


Abb.: Chandra Khonnokyoong (จันทร์ ขนนกยูง)
[Bildquelle: Thainssaro / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

"Chandra Khonnokyoong (20 January 1909 - 10 September 2000) was a Thai Theravada Buddhist nun who founded the Wat Phra Dhammakaya (วัดพระธรรมกาย) organization. Her full title was Khun Yay Mahā Ratana Upāsikā Chandra Khonnokyoong. She is also known as "Kuhn Yay Acariya," a title meaning "respected lady master of advancing years."

Early life

On 20 January 1909, Kuhn Yay was born in a farming family in Nakhon Pathom (นครปฐม) province, of Thailand[1]. She never had a formal education. She claimed that her original reason for practicing meditation was to reach her late father in his afterlife realm to apologise to him for her childhood wrongs and that she wanted to overcome the curse of deafness put on her by her drunken father[2]. Her father died in 1921, but without the opportunity for Kuhn Yay to ask him to lift the curse[3].

Dharmic Life

In 1927 upon hearing that Phramonkolthepmuni (พระมงคลเทพมุนี, 1884 - 1959) had discovered the Dhammakaya School of Buddhism included knowledge of heaven and hell[4], she entered domestic service in Bangkok, seeking for someone who practised meditation at Wat Paknam Bhasicharoen (วัดปากน้ำภาษีเจริญ)). She discovered the household of Liap Sikanchananand in Saphan Han, Bangkok who invited a nun called Thongsuk Samdaengpan (1900 - 1963) from Wat Paknam, to teach meditation at their home. Kuhn Yay applied to be a maid in their household, intending to practise meditation with the nun[5]. She practised meditation with Thongsuk Samdaengpan for about two years, and she claimed to have attain the Dhammakaya and was able to contact her father[6].

Monastic life

She decided to ordain as a nun and was taken by Upasika Thongsuk to meet Phramonkolthepmuni. He allowed her to join the most experienced group of meditation researchers in the temple and was ordained the following morning. She quickly became his most outstanding disciples whom Great Abbot praised as "first amongst his disciples - second to none." Dhammakaya followers firmly believe that by meditation, she and Luang Por Sodh prevented Bangkok from being bombed during World War II.[7].

Teaching the Dhammakaya

After Phramonkolthepmuni died in 1959, Kuhn Yay transmitted the Dhammakaya tradition to a new generation at Wat Paknam Bhasicharoen[8]. Her teaching became so popular that when in 1975 the number of students exceeded the capacity of Wat Paknam she realized the time had come to establish a new meditation centre. When her young disciples graduated from university, Kuhn Yay allowed them to ordain as monks. The first was Phrarajbhavanavisudh (พระราชภาวนาวิสุทธิ์, 1944 - ). A 80 acres (320,000 m2) plot of paddy-field was donated by a high-ranking lady, landowner for the purpose of building the temple. (It is this land which is now forms the Temple Compound of Wat Phra Dhammakaya.) Having only 3,200 baht ($80) to their name, the group of "Descendants of Dhamma" headed by Kuhn Yay began establishing the temple after making the following vow:

"We will devote all our flesh and blood, body and mind, intelligence and wealth to worship the lord Buddha in order to set up a meditation centre following the Way of Dhammakaya."

Although illiterate, she is renowned as an example of non-academic Dhamma training as she attracted students, many of whom were graduates[9]. She is credited as the founder of Wat Phra Dhammakaya, Patumthani, Thailand[10].

Soon Buddhacakka Patipatdhamma

The temple was first established on Magha Puja Day (มาฆบูชา), 20 February 1970, as the meditation centre called "Soon Buddhacakka Patipatdhamma" ("the Dhamma Practise Centre"). Phrarajbhavanavisudh and Kuhn Yay took responsibility for the finances of the establishment, and the lay-supporter who is now the Most Ven. Phrabhavanaviriyakhun (พระภาวนาวิริยคุณ, 1941 - ), took responsibility for building on the site. Every canal in the Temple Compound was dredged and excavated by the volunteers and the trees in the temple were planted by hand. While working to plant the trees, she became seriously under-nourished and at one time came dangerously close to death. She recovered under the medical attention of a doctor from Chulalongkorn University and continue to participate in the life of the temple community.

During the period of establishment, Kuhn Yay sought finance to support the centre and set the regulations for life in the centre. With Great Abbot's organizations as an example, she created all the rules for the temple community. Nowadays a monk must receive guests in public rooms rather than in his living quarter. And male and female meditators are segregated on either side of the Dhamma Hall, as a result of Kuhn Yay's directives.

Later life

In her old age Kuhn Yay was still very active in all activities of the temple. Given the success of the temple, many people are surprised to discover that a small illiterate nun of advancing years oversaw the running of the temple.

Khun Yay died peacefully on 10 September 2000 at Kasemrat Hospital, Bangkok. When her funeral was held, on 3 February 2002, 100,000 monks from 30,000 temples throughout Thailand attended to show their final respects.[11]"

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chandra_Khonnokyoong. -- Zugriff am 2012-06-06]

2000-09-22 - 2000-10-05

Kanada: Vancouver International Film Festival:

Premiere des Films Mysterious Object at Noon (ดอกฟ้าในมือมาร) von Apichatpong "Joe" Weerasethakul (อภิชาติพงศ์ วีระเศรษฐกุล, 1970 - ).


Abb.: DVD-Cover
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Mysterious Object at Noon (Thai: ดอกฟ้าในมือมาร, or Dokfa nai meuman, literally Dokfa in the Devil's Hand)[1] is a 2000 Thai independent experimental documentary film directed by Apichatpong Weerasethakul (อภิชาติพงศ์ วีระเศรษฐกุล, 1970 - )

Production

The film is unscripted and uses the exquisite corpse party game as a concept, with the film crew traveling across Thailand, interviewing people and asking each person to add their own words to a story.

The film was shot in 16mm and enlarged to 35mm for international exhibition.[1]

Reception

Festivals and awards

Mysterious Object at Noon premiered in January 2000 at the International Film Festival Rotterdam, having received support from the Hubert Bals Fund in 1998. It had its North American premiere at the Vancouver International Film Festival, where it won a special citation Dragons and Tigers Award. It won the Grand Prize (Woosuk Award) at the Jeonju International Film Festival (전주국제영화제), second prize and the NETPAC Special Mention Prize at the Yamagata International Documentary Film Festival (山形国際ドキュメンタリー映画祭). The film was screened at many other film festivals, including the London Film Festival, the Singapore International Film Festival and the Hong Kong International Film Festival (香港國際電影節).

Critical reception

Because its experimental nature falls outside the mainstream of Thai cinema, Mysterious Object at Noon received little attention in the director's native country. However through film festival screenings overseas, the film gained positive notice from film critics.

"Mr. Weerasethakul's film is like a piece of chamber music slowly, deftly expanding into a full symphonic movement; to watch it is to enter a fugue state that has the music and rhythms of another culture. It's really a movie that requires listening, reminding us that the medium did become talking pictures at one point," said Elvis Mitchell (1956 - ) in The New York Times.[2]"

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mysterious_Object_at_Noon. -- Zugriff am 2013-03-19]

2000-09-28

Premiere des Films Tears of the Black Tiger (ฟ้าทะลายโจร) von Wisit Sasanatieng (วิศิษฏ์ ศาสนเที่ยง, 1963 - ).


Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Tears of the Black Tiger (Thai: ฟ้าทะลายโจร, or Fa Thalai Chon, literally, "the heavens strike the thief") is a 2000 Thai western film written and directed by Wisit Sasanatieng (วิศิษฏ์ ศาสนเที่ยง, 1963 - ). The story of a tragic romance between Dum (ดำ), a fatalistic, working-class hero, who has become an outlaw, and Rumpoey (รำเพย), the upper-class daughter of a provincial governor, it is equal parts homage to and parody of Thai action films and romantic melodramas of the 1950s and 1960s.

The film was the first from Thailand to be selected for competition at the 2001 Cannes Film Festival,[1][2] where it was critically hailed.[3][4] It was screened at several other film festivals in 2001 and 2002, including the Vancouver International Film Festival, where it won the Dragons and Tigers Award for Best New Director.[5] It also won many awards in Thailand for production and costume design, special effects and soundtrack.

Critics have noted the film's stylized use of color and conspicuous violence, and have compared it to the revisionist westerns of Sergio Leone (1929 - 1989) and Sam Peckinpah (1925 - 1984).[3] It has also been compared to the works of such directors as Douglas Sirk (1897 - 1987), John Woo (吳宇森, 1946 - ), Jean-Luc Godard (1930 - ), Sam Raimi (1959 - ) and Quentin Tarantino (1963 - ).[4][6][7]

Miramax Films purchased the film for distribution in the United States, but changed the ending and then shelved it indefinitely. In 2006, the distribution rights were obtained by Magnolia Pictures, which screened the original version of the film in a limited release from January to April 2007 in several US cities.[8]

Plot

A young woman waits in the rain under an ornate gazebo in a lotus pond. She carries with her a photo of the man she is waiting for.

The man, whose name is Dum (ดำ), is with another gunman named Mahesuan (มเหศวร). Dressed all in black and wearing a cowboy hat, Dum enters a house and fires his pistol. The bullet ricochets around before it burrows into a man's forehead. A red title card then flashes up and says: "Did you catch that? If not, we'll play it again!" And the shot is replayed in slow motion, showing the bullet bouncing off items in a Rube Goldberg  (1883 - 1970) fashion.

Dum then rushes off, galloping his horse across the plain. However, by the time he reaches the gazebo, the woman, whose name is Rumpoey (รำเพย), is gone. She has returned home, where she is to be engaged to Police Captain Kumjorn (ร้อยตำรวจเอกกำจร) in a marriage arranged by her father, the provincial governor.

Mahesuan is bitter about his status as a sidekick to Dum. He was the best gunman in the outlaw gang headed by the brutal Fai (ฝ้าย), until Dum came along. Eager to settle the score, Mahesuan goes looking for Dum and finds him playing a harmonica. Mahesuan knocks it out of Dum's hand and baits him into a gunfight. The quick-drawing Dum fires first, but Mahesuan is not injured. However, a dead snake drops from an overhanging tree branch onto Mahesuan's cowboy hat. Dum killed the venomous snake, saving Mahesuan's life.

Dum then thinks back to his childhood 10 years ago during the Second World War, when Rumpoey and her father left the city to stay on Dum's father's small farm in rural Thailand.

Rumpoey is a demanding girl. She smashes a bamboo flute that Dum is playing and demands that he take her on a boat ride in the lotus pond. They visit the gazebo, or sala (ศาลา) in Thai language, and it is called "Sala Awaiting the Maiden." Dum says a woodcutter built it to await a wealthy family's daughter whom he had fallen in love with. However, the maiden was prevented from meeting the woodcutter, so she hanged herself. Rumpoey is touched by the story.

On the way home, they collide with a boat carrying three boys, who taunt Rumpoey. Dum defends Rumpoey, is struck with an oar and then their boat overturns. He rescues Rumpoey but is late in coming home. So he is punished by his father, who lashes the boy's back with a rattan cane. Rumpoey, feeling sorry for getting Dum into trouble, buys him a harmonica to replace the flute she broke.

Shifting back to present time, Dum and Mahesuan ride to an old Buddhist temple, where they swear a blood oath in front of the Buddha statue.

Meanwhile, Captain Kumjorn is eager to bring law and order to the wild west of Suphanburi Province (สุพรรณบุรี). In an attack on Fai's hide-out, the police forces seem to be gaining the upper hand. But then Dum and Mahesuan arrive on a cliff overlooking the battle and use rocket-propelled grenade launchers to decimate the police. Kumjorn is captured, and Dum is ordered by Fai to execute him. Kumjorn pleads with Dum to tell his fiancée of his fate, and he pulls out a framed photo of his beloved. Dum is stunned to see a photo of Rumpoey. Mahesuan enters to find Kumjorn gone and Dum with a knife in his chest.

As Dum's wound is being treated, he thinks back to one year ago, when he was a university student in Bangkok, where he became re-acquainted with Rumpoey. Dum pleads with her to leave him alone, reasoning that they are from different social classes and are fated to never be together. Later, Rumpoey is attacked by a gang of male students, the same boys from her childhood boat accident. Dum comes to her rescue but ends up expelled. Rumpoey finds Dum walking, and offers to give him a ride in her car. She then instructs her driver to take them to a nearby beach. Dum and Rumpoey confide their love for each other, and they agree to meet a year later at Sala Awaiting the Maiden.

However, Dum arrives at home and finds his father murdered. He takes his father's rifle, tracks the killers and shoots some of them. With one bullet left, he turns the gun on himself, but is stopped by Fai, who has ridden up with his horsemen. Fai recognizes the rifle, saying he had given it to Dum's father years before. Fai then hands Dum a pistol and tells him to finish the job of killing the men who murdered his father. Dum is now an outlaw.

Shifting back to the present, where it is the night before Rumpoey's wedding to Kumjorn, she tries to hang herself, but is stopped by her maid. Fai, meanwhile, plans to attack the governor's mansion, and Mahesuan, suspecting that Dum intentionally let Kumjorn go free, betrays Dum. A gun battle ensues, but Dum escapes.

Dum, dressed in a white suit, appears at the wedding and warns Kumjorn of Fai's plans to attack. Kumjorn, however, wants to shoot the man he knows as the "Black Tiger" and is his rival for Rumpoey's affection. Fai's men attack and Mahesuan breaks into the mansion, where he discovers Rumpoey, and knocks her unconscious. Mahesuan is carrying Rumpoey away when he meets Dum and demands a rematch gunfight. As a raindrop drips through a hole in the brim of Mahesuan's hat, Dum fires and the bullet rips through Mahesuan's teeth.

Dum, next confronted by Kumjorn, reaches into his pocket. Kumjorn, believing that he is reaching for his gun, shoots Dum. But Dum was only reaching for the photograph of Rumpoey that Kumjorn had once carried. As Dum lies dying in the rain with Rumpoey sobbing over him, some of Dum's words from earlier are narrated again – that life is suffering, punctuated only by a never-ending search for happy moments.

Cast
  • Chartchai Ngamsan (ชาติชาย งามสรรพ์, 1973 - ) as Dum Dua (ดำ), or Seua Dum (Black Tiger)
  • Suwinit Panjamawat (สุวินิจ ปัญจมะวัต) as Dum Dua (youth)
  • Stella Malucchi (สเตลล่า มาลูกี้, 1977 - ) as Rumpoey Prasit (รำเพย)
  • Supakorn Kitsuwon (ศุภกรณ์ กิจสุวรรณ, 1972 - ) as Mahesuan (มเหศวร)
  • Arawat Ruangvuth (เอราวัต เรืองวุฒิ) as Police Captain Kumjorn (ร้อยตำรวจเอกกำจร)
  • Sombat Metanee (สมบัติ เมทะนี, 1937 - ) as Fai (ฝ้าย)
  • Pairoj Jaisingha (ไพโรจน์ ใจสิงห์, 1943 - ) as Phya Prasit (พระยาประสิทธิ์, Rumpoey's father)
  • Naiyana Sheewanun (นัยนา ชีวานันท์, 1955 - ) as Rumpoey's maid (แม่นม)
  • Kanchit Kwanpracha (ครรชิต ขวัญประชา, 1940 - ) as Kamnan Dua (กำนันเดื่อ, Dum's father)"

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tears_of_the_Black_Tiger. -- Zugriff am 2013-03-19]

2000-10-01

Neuorganisation der Thahan Phran (ทหารพราน, Rangers) ohne gesondertes Hauptquartier.

2000-10-05

Es erscheint:

Bhumibol Adulyadej [พระบาทสมเด็จพระเจ้าอยู่หัวภูมิพลอดุลยเดชฯ] <1927 - 2016 > [Komponist] ; Nat Yontararak [ณัฐ ยนตรรักษ์] <1954 - >  Komponist, Arrangeur, Pianist]: Glory to Our Great Kings (Thai piano music). -- Marco Polo, 2000 (©1996). -- Musik-CD (Laufzeit 1:06:23). -- Enthält: Six songs by H. M. Bhumibol of Thailand (arr. Nat Yontararak).

Das Album auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:album:5t6mP3dgog794bAkhpaSdQ
URL: https://open.spotify.com/album/5t6mP3dgog794bAkhpaSdQ

Künstlerlink Nat auf Spotify:
URI: spotify:artist:4MP2i3U6RH127V8uaqd4zB
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/4MP2i3U6RH127V8uaqd4zB


Abb.: Cover

"Nat Yontararak (Thai: ณัฐ ยนตรรักษ์) born 6. Oct. 1954, is a Thai classical pianist, composer and music teacher.

Nat was born in Bangkok and studied at Bangkok Christian College (โรงเรียนกรุงเทพคริสเตียนวิทยาลัย). He started learning piano at the age of nine and became a student of Pantipa Treepoonpol.

He won the first prize in the first Siam Music Festival in 1971 when he was 16.

For college, he attended Chulalongkorn University (จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย), and graduated with a degree from the Faculty of Architecture.

He continued with music for his graduate studies, attending Goldsmiths College in London. He won a scholarship and a British Council support grant for further study in Piano Performance at the University of Reading. He also received a grant from H.H. Princess Sudasiri Sobha (สุทธสิริโสภา, 1921 - ) .

He returned to Thailand in 1983 and set up his own studio and music school.

In addition to teaching and composing, he regularly gives concerts, both in Thailand and abroad.

Among his works is the piano sonata, "Glory to Our Great Kings", which was presented at the United Nations as part of the commemoration of the 50th session of the UN General Assembly in October 1995.[1]

He was given the Silpathorn Award (รางวัลศิลปาธร) for Thai contemporary artists in 2006.

Nat Yontararak married Wongdeaun Indharavud (วงเดือน อินทราวุธ = Pa-Wongdeaun Yontararak - พ-วงเดือน ยนตรรักษ์, 1955 - ), who performed the leading role in Vichit Kounavudhi's (วิจิตร คุณาวุฒิ, 1922 - 1997) 1978 drama - First Wife (เมียหลวง - Mia Luang) and Suwat Woradilok's (สุวัฒน์ วรดิลก, 1923 - 2007) 1979 film - Son of the Slave (ลูกทาส - Look Thas). Wongdeaun Indharavud is the great-granddaughter of Chao Keo Naovarat (เจ้าแก้วนวรัฐ,1862 - 1939), the last king of Lanna.

Discography
  • Glory to Our Great Kings (Marco-Polo/Naxos"

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nat_Yontararak. -- Zugriff am 2013-01-30]

2000-10-20

Drittes Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in Seoul (서울, Südkorea).


Abb.: Lage von Seoul (서울, Südkorea)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

2000-10-21

Zum 100. Geburtstag der Mutter des Königs, Srinagarindra (ศรีนครินทรา, 1900 - 1995), stiftet China das Sirindhorn Chinese Language and Cultural Center (ศูนย์ภาษาและวัฒนธรรมจีนสิรินธร) an der Mae Fah Luang University (มหาวิทยาลัยแม่ฟ้าหลวง) in Chiang Rai (เชียงราย).


Abb.: Lage von Chiang Rai (เชียงราย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Sirindhorn Chinese Language and Cultural Center (ศูนย์ภาษาและวัฒนธรรมจีนสิรินธร), Chiang Rai (เชียงราย), 2007
[Bildquelle: David Sasaki. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/oso/1255440031/. -- Zugriff am 2012-02-26. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]

2000-10-21

In Hat Yai (หาดใหญ่) protestieren Hunderte und werfen Steine, weil es ihnen nicht gelungen ist, die Abmachung über die Trans Thailand–Malaysia Gas Pipeline (TTM) zu verhindern.


Abb.: Lage von Hat Yai (หาดใหญ่)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: ASEAN Power Grid
[Bildquelel: http://siew.sg/node/104. -- Zugriff am 2012-04-25. -- Fair use]

"Trans Thailand–Malaysia Gas Pipeline (TTM) is a gas pipeline linking suppliers in Malaysia to consumers in Thailand. It is a part of the Trans-ASEAN Gas Pipeline project.

History

The pipeline and gas separation project began in February 2000 to transport and process natural gas from the gas reserves in the Thai-Malaysia joint offshore development area. The development area is approximately 255 kilometres (158 mi) east of Songkhla Province (สงขลา) in the Gulf of Thailand (อ่าวไทย) and covers an area of 7,250 square kilometres (2,800 sq mi).

Construction on the pipeline started in mid-2003 and was completed in 2006-2007. It was built by the Trans Thai-Malaysia (Thailand) Ltd., a project company of Petronas and the PTT Public Company Limited (ปตท.).

 Description

The TTM project consists of the gas pipeline project and the Songkhla Gas Separation Plant project geared to making LPG. The pipeline has a diameter of 34 to 42 inches (860 to 1,070 mm).

Thailand also has two existing pipelines with Myanmar and a third under construction."

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Trans_Thailand%E2%80%93Malaysia_Gas_Pipeline. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-26]

2000-11

Es erscheint

The Pak Mun Dam in Mekong River basin, Thailand : final report / prepared for the World Commission on Dams (WCD) by: Sakchai Amornsakchai - Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok ; Philippe Annez - Griffon Ltd., Bangkok ; Suphat Vongvisessomjai - Asian Institute of Technology, Bangkok ; Sansanee Choowaew - Mahidol University, Bangkok ; Thailand Development Research Institute (TDRI), Bangkok ; Prasit Kunurat - Department of Social Sciences, Khon Kaen University ; Jaruwan Nippanon, - Department of Health, Khon Kaen University ; Roel Schouten- Seatec International - Consulting Engineers, Bangkok ; Pradit Sripapatrprasite- Seatec International - Consulting Engineers, Bangkok ; Chayan Vaddhanaphuti - Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai ; Chavalit Vidthayanon - Royal Thai Government Fisheries Department, Bangkok ; Wanpen Wirojanagud, - Faculty of Engineering, Khon Kaen University ; Ek Watana - Department of Ecological Science, Khon Kaen University. -- Cape Town, South Africa : Secretariat of the World Commission on Dam, 2000-11. -- 171 S. -- Online: http://www2.centre-cired.fr/IMG/pdf/F8_PakMunDam.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2016-02-08


Abb.: Lage des Pak Mun Staudamms (เขื่อนปากมูล)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Aus dem Executive Summary

"What were the predicted versus actual benefits, costs, and impacts?

Cost of the project

In May 1989 the Cabinet approved the 17m high, 136 mega watt (MW) Pak Mun [ปากมูล] project with a budget of 3.88 billion Baht (US$ 155.2 million). In 1991 National Economic and Social Development Board (NESDB) approved the modified project cost of 6.6 billion Baht (US$ 264 million). The final cost tally by EGAT [Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand - การ ไฟฟ้าฝ่ายผลิตแห่งประเทศไทย] in 1999 was 6.507 billion Baht (US$ 260 million). In nominal terms the project costs increased by 68% from the original estimates between 1989-99. Not including taxes and interests during construction the cost overruns in nominal terms are 91% over original estimates in 1988. However, the analysis indicates that in real terms (calculated at constant 1998 prices) the cost overrun was considerably less.

Compensation and Resettlement costs increased from 231.55 million Baht (US$ 9.26 million) in EGAT's 1988 estimates to an actual expenditure of 1 113.1 million Baht (US$ 44.24 million) till 1999. In real terms resettlement costs increased by 182%. Compensation for loss in fisheries, which was unanticipated in the original estimate, accounted for 395.6 million Baht by April 1999 (US$ 15.8 million).

Benefits - Hydropower

Pak Mun dam is located at the end of a large watershed where rainfall and run off vary considerably between dry and wet seasons. During wet months Pak Mun can turbine the daily inflow to serve the 4 hour peak demand and in addition can generate power in off-peak hours with surplus water available. However during the dry months the plant cannot produce its full rated capacity for the 4 hour peak demand due to insufficient water.

The output of the plant depends on the water level in the reservoir and the tailwater level. The Pak Mun Dam’s power production peaks in the wet season when it is least needed in the power system and is lowest in the dry season when it is most needed. When the water levels in the Mekong river are very high, the power plant will be shutdown for lack of generating head.

The operation records from the commissioning of the plant in 1994 indicate that Pak Mun's average annual output has been 290 Giga Watt per hour (GWh). This compares with the estimated average of 280 GWh. Pak Mun dam featured as a 136 MW, run-of-the-river project, to serve peaking needs in EGAT's presentation to the Cabinet as well as World Bank documents. However following the rules based on the daily power output data betweeen 1995-99, Pak Mun plant can use only 15% of its capacity as reliable 4 hour peak capacity. The actual dependable capacity of Pak Mun project calculated from daily power output between 1995-98 assuming that all available power gets assigned to a 4 hour peak demand period is only 20.81 MW. This 21 MW is what the Pak Mun project offsets in gas turbine capacity. However the value of alternative generating capacity adopted for comparative purposes by EGAT and sanctioned by the World Bank was much higher at 150 MW.

The actual operation of Pak Mun is often different from what was assumed in the planning studies. This type of operation may be beneficial from an ancillary services point of view (such as frequency and voltage regulation, Var control etc.), but the energy benefits will be less than planned.

Recalculating the project's equalising discount rate assuming that one would need one 21 MW gas turbine to provide the dependable capacity of a 20.8 MW hydro plant, the current report reaches a value of 7.88% which is below the shadow cost of capital in Thailand. When the benefits of the ancillary electricity net support of the dam and the green house gasses reduction benefit of the dam were included in the evaluation of the dam, these benefits were not sufficient to make the project economically justifiable.

EGAT and the World Bank indicated their disagreement with the finding. They explained that they looked at the overall power system at the planning stage. In the context of the whole system, it is possible that there would be enough (hydro) storage energy in the system to be able to cope with a dry year dry season output of Pak Mun. In the dry season, Pak Mun would be able to produce 136 MW over a number of hours, and that is enough to increase the output or start a thermal plant. It may not do that over an extended period, but that may not necessary. In that case the full 136 MW could be used for the capacity benefit.

Benefits - Irrigation

The Pak Mun project was presented for review to the NESDB in 1988 and to the Cabinet of Ministers in 1989 as a multi-purpose development project. External financing for the project was secured through the World Bank’s Third Power Project in 1991, which besides hydropower and irrigation, identified fisheries as a major benefit. Irrigation benefits were not included in the economic analysis justifying the project by the World Bank in its 1991 Staff Approval Report. The irrigation benefits of a run of river project were doubtful and this was known at the time the irrigation benefits were quantified in EGAT’s project document.

Benefits - Fisheries

About 7% of the project benefits were attributed to Fisheries in EGAT's 1988 Project documents.

The 1981 EIA [US Energy Information Administration] predicted that fish production from the reservoir would increase considerably, though some fish species may be affected by the blockage of river flows by the dam. The fish yield expected from the 60 square km Pak Mun reservoir was 100 kg/ha/year without fish stocking and 220 kg/ha/year with the fish-stocking programme. However, run-of-the-river reservoirs cannot sustain such high yields, as they do not provide the appropriate habitat for pelagic fish species. In Thailand even storage reservoirs that perform better under fish stocking programmes have a fish yield of about 19 to 38 kg/ha/year. The predicted fish yield from Pak Mun head pond was too high. A more realistic estimate would have been around 10 kg/ha/year. There has been no evidence to indicate that the fish productivity of Pak Mun reservoir has reached anywhere near the anticipated 100 kg/ha/year.

The 1981 EIA valued the total annual predicted fish catch in the head pond at US$ 320 000 at the rate of 20 Baht per kg, without stocking. With stocking program the predicted catch would be worth US$ 693 000 at the rate of 20 Baht per kg. The 1981 EIA underestimated the total value of fishing yields that could be obtained from the free-flowing river. After the completion of Pak Mun dam, the lower Mun River experienced a decline in fishing yields with an estimated value of US$ 1.4 million per annum at 20 Baht/kg. In addition to this the decline in fish species upstream led to the closure of 70 Tum Pla Yon [ตุ้มปลายอน] traps. At the price of 18 Baht/kg at the end of 1980s, the value of annual catch from these traps is calculated at US$ 212 000 per annum (1 US$ = 38 Baht). EGAT and the World Bank expressed their disagreement with the study team’s findings. A detailed basis for the conclusion is presented in the annex related to EGAT's comments.


Abb.: Tum Pla Yon [ตุ้มปลายอน]
[Bildquelle: http://qakm.lib.ubu.ac.th/artdesign/show_handicraft.php?IDCODE=0093. -- Zugriff am 2016-02-08. -- Fair  use]

Impacts

The 1982-83 Environmental Planning Survey predicted 241 households as displaced people. The actual number of households displaced by Pak Mun dam was 1,700. Unpredicted by the EIA, a large number of households were adversely affected due to declining fishing yields. Until March 2000, 6,202 households were compensated for loss in fisheries during the 3-year construction period. Compensation for the permanent loss of fisheries has not been given.
 

What were the unexpected impacts, if any?

Impact on Fish Migration & Fish diversity

Of the 265 fish species recorded in the Mun-Chi [แม่น้ำมูล - แม่น้ำชี] watershed before 1994, 77 species were migratory and 35 species are dependent on habitat associated with rapids.3 Available evidence does not indicate disappearance of any species before 1990, and nearly all species are very common ones to the region. Out of 265 species, about 10 were introduced species.


Abb.: Mun-Chi watershed
[Bildquelle: Shannon / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

The decline has been higher in the upstream region. The latest survey recorded 96 species in the upstream region. Out of 169 species not found in the present catch, 51 species have been caught less significantly since the completion of the project. At least another 50 species of rapid dependent fish have disappeared, and many species declined significantly. Migratory and rapid dependent species were affected seriously as their migration route is blocked in the beginning of the rainy season, the head pond has inundated their spawning ground and the fish pass is not performing. Long-term studies are required to arrive at a firmer conclusion on the exact number of species that disappeared from Chi - Mun river basin after the construction of Pak Mun dam. The fish catch directly upstream of the dam has declined by 60-80% after the completion of the project.

There are divergent views on the extent that the decline in fish species could be attributed solely to the dam with the view being proposed that the reduction in fish species might have started prior to the study.

The Pak Mun case study concludes that the difference in number of species in fish surveys before and after dam construction may well be exacerbated by the cumulative impact of many different developments in the watershed. These include: water resources and hydropower development in Chi-Mun river watershed, deforestation, domestic waste water discharge, agriculture intensification and development, fisheries, industrial waste water discharge, saline soils and enforcement of water quality standards and classification. All these developments have contributed to a decline in fish species in the Mun/Chi watershed as a whole. The Pak Mun Dam cannot be blamed for the apparent disappearance of all these fish species. Cumulative impacts of all developments including the Pak Mun Dam have led to disappearance of fish species. Downstream of the Pak Mun project, one or two species of fish have completely disappeared from the catch after the dam construction.

Location of the dam on the Mun river 5.5 km upstream from its confluence with the Mekong has affected several migrating and rapid-dependent fish species. Thus, decline in and disappearance of several migrating and rapid-dependent fish species are directly attributable to the Pak Mun dam.

Performance of Fish Pass

The project provided several mitigation measures, including a fish ladder to facilitate fish migration. Provision of a fish ladder was based on very little knowledge and experience. This mitigation plan came out at the time the dam construction was almost completed; and even then this important plan was not well prepared.

The 1981 EIA did not consider the construction of a fish ladder necessary for the Pak Mun dam but recommended the feasibility study of a fish way. The plan for a fish pass came at a time when dam
construction was almost completed. In effect, the fish pass was constructed after the completion of the dam at the cost of 2 million Baht (US$ 0.08 million). The fish pass has not been performing and is not allowing upstream fish migration. The project authorities have discontinued monitoring of the fish pass.

A vertical slot fish pass or a Denil fish pass instead of a pool and weir fish pass may have been more effective.


Abb.:  Vertical slot fish pass
[Bildquelle: PodrPro / Wikimedia. --  Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Denil fish pass
[Bildquelle: Tony in Devon / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Reservoir Stocking as Mitigation

Reservoir fishery was developed by EGAT in response to claims of declining fish catch. Total cost of stocking the head pond with fresh water Prawn (Macrobrachium rosenbergi) ranged between US$ 31 920 and US$ 44 240 annually between 1995-98. The Department of Fisheries estimates the total annual revenue of fishing yield to range between 1.2 to 3.2 million Baht. However the estimated annual catch and revenue for fishermen are too high. The Department of Fisheries in their revenue estimate included the naturally occurring Macrobrachium species that can breed in fresh water. The M. rosenbergi spawns in salt water and migrates to fresh water and therefore cannot establish a population under reservoir conditions. For this reason it may well turn out that the stocking of M. Rosenbergi in Pak Mun head pond is not generating any income for the fishermen. The project has discontinued fish and prawn stocking.


Abb.: Macrobrachium rosenbergi
[Bildquelle: Citron / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Impact on Livelihood

In the post-dam period fishing communities located upstream and downstream of the dam reported 50-100% decline in fish catch and the disappearance of many fish species. The number households dependent on fisheries in the upstream region declined from 95.6% to 66.7%. Villagers who were dependent on fisheries for cash income have found no viable means of livelihood since the dam was built, despite efforts to provide training opportunities. As their food security and incomes destabilised they sought various ways to cope including out migration to urban areas in search of wage labour.

Some households had to settle in forest reserve areas or on other common property as the compensation money was insufficient to buy alternate land. The Thai economic crisis affected households that did not use the compensation money to buy productive assets. Cropping incomes have declined and there has been a reduction in livestock as people are selling both due to a shift from farm based occupations as well as reduced grazing land.

Next to fisheries, loss of access to common property such as forest and grazing land has been among the other adverse impacts. Forests and riverbank dry season gardens were not compensated.

Since the completion of the project several committees were set up to assess the number and extent of households affected by loss of fisheries income. In all, over 6 202 fishermen demonstrated to the committee that they were engaged in fishing and their income affected following construction and operation of Pak Mun dam.

Based on the committee's findings, EGAT paid 90 000 Baht to each of the 3 955 fishermen in 1995, and it approved payment of 60 000 Baht each to another 2 200 fishermen in March 2000. Still, a large number of households located upstream of the dam are still waiting to be recognised for compensation. Unexpected costs of the project included the compensation for fisheries (488.5 million Baht had been paid up to March 2000) and investment on fish and prawn stocking programme. Till March 2000, 488.5 million Baht (US$ 19.5 million) had been paid as compensation for loss of fisheries livelihood.

While the government acknowledged the impact on fisheries and agreed to compensate eligible households at the rate of 90 000 Baht as compensation for loss of income during the three-year construction period, mitigation for the long-term loss of fisheries livelihood is under negotiation. On January 25, 1997, the villagers from Pak Mun joined the 99-day protest in Bangkok demanding fair compensations for the permanent loss of their fishing livelihood. Land and cash compensation promised by the government in April 1997 was retracted under a new political regime in 1998. From March 1999 villagers began demonstrations to be compensated by the Government and the World Bank for permanent loss of income from fisheries.

Decision Making and Conflict

Assessment of project impacts, like the assessment practices in past dam projects, remained focused on inundated areas and resettlement issues. Pak Mun project happened to be the first run-off-river type dam, with no reservoir and thus impacts due to flood and resettlement were not assumed to be as serious as those of other big dam projects in the region. Thus, fisheries impacts were overlooked. No study ever predicted that fisheries issues would become problematic, during construction or implementation though this issue was raised with the World Bank as early as October 1991 and prior to that with EGAT.

It has been realised by almost all of the stakeholders that planning, decision making, implementation and mitigation were done with inadequate base-line information, especially on fisheries, the most serious and most controversial of the issues. The project authorities considered that it was not possible to determine the number of fishermen actually affected or the extent of loss suffered and there was a perception of exaggerated and ever-increasing claims for compensation.

The absence of a proper baseline meant that claims for compensation by a large number of families would not be considered legitimate which meant that the only possible recourse for the affected villagers was prolonged protest.


Thus, the Pak Mun project became mired in a protracted process of conflict between the adversely-affected villagers, the project developers and the Government. Exclusion of affected people from the decision-making process gave rise toprotracted protests, demonstrations and confrontations. These actions were taken in order to seek recognition and settlement of compensation and rehabilitation entitlements. This resulted in very strong negative perception within the community for the project.

Impact on Rapids

The height of the dam was reduced and its location changed from the initial plan to drastically reduce resettlement of persons and to preserve the Kaeng Tana [แก่งตะนะ] and Kaeng Saphue [แก่งสะพือ] rapids that are tourist attractions. This was done at a substantial sacrifice in power benefits. Nevertheless, more than 50 natural rapids were permanently submerged by the project. These rapids served as the habitat of a number of species of fish, and therefore several rapid-dependent fish species seem to have disappeared. The implication of the loss of rapids for fisheries was not assessed in the project’s environmental impact study.

Other Environmental impacts

The project has resulted in the loss of riverbank vegetation, natural forest and community forest. In the pre-project period, the women in the community harvested 40 edible plants, 10 bamboo species and 45 mushroom species for household subsistence and small income. A number of medicinal plants were also found near the Mun riverbank. Loss of these plants and vegetation through inundation has implications for biodiversity and household food security. These aspects were overlooked in the environment assessment study in 1982 and in the absence of a new EIA for the redesigned project.

What was the distribution of costs and benefits: who gained and who lost?

Pak Mun project was a part of EGAT's least cost development plan to serve the peaking needs of Northeast Thailand. However as the project cannot function as a reliable peaking plant of 136 MW due to a number of constraints; the nature and extent of gain to Thailand's Northeast region from the power contribution of the Pak Mun project remains a matter of diverging opinion. The changing mix of technologies for generation since 1988, indicates that hydropower is gradually playing a less important role in power provision. From the data on contribution of different power generation to the seasonal peak load, it can be seen that hydropower contributes significantly during the hottest and driest months in Thailand. These are also the months when the Pak Mun hydropower plant is least able to have the water resources to contribute because it has no storage reservoir.

Communities dependent on the fisheries for livelihood in the upstream and downstream of the Mun River experienced an ongoing decline in fish catch. The Royal Thai Government had to recognise and pay compensation to 6 202 fishermen for the unanticipated loss in fisheries income. While compensation settlement has been reached with over 6 202 households regarding loss in income during the three years of construction, compensation for permanent losses in livelihood remains under negotiation.

Despite the cash and credit compensation, permanent loss of fisheries cannot be replaced by a one-off cash compensation. As a result of the project and in the absence of baseline information, the Thai Government is left vulnerable to ever-increasing claims for compensation for the loss of fisheries livelihood. Regarding the issue of fisheries, all stakeholders stand to lose, not only from a disrupted ecosystem but also from increased expenditure on mitigation efforts that are unlikely to mitigate the losses.

Villagers who owned some land on slightly higher elevations were able to grow some rice prior to the dam construction. Villagers who were dependent largely on fisheries for cash income, however, have found no viable means of living since the depletion of fish in the reservoir. The changes were particularly acute in paddy production. Along the Mun River, swamps and wetland forests, are parts of the riverine ecosystem. During the rainy seasons, these are flooding areas and places for fish to spawn. In the past, villagers used the area along the river to find bamboo shoots, mushrooms, native plants and vegetables that they depend on for their subsistence. During the dry seasons, they also developed narrow patches of land along the riverbanks for growing vegetables. In the upper part of the lower Mun, where banks were not steep, land along the river was developed as paddy fields. These have brought drastic changes in the way that villagers use natural resources. As their food and income security has been destabilized, villagers have sought different ways to cope with the changing conditions. Some of them and their children began to leave their villages to look for alternative employment opportunities, such as working in construction or in factories. Compensation was not invested in productive assets. Many affected people who were given compensation used the money to build their new house or change their roof. Many also have debts, borrowing from their cooperative as well as local moneylenders. Short-term wage opportunities and one-off cash compensation cannot replace the loss of a productive resource base by the community.

After resettlement, villagers have witnessed many social and cultural problems. The new social arrangements have disrupted former social relations and changed patterns of interaction among the villagers. In the past the Mun river served as the stage for their social life. The river was where villagers met, interacted, and developed social networks of exchange. The traditional communal ceremony had usually been organized on the riverbank, but now could not be held due to the submergence of the ceremonial site and, in part, due to the social disintegration of the communities. Since the beginning of the Pak Mun project conflicts of ideas and interests arose between those who opposed the dam and the kamnan [กำนัน] and headmen group. The conflict was intensified during protests and demonstrations for compensation. Those who were opposing the dam were often discriminated against. The conflict over the dam project at the local level created mistrust and deep social rifts.

The local community and adversely-affected villagers have expended considerable time and effort over nearly ten years in protests, demonstrations and negotiations with the government and project authorities. What became an issue of lost livelihood and a conflict over compensation was initially a demand for a role in the decisionmaking processes pertaining to the development, utilisation and transformation of natural resources that form the livelihood base of the community. The process has created bitterness and negative perceptions within the community at being excluded from critical stages in the decision-making process.

The World Bank and EGAT have suggested that the income level of the families in the region improved significantly since the completion of the Pak Mun project. The National Rural Development Committee (NRDC) data waspresentedas evidence. The NRDC data wasanalysed and inferences drawn (see Annex 3 for details). However, the data was not used in drawing conclusions. See Section 11.6; Annex 3 for an understanding on the NRDC data.

The study team finally based its conclusions on the primary data generated by the study as well as other studies conducted specifically in relation to the Pak Mun project. Thus, the 1996-97 Operations Evaluation Department of the World Bank (OED) study was also used as a benchmark.

How were the decisions made?

The National Energy Authority (NEA) initiated development of the water resources of the Chi-Mun watershed. The preliminary feasibility study completed in 1970 selected the Kaeng Tana rapids as the possible dam site. By May 1979 the project was transferred to EGAT for further feasibility studies.

Environmental Impact Studies conducted in 1982 indicated that approximately 4000 households would be displaced if the reservoir were impounded to a level of 113 MSL [Mean Sea Level]. In order to reduce the project's environmental and social impacts, after a new feasibility study an alternative design with a normal water level of 108 MSL was agreed upon in 1985. The relocation of the dam site significantly reduced the extent of displacement from the project to an estimated 248 households. The original project design was further modified by relocating the dam 1.5 km upstream to avoid the submergence of Kaeng Tana rapids, an important environmental and tourist site. EGAT also decided to lower the reservoir to 106 MSL during dry season from January to May and to adjust the dam's operating regime to uncover the upstream Kaeng Saphue rapids, a popular tourist destination. It should be acknowledged that EGAT and the Thai government made substantial sacrifice in power benefits in order to minimise social and environmental impacts.

However a new EIA was not conducted at this stage that may have identified and anticipated some of the new environmental impacts arising from the new location of the Pak Mun project.

In April 1989 the project was presented by EGAT to the Council of Ministers of the Thai Government (the Cabinet). Nearly one year later the Pak Mun Hydropower Project was presented as part of a loan package to the Board of Governors of the World Bank. In 1991 when it appeared that project costs would have to be increased, it was presented to NESDB for re-approval. In each of these occasions costs and benefits were presented.

The Pak Mun dam was described as a multipurpose development project by EGAT in the project document dated March 1988. Claims of associated and attributable benefits from the project, which were modest relative to the value assigned to electricity generation, included irrigation, fishery, navigation improvement and recreation enhancement. Only the benefits of power, irrigation, and fishery were quantified in EGAT’s project document. The project later qualified for World Bank loan financing as part of Thailand’s Third Power System Development Project. The World Bank’s Staff Appraisal Report (SAR) was completed in July 1991; the Bank’s Board of Directors approved the project in December 1991.

In August 1991 when EGAT resubmitted the project to the NESDB for the endorsement of a 70% increase in estimated investment costs, along with the expected annual energy output, the irrigation and fishery benefits remained unchanged. The revisions showed that the Pak Mun dam as a multipurpose development project including resultant irrigation and fishery potentials was still worthwhile. NESDB accepted the project as proposed and endorsed EGAT's revisions. The project's Economic Internal Rate of Return (EIRR) changed from 18.71% in 1988 to 17.35% in 1991-irrigation benefits were quantified. Neither the SAR nor the revised NESDB application in 1991 identified how the irrigation components were going to be financed but benefits were included in both and quantified in the latter's presentation.

In a recent communication with the Pak Mun study team EGAT has indicated that the power benefit of the Pak Mun Dam is the core benefit of the project. Other benefits such as fishery, irrigation, etc. are secondary, and were not necessary for project justification.

The conceptual economic benefit of avoided costs for power generation from the next best alternative, was used in the project's economic evaluation (the power only component). The actual hydropower benefits of the dam were not used by EGAT or the World Bank in the economic justification of the project. Both institutions limited their analysis to a switching value analysis, also called Equalising Discount Rate analysis. Such an analysis is used to rank projects by priority once they have been estimated to be economically viable. The lack of proper ex-ante economic analysis means that it is not possible to conduct a comparison of Projected and Actual Economic Value of the project.

The Cabinet mandated EGAT to establish eligibility criteria and finalise the process of compensation to the affected people. The Governor of the Province of Ubon Ratchathani [อุบลราชธานี], the Director-General of the Department of Fisheries, and the Permanent Secretary of the Prime Minister’s Office were put in charge of the compensation process. The focus of the process shifted from lost assets like land and other properties to decline in fisheries affecting livelihood.

Affected villagers were not consulted at the early stages of the decision-making process and there were no attempts to include them in the decision making on the project or the mitigation measures. The issues around inadequate assessment of impacts and compensation were not addressed at the outset. Negotiation on compensation began only after long protests by the affected community and NGOs. Participation of affected villagers and NGOs in the compensation process was first elicited through the Committee for Assistance and Occupational Development of Fish Farmers (CAODFF), formed by order of the Prime Minister in January 1995, eight months after completion of the dam. The Director-General of the Department of Fisheries headed the committee. EGAT remained solely responsible for all costs relating to the works of the various committees and working groups and for the compensations paid out."

[a.a.O., S. V - XI. -- Fair use]

2000-11-01

Im Fernsehen kommt es zu einem Eklat zwischen dem Botschafter Israel, David Matnai, und dem Vorsitzenden der Kommision für Aussenpolitik des Senats, Kraisak Choonhavan (ไกรศักดิ์ ชุณหะวัณ, 1947 - ). Der Botschafter zeigt mit dem Finger energisch auf Kraisak, was dieser als Beleidigung auffasst und darauf die israelischen Soldaten "Kindermörder" nennt.

2000-11-05 - 2000-11-18

ASEAN-Fußballmeisterschaft "Tigercup" in Thailand. Die thailändische Nationalmannschaft (ฟุตบอลทีมชาติไทย) gewinnt im Finale gegen Indonesien 4 : 1.


Abb.: ®Logo der thailändischen Nationalmannschaft (ฟุตบอลทีมชาติไทย)
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia]

2000-11-07

George Walker Bush (1946 - ) wird zum 43. Präsidenten der USA gewählt.


Abb.: George W. Bush / von Murray Webb (1947 - ), 2006
[Bildquelle: George Bush. 15 June, 2006.. Webb, Murray, 1947- :[Digital caricatures published from 29 July 2005 onwards (2006, 2007, 2008). Includes a selection of digital caricatures published from 2002 and up to July 2005.]. Ref: DCDL-0001755. Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, New Zealand. http://natlib.govt.nz/records/22878842. -- Zugriff am 2013-03-09. -- "You can copy this item for personal use, share it, and post it on a blog or website. It cannot be used commercially without permission"]

 

2000-11-09

Thailand wird Partnerstaat der OSZE (Organisation für Sicherheit und Zusammenarbeit in Europa)


Abb.: Mitgliedstaaten (grün) und Partnerstaaten (orange) der OSZE, 2008
[Bildquelle: Sven / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

2000-11-11

BBC News: der Kronprinz bestellt aus Thailand in einem Thai-Restaurant in Stratford-on-Avon  350 Pakete klassischer Thai-Speisen. Der Kronprinz hatte im Vormonat das Restaurant besucht und war von der Güte des Essens beeindruckt. Angestellte der Thai-Botschaft in London müssen das vorbereitete, aber noch nicht gekochte Essen abholen und es auf den über 9.000 km langen Luftweg bringen.

Das ist ein Beispiel für Sufficiency Economy (เศรษฐกิจพอเพียง, Genügsamkeitstheorie des thailändischen Königs), praktiziert vom Königshaus.

2000-11-14

Ca. 100 frühere Arbeitnehmer von Nike protestieren gegen den Berufsgolfer Tiger Woods (1975 - ), der für Nike Reklame macht und sich in einem Bangkoker Hotel aufhält. Nike hatte im September 1.000 Arbeitnehmer entlassen ohne ihnen bisher eine Entschädigung zu zahlen. Tiger Woods ist der Sohn eines US-Vaters und einer thailändischen Mutter.


Abb.: Tiger Woods mit Nike-Logo, 2007
[Bildquelle: PaddyBriggs / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

2000-11-16

Als erster US-Präsident besucht Bill Clinton das kommunistische Vietnam.

2000-11-16


Abb.: Sanitsuda Ekachai (สนิทสุดา เอกชัย)
[Bildquelle: FAO]

Bangkok Post: Sanitsuda Ekachai (สนิทสุดา เอกชัย, 1955 - ): "Don't lose heart, make merit"

Kommentar zur blinden Unterstützung der Mönche.

"The bogus monks caught in these scandals have been abbots or in high monastic positions. Their misconduct was no secret but they were not punished. Worse, they had climbed steadily up the Sangha ladder. Why is that?

Monastic society operates pretty much like our own. Connections are all that matter. In Thai bureaucracy and politics, paying for position is common practice. Subordinates must constantly oil the connection wheels, paying their superiors with protection money to ensure immunity. The Sangha also works that way. Popular critiques on corruption tend to focus on moral issues. It’s either the person involved is morally corrupt or the culture of that society fosters corruption. Let’s not fall into this moralistic trap when looking at decay of the monkhood.

[...]

We turn away beggars and street children for fear that our coins will strengthen the beggar racket. We ignore the protests of the poor, dismissing them as greedy. We let humanitarian organisations struggle to help the downtrodden while we dutifully pay monks for rites and rituals without questioning where the money goes or why the clergy have turned their backs on people’s suffering.

Monks are human beings struggling to let go of the sources of suffering. Like us, they will stray if the system encourages it. And our merit making is part of the system that makes monks stray.

The Buddha taught that the practice of transcending greed, anger and prejudice is holier than any kind of merit making. Since Sangha reform will help both monks and lay Buddhists alike practise dhamma better, we need to make Sangha reform a reality, which would be the ultimate act of merit."

Sanitsuda Ekachai (สนิทสุดา เอกชัย) <1955 - >: Keeping the faith : Thai Buddhism at the crossroads. -- Bangkok : Post Books, 2001. -- 322 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 974-228-016-9. -- S. 321f.]


Abb.: Geldbaum fürs Kloster, Wat Traimit (วัดไตรมิตร), Bangkok, 2012
[Bildquelle: David. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/randomwire/6782248143/. -- Zugriff am 2012-09-28. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

2000-11-17

Tod von Lek (Praphai) Viriyaphant (ประไพ วิริยะพันธุ์, 1914 - 2000), einem exzentrischen Millionär, der folgende Komplexe bauen ließ:


Abb.: Lage von Ancient Siam (früher: Ancient City; Mueang Boran - เมืองโบราณ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Ancient Siam (früher: Ancient City; Mueang Boran - เมืองโบราณ), Samut Prakan (สมุทรปราการ), 2008
[Bildquelle:
Luka Krstulović / Wikimedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

"Mueang Boran (wörtl. Alte Stadt, im englischen Sprachgebrauch daher auch oft Ancient City, in Thai: เมืองโบราณ) ist ein Freilichtmuseum für thailändische Architektur, Kultur und Kunst bei Samut Prakan (สมุทรปราการ) in Thailand. Das angeblich größte Freilichtmuseum der Welt liegt etwa 30 km südlich der Hauptstadt Bangkok nahe der Küste zum Golf von Thailand an der alten Sukhumvit-Schnellstraße nach Trat.

Das Gelände

Das Museum liegt auf einem etwa 128 Hektar großen Gelände mitten im Industrie-Gebiet von Samut Prakan. Es hat aus der Luft gesehen die Form von Thailand selbst. Der Eingang befindet sich am südlichsten Zipfel, welches in Wirklichkeit die Landesgrenze nach Malaysia wäre. Über ein weit verzweigtes Netzwerk von Schotterstraßen kann jede einzelne Sehenswürdigkeit selbst mit dem eigenen Wagen erreicht werden. Das bevorzugte Transportmittel in der Alten Stadt ist das Fahrrad, welches am Eingang leihweise erhältlich ist.

Geschichte

Die Idee zu diesem einzigartigen Museum entstammt einer Vision von Khun Lek (Praphai) Viriyapan (*1914, † 17. November 2000 - Thai: ประไพ วิริยะพันธุ์), einem vermögenden thailändischen Unternehmer. Er liebte sein Land und interessierte sich sehr für seine Kultur- und Kunstgeschichte sowie für die traditionelle Architektur. Bereits in der Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts stellte er auf seinen vielen Reisen fest, dass sich die Entwicklung der thailändischen Gesellschaft von einer traditionell landwirtschaftlich geprägten hin zu einer industriellen Gesellschaft vollzog. Dadurch wurden viele Kulturdenkmäler vernachlässigt und nach und nach dem Verfall preisgegeben. Er fing an, Antiquitäten zu sammeln und kam dadurch mit vielen Gleichgesinnten, mit Archäologen und Kunsthistorikern zusammen. Zunächst hatte er die Idee, einen Minigolfplatz mit miniaturisierten Ausgaben wichtiger thailändischer Orte zu bauen. Diese ließ er aber schnell wieder fallen, als er in den 1960er Jahren in Samut Prakan den idealen Ort zur Verwirklichung seiner Vorstellungen gefunden hatte. Am 11. Februar 1972 wurde die Mueang Boran dann im Beisein des thailändischen Königspaares sowie Königin Elisabeth II. von England eröffnet. Es wird spekuliert, dass mittlerweile etwa 200 Mio. US$ in das Projekt geflossen sind.

Sehenswürdigkeiten

Auf dem Gelände befinden sich künstliche Wasserläufe, Berge wurden aufgeschüttet, manchmal kann man scheues Rehwild beobachten, welche den spärlichen Rasen kurzhalten. Es befinden sich hier nach letzter Zählung 116 Monumente, Kopien aber auch Originale berühmter Bauwerke aus allen Teilen Thailands. Gruppen von Statuen, welche Werke der thailändischen Literatur und ihre Personen oder auch berühmte Begebenheiten der Geschichte nachstellen, sind in „Gärten“ angeordnet.

Die einzelnen Sehenswürdigkeiten sind innerhalb des Museums geografisch korrekt angeordnet. Beim Betreten des Museums bekommt jeder Besucher einen Übersichtsplan ausgehändigt, auf dem alle Monumente durchnummeriert aufgeführt sind. Erst vor wenigen Jahren konnte im Nordwesten ein weiteres Stück Land erworben werden, welches für zusätzliche Gebäude genutzt wird, die teilweise aus der Phantasie von Khun Lek entsprungen sind.

Einzelne besonders interessante Bauten von Süd nach Nord:

  • Die „Stupa des Wat Phra Mahathat“ in Chaiya (ไชยา) im Srivijaya-Stil
  • Im „Alten Marktflecken“ befinden sich mehrere Original Teakholz-Häuser aus Yan Nawa (ยานนาวา), die einem Straßenmarkt aus der Provinz Tak (ตาก) nachempfunden sind.

  • Der „Palast des Tiger King“ (König Suriyentharathibodi) wurde aus Ayutthaya (อยุธยา) gerettet, das Original steht heute im Wat Suwannaram, Phetchaburi (เพชรบุรี)
  • Die „Audienzhalle von König Taksin“  (ตากสินมหาราช) mit Wandmalereien, Thonburi (ธนบุรี)
  • Die „Große Schlacht von Yuthahathi“ beschreibt die Schlacht von König Naresuan (สมเด็จพระนเรศวรมหาราช) gegen die Burmesen.
  • Der „Drei-Pagoden-Pass“ (ด่านเจดีย์สามองค์) bei Kanchanaburi
  • Eine verkleinerte Kopie des „Dusit Maha Prasat“ aus dem Grand Palace (พระบรมมหาราชวัง) in Bangkok, wie er nach Recherchen das Mueang-Boran-Teams ursprünglich von König Rama I. erschaffen wurde.
  • Der „Sanphet Prasat Thronhalle des Wang Luang (วังหลว, Königspalast) von Ayutthaya“ wurde nach alten Aufzeichnungen im Maßstab 1:3 rekonstruiert.
  • Der „Phra Kaeo Pavillon“, ein runder Pavillon in chinesischem Stil, wie er auf alten Karten von Ayutthaya eingezeichnet war.
  • Der „Khun Chang-Khun Phaen-Garten“ wurde Figuren nachempfunden, die der thailändische Nationaldichter Sunthorn Pu (สุนทรภู่) ersonnen hat.
  • Der „Fußabdruck des Buddha“ im Wat Phra Phutthabat (วัดพระพุทธบาท) bei Saraburi wurde nach aufwändigen Recherchen historischer Aufzeichnungen verkleinert nachgebaut.
  • Ein „Thai Hamlet“, ein kleiner landwirtschaftlicher Weiler aus der zentralen Ebene wurde hier mit einigen Original-Häusern und antiken Ackergeräten aufgebaut.
  • Der „Sukhothai-Viharn“ wurde nach alten Aufzeichnungen in Originalgröße rekonstruiert. Sein Aussehen wurde dem Viharn des Phra Buddha Chinnarat im Wat Phra Sri Rattana Mahathat (วัดพระศรีรัตนมหาธาตุ) in Phitsanulok (พิษณุโลก) und einem Viharn im Wat Nang Phaya in Si Satchanalai (อศรีสัชนาลัย) nachempfunden.
  • Auf dem „Schwimmenden Markt“ findet zu besonderen Festtagen tatsächlich ein Markt statt, wie er in vergangenen Zeiten überall in Thailand üblich war. Originale Holzhäuser säumen die große Wasserfläche, sie sind mit kleinen Holzbrücken verbunden.
  • Der „Lotusknospen-Turm des Wat Phra Mahathat“ (วัดมหาธาตุ) in Sukhothai (สุโขทัย)
  • Ho Kham, ein „goldener Pavillon“ aus Lampang (ลำปาง) wurde nach alten Fotografien nur aus Holz ohne einen einzigen Nagel erbaut. Innen befindet sich ein kleines Museum.

  • Die „Chedi von Chama Thewi“ (พระนางจามเท) aus Lamphun (ลำพูน) erstrahlt hier, etwas verkleinert, in ursprünglicher Schönheit.

  • Der „Viharn des Wat Phumin (วัดภูมินทร์) aus Nan“ (น่าน) mit seinen von Schlangenkörpern flankierten Eingangstreppen ist hier verkleinert aufgebaut.
  • Der „Khao Phra Viharn (Preah Vihear -  ប្រាសាទព្រះវិហារ)“ wurde hier verkleinert auf einem künstlich aufgeschütteten, 54 m hohen Berg so erbaut, wie in die Gläubigen vor hunderten von Jahren erleben konnten.
  • Auch 1:3 Nachbildungen der Heiligtümer von Phimai (พิมาย) in der Provinz Nakhon Ratchasima (นครราชสีมา) und Phanom Rung (ปราสาทหินเขาพนมรุ้ง) in der Provinz Buriram (บุรีรัมย์) stehen hier.

Die folgenden Gebäude im Nordwesten des Museumsgeländes haben kein reales Vorbild, sie entstammen der Phantasie von Khun Lek:

  • Der „Berg Sumeru“, ein Holzgebäude mit phantastischen und mythologischen Figuren und Wandmalereien, davor eine Statuengruppe, die den mythologischen Anotatta-See am Berg Meru darstellt.
  • Der „Pavillon der 80 Yogi“ stellt eine alte Form der medizinischen Behandlung anhand von teilweise pittoresk verzerrten Statuen von Einsiedlern dar.
  • Zwei große „Statuen des Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara (Kuan Yin - 觀音)“
  • Der „Ramayana-Pavillon“ ist eigentlich eine Reihe von schwimmenden Holz-Pavillons, die mit einer Brücke verbunden sind. Sie zeigen auf Wandmalereien die Geschichte des Ramayana.
  • Der „Botanische Garten aus der Thai-Literatur“: um einen Garten mit Bäumen und Pflanzen, denen speziell in der thailändischen Literatur gehuldigt wird, schlängelt sich ein überdachter Laubengang.
Weitere Projekte des Khun Lek
  • Erawan-Museum (พิพิธภัณฑ์ช้างเอราวัณ) − Museum in Samut Prakan. Ursprünglich geplant, die Antiquitätensammlung von Khun Lek unterzubringen. In einem kleinen Park mit vielen Statuen aus der thailändischen Mythologie liegt ein kreisrundes Gebäude, in dessen Keller sich einige Antiquitäten befinden. Attraktion ist jedoch der riesige Erawan, der auf dem Gebäude steht. Der dreiköpfige Elefant ist innen begehbar, ein Aufzug befindet sich in seinem linken Hinterbein. Innen in barockartigem Überfluss dekoriert mit kleinen und großen Figuren aus der Phantasie von Khun Lek.
  • Sanctuary of Truth (ปราสาทสัจธรรม) − Gebäudekomplex bei Pattaya mit Holzschitzereien von Figuren aus der thailändischen Mythologie. Beim Bau wurden viele Materialien von alten thailändischen Häusern benutzt. Hier konnte Khun Lek seiner Phantasie freien Lauf lassen.
  • Muang Boran Publishing House − Verlag zahlreicher Publikationen über traditionelle thailändische Kunst, Kultur und Architektur. Der Großteil der publizierten Bücher sind in thailändische Sprache, dabei sind allerdings oft ein oder zwei Kapitel ins Englische übersetzt.
  • Muang Boran Journal (วารสารรายสามเดือน) − Vierteljahreszeitschrift für Archäologie, Architektur. Hauptsächlich in thailändischer Sprache, ausgewählte Artikel auch auf Englisch.
  • Lek Prapai Viriyapant Foundation − Kulturstiftung
  • Nai Rob Roo − Verlag von Reiseführern alleine für den thailändischen Markt
  • The Viriyah Insurance − allgemeine Versicherungsgesellschaft
Quellen
  • The Viriyah Business Co.: Guide to Muang Boran. Muang Boran Publishing House Bangkok 2001, ISBN 974-7381-26-5
  • Jittima Sutthasri (Ed.): The Old Market Town. Muang Boran Publishing House Bangkok 1992, ISBN 974-7366-91-6"

[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mueang_Boran. -- Zugriff am 2012-04.05]


Abb.: Lage des Erawan-Museum (พิพิธภัณฑ์ช้างเอราวัณ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Erawan-Museum (พิพิธภัณฑ์ช้างเอราวัณ), Samut Prakan (สมุทรปราการ), 2010
[Bildquelle: Mike Behnken. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/mikebehnken/4990537146/. -- Zugriff am 2012-04-05. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]


Abb.: Erawan-Museum (พิพิธภัณฑ์ช้างเอราวัณ), Samut Prakan (สมุทรปราการ), 2010
[Bildquelle: Mike Behnken. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/mikebehnken/4989773757/. -- Zugriff am 2012-04-05. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

"Das Erawan-Museum (Thai: พิพิธภัณฑ์ช้างเอราวัณ) ist ein Museum in der Provinz Samut Prakan (สมุทรปราการ) in Zentralthailand. Die Provinz Samut Prakan liegt direkt südlich von Bangkok.

Das Erawan-Museum gilt vor allem aufgrund seiner besonderen Architektur als einzigartiges Museum.

Lage

Das Erawan-Museum befindet sich an der Thanon Sukhumvit (ถนน สุขุมวิท, Sukhumvit-Straße) in der Provinz Samut Prakan südlich des Khlong Samrong (Samrong-Kanal) in einer Schleife des Maenam Chao Phraya.

Baugeschichte

Ursprünglich sollte ein gewaltiges Museum in der Provinz Chachoengsao (ฉะเชิงเทรา) entstehen, das aufgrund lokaler Misshelligkeiten nicht zustande kam. Nach längeren Vorarbeiten wurde ein Gelände im Einzugsgebiet von Bangkok in der Provinz Samut Prakan ausgewählt. Am 13. Juli 1994 erfolgte die Grundsteinlegung, der eine etwa zehnjährige Bautätigkeit folgte.

Als architektonische Besonderheit zeigt das Museum ein rundes Basis-Gebäude, das einen begehbaren mythischen dreiköpfigen Elefanten, den Erawan, trägt. Die Gesamthöhe des Gebäudes samt Elefanten beträgt 43,6 Meter, die Breite des Elefanten allein liegt bei 12 Metern, seine Länge bei 39 Metern. Er hat ein Gewicht von 150 Tonnen.

Nutzung

Das gesamte Bauwerk und der angrenzende Park dient als Museum für thailändische Antiquitäten. Das Hauptgebäude ist in drei Ebenen gegliedert:

  • das Erdgeschoss (Badan) zeigt eine Antiquitäten-Ausstellung mit chinesischem Porzellan und einer Übersicht über das Bauwerk
  • das mittlere Stockwerk ist der Treppenbereich mit Stuckarbeiten und mit einem bemalten Glasdach des deutschen Künstlers Jakob Schwarzkopf (1926 - 2001)
  • das obere Stockwerk stellt die buddhistischen Antiquitäten aus, hier kann man an der Decke eine Darstellung des Universums sehen, ebenfalls von Schwarzkopf entworfen
Literatur
  • Sudara Suchaxaya: The Erawan Museum: Convergence of Dreams, Faith and Gratitude. (Übers.: Jaroon Gainey, Stephen Lorriman). Bangkok 2006. ISBN 974-7385015."

[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Erawan-Museum. -- Zugriff am 2012-04-05]


Abb.: Lage des Sanctuary of Truth (ปราสาทสัจธรรม)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: Sanctuary of Truth (ปราสาทสัจธรรม), Pattaya (พัทยา), 2009
[Bildquelle: Eternal Vagabond. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/eprivass/3591332292/. -- Zugriff am 2012-04-05. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

"Sanctuary of Truth (Thai: ปราสาทสัจธรรม, also called Wang Boran and Prasat Mai[1]) is a temple construction in Pattaya (พัทยา), Thailand.[2] The sanctuary is an all-wood building filled with sculptures based on traditional Buddhist and Hindu motifs. The building is close to 105 meters (345 feet) high and covers an area of more than two rai (ไร่ ). It features contemporary Visionary art based on traditional religious themes. The project was initiated as an idea of Thai businessman Lek Viriyaphant in 1981, and is scheduled to be complete in 2025.

The style of the Sanctuary evokes Khmer architecture, displaying hand-carved wooden sculptures indicative of the imperial setting at Angkor(អង្គរ). It has four gopura, respectively representing images from the Buddhist and Hindu religions and mythologies of Cambodia, China, India and Thailand.[1] According to the official website, its purpose is to use art and culture as "a reflection of the Ancient Vision of Earth, Ancient Knowledge, and Eastern Philosophy. Within this complex, visitors will understand Ancient Life, Human Responsibility, Basic Thought, Cycle of living, Life Relationship with Universe and Common Goal of Life toward Utopia".[3]"

[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sanctuary_of_Truth. -- Zugriff am 2012-04-05]

2000-11-20

Die Shan State Army (ရှမ်းပြည် တပ်မတော်, SSA) überfällt Methamphetamin-Laboratorien an der Grenze zu Thailand an und konfisziert 200.000 Pillen. Das dritte Thai Kavallerie Bataillon und das birmanische 395. Bataillon geraten dabei aneinander. Myanmar sieht darin einen Angriff durch die Thai-Truppen.

2000-11-22

Schlagzeile in der Zeitung เดลินิวส์ (Daily News):

"Jährlich lassen 100.000 Heranwachsende abtreiben. Geschlossene Augen gegenüber illegalem ya khap [ยาขับ, Abtreibungsmittel]!! Üble Ärzte und Apotheker schaffen diese Sünde."

2000-11-22

Zeitung (Daily News) über Teenager-Sex und Abtreibung

"Our Thai adolescents are worryingly crazy (mua) [มั่ว] about sex. This mua sek [มั่วเซคซฺ] (sex craze) is a big problem for Thai adolescents at the moment, more than drug problems. Right now this problem is being overlooked again. Wallop Tangkhananurak [วัลลภ ตังคณานุรักษ์], Senator for Bangkok and Secretary of the Sang San dek Foundation [มูลนิธิสร้างสรรค์เด็ก] explained that the mua phaet [มั่วเพศ] (sex craze) problem of adolescents is 1 of 3 big problems, it is stronger than the problem of drugs and violence: ‘At present there are girls as young as only 15-16 coming to the foundation for advice about pregnancy, on average about 15 per month. These groups of adolescent teenagers are from families of rich and poor status’. This data is consistent with the investigations of many agencies that found that Thai children of this generation are having sex from the age of only 12-13 years!! Many people admit to having more than one partner!! ‘Abortion’ comes from this. In the past, the majority of women who had abortions were sexual service providers. Following that it was factory girls followed by students. Now children not even 15 years old, before they can even use nang sao [นางสาว] (Miss) in front of their name are beginning to use the titan [illegal abortion] service, and there is a trend that it will increase."

[Übersetzt in: Whittaker, Andrea <1967 - >: Abortion, sin, and the state in Thailand. -- London : RoutledgeCurzon, 2004. -- 189 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- ISBN 041533652X. -- S. 95]

2000-11-28

Thailand weigert  sich, seine Botschaftsgebäude in Den Haag (Niederlande) an einen niederländischen Geschäftsmann zu übergeben. Der thailändische frühere Botschafter hatte an diesen 1999 die beiden Botschaftsgebäude für 60 Mio. Baht verkauft.


Abb.: Lage von Den Haag (Niederlande)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

2000-12-03

Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร) dementiert die Anschuldigung, dass er über die British Virgin Islands mit Aktienverkäufen Geldwäsche betrieben hat.


Abb.: Lage der British Virgin Islands
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]


Abb.: British Virgin Islands
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]


Abb.: Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร), Bangkok 2010
[Bildquelle: Pittaya Sroilong. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/pittaya/4451429384/. -- Zugriff am 2011-12-26. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (NamensnennunG)]

2000-12-29

Thailand-Premiere des Films Bang Rajan (บางระจัน) von Tanit Jitnukul (ธนิตย์ จิตนุกูล, 1956 - )


Abb.: Plakat
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Bang Rajan – Kampf der Verlorenen (Thai: บางระจัน, Bangrachan) ist ein thailändischer Historienfilm vor dem geschichtlichen Hintergrund einer birmanischen Invasion im siamesischen Reich Ayutthaya (อาณาจักรอยุธยา)  des 18. Jahrhunderts. Der Film handelt von dem heldenhaften Kampf einer Dorfbevölkerung gegen die zahlenmäßig überlegenen Invasoren, die zwar letztlich im Kampf den Tod finden, jedoch durch ihren Mut und ihre Tapferkeit in die Geschichte eingehen. Regisseur Thanit Jitnukun (ธนิตย์ จิตนุกูล, 1956 - ) verbindet in seinem Epos heroische Einzel- und Gruppenschicksale mit brutalen Kampfszenen.

Handlung

Im Jahr 1763 besteigt der neue birmanische König Hsinbyushin (ဆင်ဖြူရှင်, auch Mongra - พระเจ้ามังระ - genannt, 1736 - 1776) den Thron. Eine seiner ersten Amtshandlungen ist es, seine Vasallenstaaten zu unterjochen, kleineren Stadtstaaten, die an sein Herrschaftsgebiet angrenzen. Als diese ihm jedoch den Tribut verweigern, zudem vom benachbarten siamesischen Königreich Ayutthaya in ihrem Widerstand unterstützt werden, beschließt der Despot eine Invasion in das Nachbarland. Im Jahre 1765 entsendet er zwei gewaltigen Heerscharen zu je hunderttausend Soldaten ins benachbarte Reich, um deren Hauptstadt Ayutthaya mit dem regierenden König Ekathat (สมเด็จพระเจ้าเอกทัศน์, gest. 1767) zu unterwerfen. Sein Plan sieht vor die Stadt von zwei Seiten anzugreifen, eine Armee soll von Norden, die zweite soll von Süden attackieren. Allerdings werden die Streifkräfte der Nordarmee unter Nemeao Seehabodee unerwartet aufgehalten, insbesondere im Gebiet um das Dorf Bang Rajan, wo deren einfache Bewohner erbitterten und effektiven Widerstand leisten, obwohl sie zahlenmäßig und materiell unterlegen sind.

Nai Than, der alternde Anführer einer Schar jener unbeugsamer Dorfbewohner bekämpft mit seinen Bauernkriegern die Übermacht der birmanischen Invasoren, die mordend und plündernd durch das Grenzgebiet ziehen. Es gelingt den tapferen Einheimischen die Eindringlinge in kleinere Scharmützel zu verwickeln, die sie zunächst siegreich bestreiten. Bei einer dieser kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen wird schließlich Nai Than verwundet, er sieht sich fortan nicht mehr in der Lage die Rebellion zu organisieren und gibt daher die Führerschaft an einen legendären Kriegsveteranen der Region ab. Dieser verlor zuvor seine Liebste während eines Angriffs der Birmanen. Der kluge Auserwählte, der eine größere Gruppe Kämpfer um sich schart, nimmt nur zögernd die neue Position an, entwickelt aber in der Folgezeit mit seinem militärischen Geschick die Grundlage für die erfolgreiche Verteidigung. Verstärkt mit Flüchtlingen aus der ganzen Region und dem spirituellen Beistand des Mönchs Dhammachote erbauen die Einheimischen völlig auf sich selbst gestellt, Ayutthaya verweigert jegliche militärische Hilfe, mit bescheidenen Mitteln eine Verteidigungsstellung, um einer Belagerung zu widerstehen.

Es gelingt den Dorfbewohnern mit hohem Blutzoll Widerstand zu leisten, bis die gegnerischen Truppen nach fünf Monaten und acht Schlachten (1765–66) den Widerstand der zusammengewürfelten Bauerntruppe endgültig brechen und alle Einwohner töten. Nach dem Fall des kleinen Dorfes inmitten eines schwer zugänglichen Dschungels, belagerten die Birmanen die Hauptstadt Siams, welche nach einjähriger Belagerung eingenommen und fast vollständig zerstört werden konnte. Der Fall des Königreichs Ayutthaya bedeutete den Beginn jahrelanger Unterdrückung für die Siamesen.

Besetzung

  • Jaran Ngamdee (จรัล งามดี, 1974 - ): Nai Chan Nuad Kheo (อ้ายจัน)
  • Winai Kraibutr (วินัย ไกรบุตร, 1971 - ): Nai In (อ้ายอิน)
  • Theerayut Pratyabamrung: Luang Phor Dhammachote, Mönch
  • Bin Bunluerit (บิณฑ์ บรรลือฤทธิ์, 1963 - ): Nai Thongmen (อ้ายทองเหม็น)
  • Bongkoj Khongmalai (บงกช คงมาลัย, 1985 - ): E Sa (อีสา)
  • Chumphorn Thepphithak (ชุมพร เทพพิทักษ์, 1939 - ): Nai Than (พ่อแท่น)
  • Suntharee Maila-or (สุนทรี ใหม่ละออ, 1981 - ): Taeng-Onn/Nang Tang On (อีแตงอ่อน)
 
Asia-Pacific Film Festival
Fantasia Festival
  • 2003: 2. Platz in der Kategorie Bester asiatischer Film für Regisseur Thanit Jitnukun
Thailand National Film Association Awards
  • 2001: Preisträger des National Film Association Award (รางวัลภาพยนตร์แห่งชาติ สุพรรณหงส์ ) in der Kategorie Bester Film
Kritiken

„Eine effektvoll inszenierte und gefilmte Lektion in thailändischer Geschichte, die historische Fakten mit genreimmanenten Personalisierungen zum Kinoerlebnis verbindet. Der in den Schlachtszenen recht gewalttätige Film bemüht sich um Authentizität; er wurde in der internationalen Presse mit Mel Gibsons Braveheart verglichen.“

Lexikon des Internationalen Films [1]

Fortsetzung

2010 wurde die Fortsetzung Bang Rajan 2 veröffentlicht. Regie führte wieder Thanit Jitnukun. Der Mönch hat überlebt und kämpft in der Fortsetzung nicht nur gegen die Burmesen sondern auch gegen seine eigenen Landsleute."

[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bang_Rajan_%E2%80%93_Kampf_der_Verlorenen. -- Zugriff am 2013-03-19]


Verwendete Ressourcen

ausführlich: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/ressourcen.htm


Zu Chronik 2001 / B. E. 2544. -- 1. undatiert