mailto: payer@payer.de
Zitierweise / cite as:
Payer, Margarete <1942 - >: Kulturen von Arbeit und Kapital. -- Teil 3: Kapitaleignerkulturen. -- 6. Asiatische Beziehungsnetzwerke. -- 5. Überseechinesen: Familienbande, Sprachgruppen, Verbände. -- Fassung vom 2005-10-20. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/arbeitkapital/arbeitkapital030605.htm
Erstmals publiziert: 2005-10-11
Überarbeitungen: 2005-10-20 [Ergänzungen]
Anlass: Lehrveranstaltung an der Hochschule der Medien Stuttgart, Wintersemester 2005/06
Copyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Verfassers.
Diese Inhalt ist unter einer Creative Commons-Lizenz lizenziert.
Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Länder und Kulturen von Tüpfli's Global Village Library
Abb.: ®Logo der Miami Overseas Chinese Association
[Bildquelle:
http://www.miamidragon.com/moca.html. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-02]
"Offshore-China ist ein Reich von 55 Millionen Menschen, die durch Gilden, Wohltätigkeitsclubs, Tongs [堂], Triaden, Kongsi und Namens- sowie Ortsverbände auf komplizierte Weise miteinander verbunden sind. Diese »Institutionen« schaffen die persönlichen und finanziellen Verflechtungen, auf denen Macht und Einfluss der Auslandschinesen beruhen. Dieses unsichtbare Reich hat keine Grenzen, keine nationale Regierung und keine Flagge. Es hält sich bewusst im Verborgenen -ein undefinierbares Gebilde aus Konzernen mit unterschiedlichsten Geschäftsbereichen. In den letzten Jahrzehnten sind in Südostasien (Hongkong und Taiwan nicht gerechnet) über hundert sehr große Konglomerate dieses Typs entstanden, die fast alle aus ethnischer Sicht Chinesen gehören oder von ihnen beherrscht werden, und eine ganze Anzahl von ihnen sind Dollarmilliardäre. Sie leben und arbeiten in Indonesien, Malaysia oder Thailand, stammen ursprünglich aber alle aus Südchina. Traditionell werden diese Multimilliarden-Dollar-Unternehmen vom Vater auf den Sohn vererbt wie kleine Familienbetriebe. Geführt werden sie von den superreichen Chefs geheimer chinesischer Wirtschaftssyndikate. Einige dieser Syndikate (wie die Hokkien und die Teotschiu) existieren seit über tausend Jahren. Diese Chinesen sind die Herren des Pazifik." [Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 14]
"Die Auslandschinesen sind nicht nur deshalb reich, weil sie außergewöhnlich schlau und fleißig sind. Ihre Macht beruht nicht allein auf ihrer eisernen Sparsamkeit und Investitionsbereitschaft, sondern auch auf ihrer starken ethnischen Solidarität, ihren unsichtbaren Beziehungsgeflechten, ihrem politischen Pragmatismus, ihrem exzellenten Überblick und ihrer Fähigkeit, sich rasch - rascher sogar noch als die Japaner - wechselnden Verhältnissen anzupassen.
Ihre Arbeitsethik hat zwei Grundprinzipien. Erstens ist es ehrenwert, rastlos persönlichen Reichtum zusammenzuraffen, weil dieser der Familie und der Gemeinschaft zugute kommt. Zweitens ist es ein Beweis von Tüchtigkeit, persönlichen Reichtum vor begehrlichen Regierungen zu schützen, indem man ihn in Steuerparadiesen aller Art versteckt. Fachleute schätzen, dass heute 60 Prozent des Geldes der Welt in solchen Steuerparadiesen deponiert ist. Und ein erheblicher Teil dieses Geldes gehört den Auslandschinesen."[Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 17]
Überseechinesen = Overseas Chinese = 华侨 / 華僑 huáqiáo (Überseechinesen, die in China geboren wurden = 華胞 huábāo = 僑胞 qiáobāo und huáyì 华裔 / 華裔 (Chinastämmige, deren Vorfahren in China geboren wurden)
Abb.: Die Südostchinesische Küste, Ursprungsland der meisten Überseechinesen (©MS
Encarta)
"Die meisten Auslandschinesen stammen angeblich aus den Provinzen Fukien [Fujian; 福建] , Kwangtung [Guangdong Kanton, 广东; 廣東] und Chekiang [Zhejiang; 浙江] , die an dieser Küste liegen. Aber zu sagen, man stamme aus Fukien, ist so vage wie die Angabe, man sei Europäer. Was wirklich zählt, ist das Dorf, aus dem man kommt. Alle anderen werden als Fremde betrachtet.
Überraschenderweise liegen diese Dörfer fast aller angeblichen Vorfahren der Auslandschinesen in wenigen Regionen an vier Flussmündungen. Drei befinden sich in der Provinz Fukien: Der Min-Fluss [Mǐnjiāng; 闽江] mündet bei Foochow [Fuzhou; 福州 ] ins Meer, der Chiu-lung [Jiulong] nahe Amoy [Xiamen [厦门; 廈門]. Der Han-Fluss entspringt in Fukien [Fujian; 福建] und überquert dann die Grenze nach Kwangtung [Guangdong Kanton, 广东; 廣東], bevor er nahe Swatow [Shantou, 汕头; 汕頭] das Meer erreicht. Die Stadt Swatow liegt also zwar in der Provinz Kwangtung, aber der Han-Fluss verbindet sie mit Fukien. Das vierte Delta ist die Mündung des Perlflusses [Zhū Jiāng; 珠江] südlich von Kanton.
Die Menschen in diesen vier Flussdeltas sprechen unterschiedliche Dialekte, die sieh so stark unterscheiden wie Deutsch, Französisch und Englisch. Die Menschen aus Foochow [Fuzhou; 福州 ] sprechen den Hokchiu-Dialekt [福州話]. Die aus Amoy [Xiamen [厦门; 廈門] sprechen Hokkien [闽南语)]. Zwischen Foochow und Amoy spricht man Henghua. Die Menschen des Perlflusses und Kantons wirft man oft in einen Topf, obwohl sie eine Anzahl Dialekte sprechen, von denen das urbane Kantonesisch (Yueh) [粵語/粤语] nur der verbreitetste ist. Die meisten früh nach Nordamerika ausgewanderten Chinesen kamen nicht aus Kanton selbst, sondern aus einer Gruppe von Dörfern südwestlich der Stadt, wo sie einen anderen Dialekt namens Taishan [Táishān; 台山] sprachen.
An den Ufern des Han-Flusses bis Swatow im Osten der Provinz Kwangtung, 300 Kilometer nordöstlich von Kanton, sprechen die Leute Hoklo, nennen sich aber Teochiu [潮州话] nach dem Namen einer Stadt am Fluss, die dort vor tausend Jahren ein wichtiger Hafen war. Heute ist dieser Hafen Swatow. Die Teochiu-Bevölkerung ist kulturell einzigartig. Sie unterhält vielleicht die reichste, mächtigste Unterwelt-Organisation der Welt, eine der ersten multinationalen Firmen in der Geschichte. Alle Teochiu sind straff organisiert und bedingungslos loyal. Sie sind heute weltweit durch den gemeinsamen Dialekt und die gemeinsame Abstammung aus sieben dörflichen Regionen um Swatow miteinander verbunden. Dieses Gebiet ist einer der großen Umschlagplätze der Piraterie, des Schmuggels und des illegalen Handels gewesen.
All diese ethnischen Gruppen haben die chinesische Schrift gemeinsam, aber wenn sie ihre lokalen Dialekte sprechen, verstehen sie einander gegenseitig nicht. Viele sprachen also auch Mandarin [Putonghua;普通话] , den Dialekt der Hauptstadt Peking und ihrer imperialen Bürokratie, denn wer die Examen des öffentlichen Dienstes bestehen und einen Job bei der Regierung haben wollte, musste fließend Mandarin sprechen. Die an der Küste gesprochenen Dialekte verstärken die Neigung zur Isolation in allen Gruppen, und so entstehen exklusive Gemeinschaften, die in Bangkok, Singapur, Toronto, Seattle, Amsterdam und überall auf der Welt bestehen bleiben. Die Dialekte sind als Mischung uralter in Yueh [越, 粵, 鉞] gesprochener Sprachen mit den Dialekten verschiedener aus dem Norden hierher vertriebener Chinesen entstanden. Jeder Dialekt hat sich isoliert von allen anderen in einem entlegenen, von Bergen umgebenen Tal entwickelt, wo die lokalen Eigenheiten sorgsam erhalten werden.
Die Zentralregierung, die den ungehorsamen Küstenprovinzen von jeher mit Misstrauen begegnete, hat diese Dialekte stets geflissentlich zu ignorieren versucht. Die Leute an der Südküste waren schon heilfroh, wenn sie nicht aktiv unterdrückt wurden. Sie entwickelten sich unabhängig vom Kontinentalreich, nur auf ihre familiären und dialektalen Beziehungen gestützt. Wenn sie in andere Länder aufbrachen, nahmen sie diese Loyalitäten mit, und in der Isolation im Ausland prägten sie sich noch stärker aus. Wer jedoch das Reich der Mitte ohne Erlaubnis verließ, galt als Verräter; deshalb befassten sich die chinesischen Herrscher nie mit dem Wohlergehen von Chinesen, die im Ausland lebten. Sie bildeten ohnehin ihre eigenen Organisationen. Geburtsort, Nachnamen, Dialekt, Handwerker-Gilden, Sportvereine oder religiöse Gruppen, Sozialvereine, Tongs [堂] und Triaden waren die Bauelemente des sozialen Lebens. Für Außenstehende ist diese Vielfalt öffentlicher und geheimer chinesischer Organisationen ein rätselhaftes Gewirr von Namen und Identitäten. Aber das ist ja auch der Zweck und Sinn. Diese Organisationen fürchten von jeher um ihre Sicherheit und bevorzugen Verwirrspiele, um sich und ihre Mitglieder vor Verfolgung durch die Zentralregierung, lokale Direktionen oder rivalisierende Gruppen zu schützen. Im Westen werden die Triaden und Tongs leicht mit den Gilden und Kongsi verwechselt. Doch es gibt eine Faustregel: Nach dem magischen Familien- und Clan-Kreis basiert die zweitmächtigste Gruppe auf dem »gemeinsamen« Geburtsort. Alle anderen Organisationen wie die Triaden sind nachgeordnet und unwichtig.
Die Teochiu-Sprecher [潮州话] zum Beispiel haben sieben Geburtsorts-Verbände, einen für jeden der sieben Hsien oder Dorf-Distrikte in der Region Swatow [Shantou, 汕头; 汕頭]. Die mächtigsten sind Mei Hsien, Chin Hai, Yao Ping und Chao Yang. Wenn Mitglieder in der Hierarchie einer Hsien-Organisation aufsteigen, werden sie deren Manager und kontrollieren oder beeinflussen die Aktivitäten aller anderen Mitglieder. In jedem Land gibt es eine Teochiu-Geheimorganisation, einen geheimen Rat, der aus Führern aller Hsien-Verbände besteht. Letztere sind paternalistische zivile Organisationen, die sich um die Geschäfte, finanziellen Nöte und das gesellschaftliche Wohlergehen ihrer vielen Mitglieder kümmern, aber jeder Teochiu-Hsien hat seine eigenen »Vollzugsbeamten«, Polizisten oder Milizen, die eine regelrechte Geheimarmee bilden. Da diese Hsien-Verbände in ganz Asien und im Westen existieren und an einer enormen Menge geheimer Aktivitäten beteiligt sind, könnte allein die Teochiu-Organisation mehr als eine Million solcher Miliz-Soldaten haben.
Im Westen werden diese Geheimarmeen oft als »Syndikate« bezeichnet, weil jede nur die geheimen gefährlichen Operationen einer Hsien-Assoziation durchführt. Alle sieben Teochiu-Syndikate zusammengenommen wurden als Chiu-Chao-Bruderschaft bekannt. Die Polizei von Hongkong benutzt in ihrem Schriftverkehr diese kantonesische Form: Chiu-Chao [潮州], was die Zeitungen von Hongkong übernommen haben. Aber in der übrigen Welt werden sie meistens Teochiu genannt und ihr Ruf ist dort etwas besser als in Hongkong. Der Einfachheit halber werden diese Dialektgruppen in diesem Buch als Teochiu und ihre Geheimarmeen als Teochiu-Syndikate bezeichnet.
Die Teochiu selbst zählen viele Millionen, aber ihre genaue Anzahl außerhalb Chinas lässt sich nur grob schätzen, weil es an vielen Orten keine Volkszählungen gibt. Sie sind die reichsten Auslandschinesen und stellen die Mehrheit der chinesischen Bevölkerung in Thailand, während sie in Hongkong, Vietnam, Singapur, Malaysia, Kanada und den Vereinigten Staaten nur die zweitstärkste Dialektgruppe sind. Das Alltagsgeschäft der Teochiu-Syndikate in Südostasien und anderswo im pazifischen Raum ist der Schmuggel von Reis, Drogen und alle nur erdenklichen Unternehmungen, sofern sie gewinnbringend sind. Viele dieser Aktivitäten betreiben sie bereits seit Jahrhunderten, und sie sind in der Region gang und gäbe. Schmuggel oder Drogenhandel sind in den Augen von Asiaten nicht notwendigerweise kriminell. Um sich einen Begriff von den Größenordnungen dieser Geschäfte zu machen, genügt es, wenn wir den internationalen Heroinhandel betrachten, der vom »Goldenen Dreieck« ausgeht und von vier oder fünf der insgesamt sieben Teochiu-Syndikate beherrscht wird. 1990 schätzte man den illegalen Gewinn auf 200 Milliarden US-Dollar. Aber nicht alles Heroin aus Asien wird von den Teochiu geschmuggelt oder vertrieben. Auch die Hokkien und andere Syndikate verbringen große Mengen Drogen aus dem »Goldenen Dreieck« über Taiwan in alle Welt. Aber die Teochiu halten den Löwenanteil dieses Geschäfts. Leute, die nicht von den Aktivitäten der Teochiu profitieren, bezeichnen diesen Geheimbund als größte Verbrecherorganisation der Welt. Wer jedoch davon profitiert, sieht das ganz anders.
Zu jeder auf dem Dialekt beruhenden Gruppe gehört eine undefinierbare Anzahl großer und kleiner Triaden. [...]Die konfuzianische Hierarchie ist sehr streng. Jede chinesische Familie und jede Clan-Organisation hatte ihre Ältesten, jede Gilde und jede Triade hatte ihr Oberhaupt, und jede Dachorganisation in jedem Land, zum Beispiel die Hokkien [闽南语], Teochiu [潮州话] und Hakka [客家话], unterstand der Aufsicht eines einzigen Mannes. Er war gewöhnlich der reichste chinesische Unternehmer in dem Land und unterstand selbst wiederum einem internationalen »Paten«, der vielleicht im Dorf der Vorfahren wohnte oder (seit der kommunistischen Machtübernahme) in Taipeh, Hongkong, Bangkok oder Singapur residierte. Die meisten Chinesen, die heute in Paris leben, entstammen ursprünglich einer Kleinstadt in der Provinz Chekiang [Zhejiang; 浙江] und ließen sich im Pariser Belleville-Viertel nieder, nachdem die Nazis die dort lebenden französischen Juden deportiert und umgebracht hatten. Die meisten Franzosen wollten nicht in das Judenviertel ziehen, weil die Erinnerung an die Untaten der Nazis noch lebendig war. Die Chinesen hatten keine derartigen Bedenken. Viele Jahre später irritierten die Blutfehden der Chinesen von Belleville die Franzosen. 1993 wurde der Pate aus Chekiang eingeflogen, um die Streitigkeiten beizulegen und die Kampfhähne zu versöhnen. Tradition und Ökonomie verleihen dem internationalen Paten eine gewaltige Macht. Wenn der Chef einer Dialekt-Gruppe stirbt oder abdankt, wird sein designierter Nachfolger der Oberherr über alle Teile der Gruppe in der ganzen Welt."
[Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 151 - 157.]
"Eine ganze Reihe chinesischer Milliardäre haben jetzt bereits ihren eigenen Nachrichtensatelliten im Orbit oder auf dem Weg dorthin. Aber hinter den spiegelnden Glasfronten ihrer Banken auf beiden Seiten des Pazifiks arbeiten sie noch immer mit ihren geheimnisvollen chinesischen Verbindungen, Stammesloyalitäten, Beziehungsgeflechten, Syndikaten, ihrer Numerologie und Geomantie und ihrem Schamanismus. Sie leben in einer Welt, von der ein Westler nur eine vage Vorstellung bekommen kann. Die Chinesen haben das Beste, das der Westen ihnen geben konnte, ihrem eigenen, uralten Wurzelstock aufgepfropft. Heute geistert die altchinesische Magie des Guanxi [關係; 关系] und feng shui [风水; 風水] digital durch Computerchips und Glasfaserkabel. Das verschafft den Auslandschinesen einen gewaltigen Vorteil, und sie werden den Boom in Asien und am Pazifik in der größten Wachstumszone des 21. Jahrhunderts zu nutzen wissen.
Sie haben alle als Pfandleiher angefangen und ihr Geschäft nur innerhalb ihres eigenen Stammes betrieben. Der Handel mit Gold und die Vergabe kleiner Darlehen waren traditionelle Wege für eine wohlhabende Familie, ihr liquides Kapital zu mehren. Im Zeitalter der Südlichen Sung wimmelte es in ganz China von Pfandleihern und Geldwechslern, die die Geschäfte der kleinen Bauern, Händler und Handwerker finanzierten. Als der Handel sich ausdehnte, gaben sie Wechsel aus, die man in allen anderen Orten gegen Gold oder Silber eintauschen konnte. Aber auf die Wechsel war nur dann Verlass, wenn man den Clan kannte, der sie ausgab. Automatisch misstraute man den Pfandleihern anderer Dialektgruppen. Die erfolgreichsten Geldverleiher gehörten zu Ketten, die von angesehenen Clans betrieben wurden und auf der Basis einer »unbegrenzten Haftung« arbeiteten. In diesem System haftete jeder Bankier, der Einlagen akzeptierte und dann ein Darlehen gab, das der Schuldner nicht zurückzahlen konnte, persönlich für den Schaden der Einleger.
Eine entscheidende Rolle spielte es, ob man aus demselben Ort stammte oder nicht. Eine Hokkien-Familie [闽南语] in der einen Stadt führte keine Waren an eine Teochiu-Familie [潮州话] in einer anderen aus. Wenn die Händler auf der Suche nach Waren und Märkten umherreisten, hatten die Mitglieder desselben Clans überall Kredit. Dass jemand seinen Verbindlichkeiten nicht nachkam, war sehr selten, denn er hätte sein Shinyung [Xin yong; 信用], seine persönliche Vertrauenswürdigkeit, aufs Spiel gesetzt und damit die einzige soziale Sicherung verloren, die es im Leben der Chinesen gab.[Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 289f..]
"Vorsichtig darauf bedacht, nicht wieder Opfer einer politischen Veränderung zu werden, richteten andere Geschäftsleute aus Shanghai auch in Singapur, Taiwan, Malaysia, Indonesien, den Philippinen, Kanada, den USA und Europa Zweigstellen ein. Sie sahen die Japaner Grundstücke in Diamond Head und Waikiki (Hawaii) kaufen, flogen selbst los und kauften Grundstücke am Puget Sound (US-Pazifikküste). Vancouver wurde »Hongouver«, das Schlupfloch für Asiaten. Alte Shanghaier Bankfamilien mit Firmenbüros in Hongkong und Filialen in Malaysia kauften Banken in Beverly Hills, Einkaufszentren in Fort Worth und hektarweise Land in Florida. In England kauften sie Stadthäuser in Londons Westend und Landhäuser im Lake District. Ihre Töchter studierten in Stanford, Chicago, Columbia, Oxford, an der Sorbonne. Ihre Söhne in Cambridge, am Caltech, dem Massachusetts Institute of Technologie (MIT) und an der Harvard Business School. Man konnte nie wissen, wofür das noch gut war.
Rudyard Kipling fragte sich einst: »Wie kommt es, dass jeder hier in Hongkong nach Geld riecht?« Heute weiß Milton Friedman die Antwort: »Hongkong«, sagt er, »ist ein Mann mit einem Bein, der ein Rennen für Zweibeiner gewonnen hat.«
Von dem Mann mit den einen Bein überwältigt, haben viele alte, noble Herrschaften die Nerven verloren. Aus Gründen der Selbstverteidigung konzentrierten die Briten ihre Energie auf eine kleine Gruppe und überließen der Shanghai-Mafia das Feld. Das Geld der Auslandschinesen floss aus dem ganzen pazifischen Raum in das Steuerparadies. Geschäfte, in Sumatra begonnen, konnten innerhalb von Stunden über Singapur nach Hongkong, London und New York laufen, ohne je chinesische Hände zu verlassen. Manche Regierungen bauten eigene nationale Banken auf, wie Malaysia die Bank Bumiputra, um dem chinesischen Zugriff zu entkommen, aber ohne Erfolg.
Der Transfer riesiger Summen in die Steuerparadiese wurde erst gegen Ende der sechziger Jahre zu einem weltweiten Phänomen, als multinationale Konzerne in Hongkong, Liberia, Panama und auf den Bermudas ihre Gewinne versteckten. Die Chinesen waren ihnen 20 Jahre voraus.
Sinn und Zweck von Auslandsinvestitionen ist es, soviel Geld wie möglich zu verdienen und so wenig Steuern wie möglich zu zahlen, also weitestgehend unsichtbar zu bleiben. Die auslandschinesischen Investoren haben aus der Mimikry eine hohe Kunst gemacht. Mit der einen Hand kontrollierten sie die schnellstwachsende Wirtschaft der Welt. Mit der anderen brachten sie ihr privates Vermögen durch private chinesische Bankiers außer Land. Ihr Kapital bewegte sich mühelos über politische Grenzen und schuf eine grenzenlose Ökonomie, lange bevor das Konzept im Westen in Mode kam. In den neunziger Jahren gab es dreißig Steuerparadiese, zum Beispiel die Cayman-Inseln, die mit Bankfilialen übersät sind. Den Banken folgten die Fonds-Manager, und die Auslands-Fonds wurden eine der größten Wachstumsindustrien der Welt. Wieder waren die Auslandschinesen ihren Konkurrenten Jahrzehnte voraus.
Die rapide Entwicklung der Informationstechnologie in dieser Zeit erleichterte es Einzelpersonen und kleinen Gesellschaften, Steuern und Gesetze zu umgehen, indem sie die Jagd nach Verträgen auf Papier in ein Computerspiel verwandelten. Informationen, Kapital, Gold und Devisen flössen ungehindert. Es fiel leicht, die Eigentümer privater Gesellschaften geheimzuhalten. Hongkong wurde teilweise deshalb ein Weltfinanzzentrum, weil seine Telekommunikationsnetze
denen des internationalen Finanzzentrums in London überlegen waren. Die Steuerbehörde der Kronkolonie kümmerte sich nicht um Zinsen und Einnahmen oder Profite, die bei Geschäften anfielen, die außerhalb ihres Territoriums getätigt wurden, und sie begrenzte den Anteil der Regierung an dem Gewinn auf 16,5 Prozent.
Ein großer Teil der Geschäftsleute Hongkongs war völlig damit ausgelastet, für unsichtbare Kunden Geld zu verdienen, ohne bei der Steuerbehörde jemals registriert zu werden. Das ist eine der Regeln des Edelmetallhandels, die für Hongkongs Gold-und-Silber-Börse charakteristisch ist. Die Börse besitzt ein ausgeklügeltes System der Selbstregulierung, um sicherzustellen, dass ihre Mitglieder den eingegangenen Verpflichtungen nachkommen, ganz so wie die Gilden von Ningpo die Tätigkeit ihrer Banken überwachten. Aber darüber hinaus zeigt die Börse kein Interesse dafür, woher Geld und Güter kommen, und es werden keine Unterlagen über die Transaktionen aufbewahrt.
Als Treffpunkt von Ost und West ist Hongkong konkurrenzlos. Sogar Mitglieder der Familien des in Peking regierenden Politbüros nutzen die in Hongkong geübte Diskretion, um ihre Investments - in privaten Waffen- oder amateurhaften Heroingeschäften - zu tarnen. Wie die Shanghai-Elite vor ihr baut sich auch die kommunistische Elite geduldig eine Basis auf, um ihren persönlichen Reichtum - nicht in Hongkong, sondern über Hongkong irgendwo im sicheren Ausland - anzulegen, bevor Peking 1997 die Kronkolonie wieder übernimmt und diese Chance zunichte wird.
Nach dem Anschluss an China im Jahr 1997 droht durch Einmischung der Regierung denen Gefahr, die in Hongkong einen sicheren Hafen für ihr Vermögen gefunden zu haben glaubten. Wegen dieser Befürchtungen beginnen die Hongkonger Holding-Gesellschaften und Trusts ihre Geschäfte auf die britischen Virgin Islands oder Cayman-Inseln zu verlagern. Vorläufig bleiben ihre Verwaltung und das Management aber noch in Hongkong. Warum ist die Karibik das Ziel? Thailand, Indonesien und Malaysia sind unsichere Paradiese. Singapur hat am meisten zu bieten, fordert aber auch eine Menge. Kluge Überlebenskünstler setzen nie all ihre Kinder in ein einziges Rettungsboot. Was auch immer in Hongkong nach der Übergabe geschehen mag, eines ist jetzt schon sicher: Die Geschäftsleute aus Shanghai werden überleben und prosperieren."[Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 300 - 303.]
"Positiv ist, dass die meisten legalen Einwanderer der neuen Welle ein völlig anderer Typus sind als jene, die in der Vergangenheit aus Asien kamen. Die neuen Immigranten sind überwiegend Angehörige der Mittelschicht, Akademiker, Geschäftsleute, Ingenieure, Ärzte, Krankenschwestern, Computerfreaks und andere gut ausgebildete, begabte Menschen mit ihren Familien. Sie wird jedes Land gerne aufnehmen. Die meisten sind wohlhabend. Viele sind reich. Einige sind sogar superreich. Mit einem Wort: Die Auslandschinesen sind derzeit die reichsten und begehrenswertesten Einwanderer der Welt. In einer Zeit der anhaltenden Rezession im Westen haben sie viel Gutes zu bieten; dazu zählt auch ihre unternehmerische Energie. Sie haben Milliarden von Dollar in ihre neuen Heimatländer investiert und verändern Skyline, Politik und Kultur ihrer drei Lieblingszielorte: Los Angeles, San Francisco und Vancouver. Obwohl es den meisten Leuten noch nicht ganz bewusst ist, weil es sich um ein ziemlich neues Phänomen handelt: Sie gestalten die Vereinigten Staaten und Kanada mit ihrem Geld und ihrer Vitalität - und dem »brain gain« (Gewinn an Grips) - um und beflügeln die Wirtschaft beider Länder."
Abb.: Lage von Los Angeles, San Francisco, Vancouver [©MS Encarta][Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 331.]
"Sie verlassen Asien mit großen Erwartungen, und die Ernüchterung könnte bald folgen. Als verdächtige Asiaten haben sie Schwierigkeiten, eine Hypothek oder auch nur eine anständige Mietwohnung zu bekommen. Eine Arbeit zu finden, ist wegen der seit langem andauernden Rezession schwerer, als sie erwartet haben. Im wirtschaftlich prosperierenden Asien haben sie das Phänomen der Rezession nicht gekannt. Der dramatische Abstieg bei Einkommen und Status entmutigt sie. Wenn sie einen Job finden, dann vielleicht eine Hilfsarbeitertätigkeit - nach einer akademischen Karriere! Ehemalige Fabrikdirektoren enden manchmal als Gemüseverkäufer, Parkwächter und Tankstellenhelfer. Chinesen, die im Rahmen ihrer Immigration mit ihrem Kapital eine Firma gründen, treffen auf starke Gewerkschaften, hohe Löhne, hohe Sozialabgaben, Umweltkontrollen und byzantinische Verwaltungsvorschriften - alles Hemmnisse, die es in Asien nicht gab.
Viele schuften für ihre Kinder. Chinesen denken in Generationen und möchten gerne die Zukunft ihrer Kinder und Enkelkinder sichern. Sie machen sich nicht klar, wie sehr sich die Vereinigten Staaten und Kanada seit Eisenhower und Mackenzie King verändert haben. Für eine traditionelle konfuzianische Familie kann die bloße Vorstellung, sich an dekadente westliche Gewohnheiten, an Sex, Alkohol, Drogen und die Modernität im allgemeinen anzupassen, traumatisierend wirken. Die chinesischen Knaben und Mädchen übernehmen rasch die westlichen Gewohnheiten und erweisen ihren Eltern nicht mehr den geforderten Respekt. Sie werden den Argumenten ihrer Eltern gegenüber taub und missachten die traditionellen sittlichen Regeln. Chinesische Eltern, die ihre Kinder züchtigen wollen, stellen fest, dass heute in Amerika niemand mehr die Hand gegen ein Kind erheben darf. Ist diese Phase erreicht, wozu manchmal nur ein oder zwei Jahre nötig sind, dann zerbricht die traditionelle chinesische Familie und das primäre Motiv für die Auswanderung in den Westen verliert seinen Sinn: Statt die Kinder in Sicherheit gebracht zu haben, hat man sie entwurzelt und den Eltern entfremdet. Viele Migranten bedauern es, in den Westen ausgewandert zu sein und denken, dass sie in Singapur besser aufgehoben wären, wo die konfuzianischen Werte noch hochgehalten werden und der Einfluss der westlichen Jugendkultur gering ist.
Akademiker, die in Asien Hausangestellte hatten, die die Kinder versorgten, plagen sich jetzt mit einem erbärmlichen Job in Sacramento oder Toronto ab, um zu überleben, während ihre Kinder sie wegen ihres sozialen Abstiegs verachten.
Frustriert lassen die Ehemänner oft Frau und Kinder in Nordamerika zurück, während sie selbst ihre alten hochbezahlten Tätigkeiten als Manager oder in akademischen Berufen in Taipeh, Hongkong oder Bangkok wieder aufnehmen. Um den Kontakt mit ihren Familien aufrechtzuerhalten und ihren Einwanderer-Status nicht zu verlieren, muss der Ehemann alle paar Monate nach Kanada oder in die USA zurückkehren. Wenn ein Ehemann es nicht verhindern kann, dass er den Einwanderer-Status verliert, bleibt immerhin seine Familie in Nordamerika; der Fluchtweg bleibt also offen. Tausende von Einwanderern der Mittelschicht haben auf diese Art und Weise ihr Ziel-Land in Nordamerika wieder verlassen, um in Asien zu arbeiten. Sie werden »Astronauten« genannt, weil sie soviel Zeit in Flugzeugen verbringen. Sie sind die neuen Auslandschinesen - sie leben im Ausland und in »Groß-China«.
Wenn die Kinder selbständig werden, folgen jetzt immer mehr Akademikerinnen ihren Männern. Sie lassen ihre Kinder in Toronto, Sydney oder Los Angeles und kehren nach Asien zurück. Beide Eltern werden dann Astronauten. Daraus erklärt sich einer der verborgenen Vorzüge Kanadas und Australiens gegenüber den Vereinigten Staaten. Die Vereinigten Staaten sind das einzige Land auf der Welt, das all seine Bürger zum Zahlen von Einkommenssteuer verpflichtet, ganz gleich wo sie leben. Die Bürger Kanadas und Australiens müssen keine Einkommenssteuer zahlen, wenn sie anderswo leben. Für Astronauten mit hochbezahlten Jobs als leitende Angestellte ist das ein Geschenk des Himmels.
Eltern, die die Nachteile einer Auswanderung in den Westen im voraus bedenken, bereiten sich sorgfältig auf ihre Zukunft vor: Sie wandern selbst nicht aus, sondern bringen ihre Kinder in Colleges oder Privatschulen Australiens, Neuseelands, Kanadas, der Vereinigten Staaten oder Europas unter, kaufen oft in der Nähe ein Haus als Zweitwohnsitz und arbeiten weiter in Asien. Statt dass die Eltern hin und her fliegen, tun es in diesem Fall die Kinder. Die Luftkorridore über dem Pazifik sind voll Jumbojets, die Astronauten in die eine und Heranwachsende in die andere Richtung bringen. Man schätzt, dass allein 40000 taiwanesische Kinder solcher Familien in den USA leben.
Manche »Astronauten« verbringen soviel Zeit in der Luft, dass sie keinen Grund mehr sehen, wozu sie noch einen bestimmten Pass brauchen. Sie gehören zu den »permanenten Touristen« oder »PT«, die nie solange in einem Land bleiben, dass ihr Touristenvisum abläuft oder dass sie steuerpflichtig werden. In den kommenden Jahrzehnten könnte sich diese Spezies so sehr vermehren, dass die Haltung, die die Menschen ihrer nationalen Identität gegenüber einnehmen, dadurch grundlegend verändert wird. Dank Telekommunikation, Telefax, Modem, elektronischer Post und bequemem Flugverkehr können sich die Familien über den ganzen Globus verstreuen und dennoch miteinander in Kontakt bleiben. (Vorsichtig erwerben manche Chinesen diskret eine zweite Staatsangehörigkeit wie die von Paraguay oder Belize, Staaten, die sie samt Führerschein jedem verkaufen, der bezahlen kann, obwohl solche Dokumente stets verdächtig wirken.)"[Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 337 - 339.]
"Anders als die großen ausländischen Firmen, die in den achtziger Jahren nach Peking eilten, um Geschäfte abzuschließen, die sich oft als miserabel herausstellten, kehrten die Auslandschinesen zu ihren Urväterdörfern zurück, um Geschäfte mit ihrem Stamm zu tätigen. Bittere Erfahrung hatte sie gelehrt: »Bleibe verborgen und halte dich fern des Zentrums.« Viele Auslandschinesen handelten aus emotionalen Gründen, aber auch vom stammesmäßigen Eigeninteresse angetrieben, das ständig die Macht des Stammes in der Heimat zu erneuern und zu erweitern trachtet. Bis zu einem vielleicht nahen Zeitpunkt sahen und sehen sie in Kontinentalchina eine glänzende Gelegenheit, Geld zu verdienen. Dieser »Zeitpunkt« wird jedoch erreicht sein, wenn politische Unruhen in Kontinentalchina die finanziellen Chancen zunichte machen. Man muss ihre riesigen Investitionen als ein Glücksspiel betrachten, das sich bezahlt machen wird, wenn die Provinz, aus der sie stammen, so unabhängig wird, dass sie in einem künftigen China eine bedeutende Rolle spielen kann oder dass sie sogar ein unabhängiger Staat wird. Was in China schon einmal geschehen ist, kann ohne weiteres wieder so werden. Die Chinesen haben gelernt, in langen Zeiträumen zu denken. Obgleich sie Geld für die republikanische Bewegung Dr. Sun Yat-sens und für die Verteidigung gegen Japan gespendet haben, investierten sie bisher niemals außerhalb ihrer engeren Heimat in ortsgebundene Unternehmen. Aber sie alle wissen, dass ihre Investitionen in Gefahr geraten, sobald Peking die Macht verliert. Deshalb verwundert es kaum, dass sie nicht ihr eigenes Geld in der Volksrepublik China investieren. Wo immer das möglich ist, agieren sie als Chinakenner im Auftrag anderer Unternehmer und erzielen dabei selbst einen satten Gewinn. Ihr eigenes Geld bleibt im Ausland - in Sicherheit.
So wenig das den indonesischen oder malaiischen Chauvinisten gefallen wird: Die auslandschinesischen Tycoons behaupten, sie brächten den größten Teil ihrer Investitionsfonds für China im Ausland zusammen und entzögen sie nicht ihren Gastländern. Angesichts der Geheimnisse der chinesischen Buchführung wird man das jedoch niemals beweisen oder widerlegen können. Obwohl sie sich den Dörfern ihrer Ahnen verbunden fühlen, haben die meisten Auslandschinesen keine starke Bindung an China als Nation. Rund 90 Prozent sind jetzt Staatsbürger ihrer Gastländer. So ist die Behauptung unzulässig, ihre Anhänglichkeit an ihren Herkunftsort in China stelle eine Untreue gegenüber dem Land dar, in dem sie jetzt ansässig sind. Viele Chinesen, die in Malaysia leben, fühlen zum Beispiel eine tiefe Verpflichtung gegenüber ihrem Herkunftsort in China, betrachten aber Malaysia, und nicht China, als ihre eigentliche Heimat."[Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 357f.]
"Trotz der Bemühungen der Auslandschinesen, sich als modern und liberal (im chinesischen Sinne) darzustellen, ist kein auslandschinesischer Milliardär dadurch reich geworden, dass er demokratisch oder aufgeklärt gewesen wäre. Der Konfuzianismus [儒家] selbst ist ein Loblied auf Ungleichheit." [Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 373.]
Abb.: Chinesische Sprachen und Dialekte bei den Auslandschinesen außerhalb des
insularen Südostasien
[Bildquelle:
http://www.rcl.cityu.edu.hk/atlas/B16b.html. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-02]
Abb.: Chinesische Sprachen und Dialekte der Auslandschinesen im insularen
Südostasien
[Bildquelle:
http://www.rcl.cityu.edu.hk/atlas/B16a.html. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-02]
Sprachgruppen unter den Auslandchinesen in Südostasien (Schätzungen):
Myanmar
(Burma)Kambodscha
Laos (ລາວ)Thailand
(ไทย)Vietnam
(Việt Nam)Philippinen
(Pilipinas)Malaysia Singapur
(Singapore
共和国
Singapura
குடியரசு)Indonesien
(Indonesia)Teochiu (潮州话) 1% 3 60% 150 60% 1800 30% 225 2% 5 11% 237 22% 170 8% 168 Hokkien (Minnan) (闽南语) 40% 120 7% 16 3% 90 8% 60 70% 161 27% 603 40% 313 47% 587 Kantonesisch (粵語/粤语) 25% 75 20% 50 10% 300 45% 338 20% 46 25% 552 22% 171 12% 252 Hakka (客家话) 8% 24 4% 10 12% 360 10% 75 2% 5 23% 514 6% 43 21% 441 Hainanesisch (海南话) 3% 9 4% 10 12% 360 4% 30 3% 7 53% 119 7% 57 3% 63 Jeweils erste Zahl: prozentualer Anteil der Sprachgruppe an allen Chinastämmigen dieses Landes (Schätzung)
Jeweils zweite Zahl: Anzahl in Tausend der betreffenden Sprachgruppe (Schätzung)Gelb unterlegt: Sprachgruppe mit dem höchsten Anteil an allen Chinastämmigen dieses Landes
Rot unterlegt: Land mit der höchsten Anzahl Angehöriger dieser Sprachgruppe[Quelle der Zahlen: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 230]
Abb.: Chinesische Sprachen und Dialekte in China
[Bildquelle:
http://www.rcl.cityu.edu.hk/atlas/A2.html. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-02]
Abb.: Chinesische Sprachen und Dialekte Südostchinas
[Bildquelle:
http://www.rcl.cityu.edu.hk/atlas/B8.html. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-02]
"
Teochew (Diô-jiǔ-oē / 潮州话) Spoken in: China, Malaysia, Singapore, Cambodia, Vietnam, Thailand, Indonesia, and other countries where Teochiu migrants have settled. Region: in China: eastern Guangdong province including Chaozhou, Shantou, Jieyang, Chaoyang, Puning, Chao'an, Raoping, Huilai, and Shanwei. Total speakers: About 10 million in Chaoshan. Approximately 2-5 million speakers overseas. (49 million for Min-nan as a group) The Teochew, Teochiu, Tiuchiu, Chaozhou, or Diojiu dialect (native name: Diô-jiǔ-oē; Guangdong romanization: Dio7 Ziu1; Min-nan (prestige dialect such as in Amoy): Tiô-chiu-oē, Chinese: 潮州话, Hanyu Pinyin: Cháozhōuhuà), is a Chinese language and dialect of Minnan spoken in the Chaoshan region of eastern Guangdong.
Abb.: Provinz Guangdong (Kanton, 广东; 廣東 )Classification
Abb.: Cháoshàn (潮汕), Gebiet des Teochiu (潮州话) in Guangdong (Kanton, 广东; 廣東 )Teochew is a member of Southern Min group, one of the divisions of spoken Chinese. Like other varieties of Chinese, there is dispute as to whether Teochew is a language or a dialect.
Teochew is mutally intelligible with the other Min-nan languages, notably Xiamen dialect or Taiwanese. There is substantial variations in phonology and vocabulary between different regions of Chaoshan and between different Teochew communities overseas.
History and geographyModern Teochew evolved from the more archaic Min-Nan. Between the 9th and the 15th century, a group of Min people migrated south from Fujian to the coastal region of eastern Guangdong known as Chaoshan. This migration was most likely due in part to over-population in Fujian.
Due to geographical isolation from Fujian and influences from Cantonese and the later Hakka, Teochew evolved into a separate language.
The Chaoshan region where Teochew is spoken, includes the cities of Chaozhou, Shantou, which are jointly the source of the name, as well as Jieyang, Chaoyang, Puning, Chao'an, Raoping, Huilai and Shanwei.
Chaoshan was one of the major sources of Chinese emigration to Southeast Asia during the 18th–20th centuries, forming one of the larger dialect groups among the Overseas Chinese. As a result, Teochew is now spoken in many regions outside of Chaoshan.
In particular, the Teochew people settled in significant numbers in Thailand, Cambodia and Singapore where they form the largest Chinese dialect group. They constitute a significant minority in Hong Kong, Vietnam, Malaysia, and Indonesia. Teochew speakers also live in Australia, New Zealand, North America, and Europe; a result of both direct emigration from Chaoshan to these nations and secondary emigration from Southeast Asia.
However, as world globalises, the language is losing popularity among the native speakers. In Singapore, due to common culture and influences from media, Singaporean Chinese youths whose native language is Teochew are either converting to English, Standard Mandarin or Hokkien. Teochew remains the native language of the majority of Chinese in Singapore, although Mandarin is gradually supplanting Teochew as their mother tongue, especially among the younger generations."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Teochew_%28dialect%29. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-26]
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Min Nan / 闽南语 (Bân-lâm-gú) Spoken in: People's Republic of China, Republic of China (Taiwan), Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia and other areas of Min Nan and Hoklo settlements around the world Region: Southern Fujian province; the Chaozhou-Shantou area in Guangdong province; extreme south of Zhejiang province; most of Taiwan; much of Hainan (if Qiong Wen is included); Leizhou Peninsula in Guangdong province Total speakers: 49 million Min Nan, Minnan, or Min-nan (Simplified Chinese: 闽南语; Traditional Chinese: 閩南語; pinyin: MǐnNánYǔ; POJ: Bân-lâm-gú; "Southern Min" or "Southern Fujian" language) or Hokkien is the Chinese language/dialect spoken in southern Fujian province, China and neighboring areas, and by descendants of emigrants from these areas in diaspora. Taiwanese is the Min Nan variant spoken on Taiwan. Teochew or Teochiu is a prominent variant, especially among ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia, originating in the Chaoshan region of Guangdong province.
Abb.: Provinz Fujian (Fukien; 福建)Southern Min and its counterpart Northern Min (Min Bei) can be grouped together as the Min language group. Both are often classified under the Chinese language group, itself part of the Sino-Tibetan language family. However, Min Nan is mutually intelligible with neither Northern Min nor Mandarin, the official Chinese language, spoken (at least as a second language) by the majority of those in mainland China and Taiwan, as well as by large numbers of overseas Chinese throughout the world.
Min Nan is spoken in the southern part of the southeastern Chinese province of Fujian by the Hoklo [福佬] as well as their descendants who migrated from this province to Taiwan, Guangdong (around Chaozhou-Swatou, and Leizhou peninsula), Hainan, two counties in southern Zhejiang and Zhoushan archipelago offshore Ningbo. There are many Min Nan speakers also among overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. In Taiwan, it also has the native name of Tâi-oân-oē or Hō-ló-oē. In the Philippines, it has the name Lán-lâng-oē ("our people’s language") among the Chinese Filipinos, many of whom are descendants of Fujian people or Hoklo.
As with all other varieties of Chinese, there is plenty of dispute as to whether Min Nan is a language or a dialect.
ClassificationThere are three main dialects of Min Nan in southern Fujian, corresponding to the areas of:
Abb.: Lage der drei Hauptdialekte von Min Nan (Hokkien) in Südfujian
- Amoy (Xiamen [厦门; 廈門])
- Changchew (Zhangzhou [漳州])
- Chinchew (Quanzhou [泉州])
As Xiamen (Amoy) is the principal city of southern Fujian, its dialect is considered the most important variant.
Outside Fujian, Min Nan exists in these major variants:
- Taiwanese or Taiyu
- Hainan
- Teochew or Chaozhou (from Chaozhou and the Chaoshan region, Guangdong province)
The variants spoken in Taiwan, though similar to the three southern Fujian variants, are grouped separately, and collectively known as Taiwanese. Taiwanese bears great importance from a socio-political perspective and is the second (and perhaps today most significant) major pole of the language.
Teochew is of great importance in the Southeast Asian Chinese diaspora, namely Vietnam, Thailand, and Singapore, among others.
Additionally, among the ethnic Chinese inhabitants of Penang, Malaysia, a distinct language form has emerged, Penang Hokkien."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Min_Nan. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-26]
Zum Beispiel: 马来西亚福建社团联合会 = Persekutuan Persatuan-persatuan Hokkien Malaysia = The Federation of Hokkien Associations of Malaysia
[Webpräsenz: http://www.hokkien.net.my/. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-20]
"The Federation of Hokkien Associations of Malaysia forms Malaysia's pre-eminent dialect federation. It serves as the peak body of Hokkien associations in Malaysia and some of Malaysia's most prominent businessmen serve or have served on its executive committee - including Lim Goh Tong, head of the Genting Group; Tiong Hiew King, controller of the Rimbunan Hijau timber and logging company and the late Loh Boon Siew, controller of the Boon Siew Group. The federation has 138 affiliated associations. Most of the members have relatively traditional outlooks and tend to have Chinese educations. Despite its Hokkien membership, the federation conducts business in Mandarin as many Hokkien subdialects are mutually unintelligible.
The federation, active in business, formed Hoklian Holdings, its business arm, almost two decades ago. Apart from its Malaysian investments, the company recently agreed with Anxi subprovince in Fujian, China to build a hotel and is also engaging in other investments there. Anxi forms the ancestral region for several senior federation executives. The federation receives regular visits from Anxi business delegations.
The federation actively engages in exchanges and conducts international meetings with other Hokkien associations worldwide."[Quelle: Haley, George T. ; Tan, Chin Tiong ; Haley, Usha C. V.: New Asian emperors : the overseas Chinese, their strategies and competitive advantages. -- Oxford [u.a.] : Butterworth Heinemann, 1998. -- XII, 164 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0750641304. -- S. 53. -- {Wenn Sie HIER klicken, können Sie dieses Buch bei amazon.de bestellen}]
"
Cantonese (粵語/粤语) Spoken in: China (including Hong Kong and Macau SARs), Malaysia, Singapore, Canada, United States, Australia, New Zealand and other countries where Cantonese migrants have settled. Region: in China (People's Republic of China): central Guangdong province; the Pearl River Delta (including Hong Kong and Macau SARs); eastern Guangxi Autonomous Region; parts of Hainan province Total speakers: 66 million Official status Official language of: Hong Kong SAR and Macau SAR of the PRC
Abb.: Sprachkarte von China: rot = KantonesischCantonese (粵語/粤语, lit. "Yụet (Guangdong) language") is one of the major dialect groups or languages of the Chinese language or language family. It is mainly spoken in the south-eastern part of Mainland China, Hong Kong, Macau, by the Chinese minorities in Southeast Asia and by many overseas Chinese of Cantonese origin worldwide. Its name is derived from Canton, the former French romanisation used as the colonial English name for Guangzhou [广州; 廣州], the capital city of Guangdong Province [广东; 廣東]. It is a tonal language.
Different dialects of Cantonese are spoken depending on area. The most prestigious is the Guangzhou dialect, also referred to simply as "Cantonese". The Guangzhou dialect is the lingua franca of not just Guangdong province, but also the overseas Cantonese diaspora, spoken by about 70 million Cantonese worldwide. The Guangzhou dialect is also spoken in Hong Kong, a financial and cultural capital of southern China. In addition to the Guangzhou dialect, the Taishan dialect, one of the sei yap or siyi (四邑) dialects that come from Guangdong counties where a majority of Exclusion-era Cantonese-Chinese immigrants emigrated, continues to be spoken both by recent immigrants from Southern China and even by third-generation Chinese Americans of Cantonese ancestry alike.
Like other major varieties of Chinese, Cantonese is often considered a dialect of a single Chinese Language for cultural or nationalistic reasons; most linguists consider Cantonese a separate language in the sense that they use the term, with notable exceptions in the People's Republic of China.
Dialects of CantoneseThere are at least four major dialect groups of Cantonese:
- Yuehai, which includes the dialect spoken in Guangzhou, Hong Kong and Macau as well as
- the dialects of Zhōngshān 中山, and Dōngguǎn; Sìyì (四邑, sei yap), exemplified by Táishān (台山, Toisaan, Hoisaan) dialect, which used to be ubiquitous in American Chinatowns before 1970;
- Gaoyang, as spoken in Yangjiang; and
- Guinan (Nanning dialect) spoken widely in Guangxi.
However, Cantonese generally refers to the Yuehai dialect.
For the last 150 years, Guangdong Province has been the home of most of the Chinese emigrants; one county near its center, Táishān (where the Sìyì or sei yap dialect of Cantonese is spoken), alone may have been the home to more than 60% of Chinese immigrants to the US before 1965, and as a result, Guangdong dialects such as sei yap (the dialects of Táishān 台山, Ēnpíng 恩平, Kāipíng 開平, Xīnhuì 新會 Counties) and what we understand to be mainstream Cantonese (with a heavy Hong Kong influence) have been the major spoken dialects abroad. As more and different kinds of Chinese emigrate, however, the situation is now changing, so that Min (Hokkien, or Fujianese dialect speakers) and Wu dialect speakers are also now heard, as well as Mandarin in increasing numbers from Taiwanese and Northern mainland immigrants.
In addition, there are at least three other major Chinese languages spoken in Guangdong Province—Putonghua 普通話, which is official standard Mandarin, spoken in official occasions, used in education, and among the many internal migrants from the north seeking work in the developing south; Min-nan 閩南 (Southern Min) spoken in the eastern regions bordering Fújiàn 福建, such as those from Cháozhōu 潮州 and Shàntóu 汕頭; and Hakka 客家(話), the language of the Hakka minority 客家(人). Hànyǔ 漢語 or Mandarin is mandatory through the state education system, but in the Southern household, the popularization of Cantonese-language media (Hong Kong films, television serials, and Cantopop, most notably), isolation from the other regions of China, and the healthy economy of the Cantonese diaspora ensure that the language has a life of its own. Most wuxia films from Canton are filmed originally in Cantonese and then dubbed in Mandarin or English or both.
[[...]Written Cantonese
Standard written Chinese is, in essence, written Standard Mandarin. People who speak another Chinese language (or dialect), when reading aloud, usually use their language's sound values for the characters. However, this written language sounds stilted and unnatural. Unusual for a regional (i.e., non-Mandarin) Chinese language, Cantonese has a written form, including many unique characters that are not found in standard written Chinese. Readers who do not know Cantonese often find written Cantonese odd, and even unintelligible in parts. However, written Cantonese is commonly used informally among Cantonese speakers. Circumstances where written Cantonese is used include conversations through instant messenger services, subtitles in Hong Kong movies, and advertisements. It rarely finds its way into the subtitles of Western movies or TV shows, though The Simpsons is a notable exception. To Cantonese speakers, their own language is more expressive, and is better received among speakers of Cantonese.
Records of legal documents in Hong Kong also use written Cantonese sometimes, in order to record exactly what a witness has said.
Colloquial Cantonese is rarely used in formal forms of writing; formal written communication is almost always in standardized Mandarin or hanyu, albeit still pronounced in Cantonese. However, written colloquial Cantonese does exist; it is used mostly for transcription of speech in tabloids, in some broadsheets, for some subtitles, and in other informal forms of communication. It is not uncommon to see the front page of a Cantonese paper written in hanyu, while the entertainment sections are, at least partly, in Cantonese. The vernacular writing system has evolved over time from a process of modifying characters to express lexical and syntactic elements found in Cantonese but not the standard written language. In spite of their vernacular origin and informal use, these characters have become so important in the Canton region for communication that the Hong Kong Government has incorporated them into a special Supplementary Character Set (HKSCS).
A problem for the student of Cantonese is the lack of a widely accepted, standardized transcription system. Another problem is with Chinese characters: Cantonese uses the same system of characters as Mandarin, but it often uses different words, which have to be written with different characters. At least this is the case in Hong Kong, but in the Canton area of mainland China, Cantonese is written with the exact same characters as Mandarin, though the characters stand for words not actually used in Cantonese. An example may help to clarify this:
The written word for "to be" is 是 in spoken Mandarin (pronounced shì) but is 係 in spoken Cantonese (pronounced hai6). In formal written Chinese, only 是 is normally used; 係 is only used in classical literature. However, in Hong Kong, 係 is often used in colloquial written Cantonese."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cantonese_%28linguistics%29. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-26]
"
Hakka (客家话) Spoken in: China (the PRC and the ROC), Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, and other countries where Hakka Chinese migrants have settled. Region: in China: Eastern Guangdong province; adjoining regions of Fujian and Jiangxi provinces Total speakers: 34 million Hakka is one language in the family of languages known as Chinese. The majority of its speakers are known Hakka people. Hak 客 (Mandarin: kè) means "guest", and ka 家 (Mandarin: jia) means "family". Amongst themselves, Hakka people variously called their language Hak-ka-fa/-va 客家語, Hak-fa/-va, 客語, Tu-gong-dung-fa/-va 土廣東話, Ngai-fa/-va 𠊎話 (my/our speech).
The Hakka language has numerous dialects, spoken in Guangdong, Fujian, Jiangxi, Guangxi, Sichuan, Hunan, Guizhou provinces, including Hainan island and Taiwan.
Amongst the dialects of Hakka, the Moi-yen/Moi-yan (梅縣, pinyin: MéiXìan) dialect has been used most as a prime example of the Hakka language. Moiyen is located in the north eastern region of Guangdong province.
Like all other varieties of Chinese, there is plenty of dispute as to whether Hakka is a language or a dialect.
HistoryThe Hakka people have their origins in several episodes of migration from northern China into southern China during periods of war and civil unrest. The forebearers of the Hakka came from present-day Henan and Shaanxi provinces, and brought with them features of dialects spoken in those areas during that time. (Since then the speech in those regions evolved into dialects of modern Mandarin.) The presence of many archaic features occur in modern Hakka, including final consonants -p -t -k, as are found in other modern southern Chinese dialects, but these have been lost in some northern Mandarin dialects.
Due to the migration of its speakers, the Hakka language may have been influenced by other language areas through which the Hakka-speaking forebears migrated. For instance, common vocabulary are found in Hakka, Min and Cantonese Chinese languages.
[...]
Other dialects of HakkaThe Hakka language has as many regional dialects as there are counties with Hakka speakers in the majority. Surrounding Meixian are the counties of Pingyuan 平遠, Dabu 大埔, Jiaoling 蕉嶺, XingNing 興寧, Wuhua 五華, and FengShun 豐順. Each is said to have its own special phonological points of interest. For instance, the XingNing does not have rimes ending in [-m] or [-p]. These have merged into [-n] and [-t] ending rimes, respectively. Further away from Meixian, the Hong Kong dialect lacks the [-u-] medial, so whereas Meixian dialect pronounces the character 光 as [kwɔŋ44], Hong Kong Hakka dialect pronounces it as [kɔŋ33], which is similar to the Hakka spoken in neighbouring Shenzhen.
As much as endings and vowels are important, the tones also vary across the dialects of Hakka. The majority of Hakka dialects have six tones, as typified by Meixian dialect above. However, there are dialects which have lost all of their Ru Sheng tones, and the characters originally of this tone class are distributed across the non-Ru tones. Such a dialect is ChangTing 長汀 which is situated in the Western Fujian province. Moreover, there is evidence of the retention of an earlier Hakka tone system in the dialects of HaiFeng 海豐 and LuFeng 陸 豐 situated on coastal south eastern Guangdong province. They contain a yin-yang splitting in the Qu tone, giving rise to seven tones in all (with yin-yang registers in Ping and Ru tones and a Shang tone).
The Hailu 海陸 Hakka dialect speakers found on Taiwan originated from this region. This particular dialect contains postalveloar consonants ([ʃ], [ʒ], [tʃ], etc.), usually not found in other Chinese dialects. Taiwan's other main population of Hakka speakers, the Sixian (Hakka: Siyen 四縣) speakers come from Jiaying 嘉應 and surrounding JiaoLing, PingYuan, XingNing, and WuHua dialects. Jiaying county later changed its name to Meixian.
Written traditions
Various dialects of Hakka have been written in a number of Latin orthographies, largely for religious purposes, since at least the mid-19th century.
Currently the single largest work in Hakka is the New Testament and Psalms (1993, 1138 pp., see), although that is expected to be surpassed soon by the publication of the Old Testament. These works render Hakka in both romanization and Han characters (including ones unique to Hakka) and are based on the dialects of Taiwanese Hakka speakers.
The popular Le Petit Prince has also been translated into Hakka (2000), specifically the Miaoli dialect of Taiwan (itself a variant of the Sixian dialect). This also was dual-script, albeit using the Tongyong Pinyin scheme."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hakka_%28linguistics%29. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-26]
"Hainanese is a dialect of the Min Nan group spoken in the southern Chinese province of Hainan. It is also commonly referred as Qiong Wen."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hainanese. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-26]
Abb.: Lage der Inseln der Provinz Hainan (海南)
"Chinese social relations are social relations typified by a reciprocal social network. Often social obligations within the network are characterized in familial terms. The individual link within the social network is known by guanxi(关系) and the feeling within the link is known by the term ganqing(感情). Social relations are often expressed by the exchange of gifts. An important concept within Chinese social relations is the concept of face and many other Oriental cultures. A Buddhist-related concept is yuanfen(缘分). Unlike other societies, Chinese tend to see social relations in terms of networks rather than boxes. Hence, people are perceived as being "near" or "far" rather than "in" or "out"."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chinese_social_relations. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
"Guanxi (Traditional Chinese: 關係; Simplified Chinese: 关系; pinyin: gūan xi; Cantonese IPA: kwɑn55 hɐɪ33; Jyutping: gwaan1 hai3), describes the basic force that holds the personalised networks of influence. The Pinyin romanization of this Chinese word is used when people realized that the word "connections" cannot sufficiently reflect its cultural implications. It can be literally translated as "relationship". It has been a central concept in Chinese society and describes a personal connection between two people in which one is able to prevail upon another to perform a favor or service. The two people need not be of equal social status. It could be a network of contacts which an individual can call upon when something needs to be done, and through he or she can exert an influence.
The term is generally not used to describe relationships within a family, although it is akin to an extended family. The term is also generally not used to describe relationships which are defined by bureaucratic norms (i.e. a boss and an office worker or a teacher and a student). The relationships formed by guanxi are personal and not transferable.
It has been extensively studied and described in studies of Chinese economic and political behavior, and sociologists have linked it with the concept of social capital. It has been described as a Gemeinschaft value structure. When a guanxi network violates bureaucratic norms, it can lead to corruption. Guanxi can also form the basis of patron-client relations. Often, guanxi obligations take precedence over civic duties, leading to nepotism and patrimonialism.A closely related concept is that of ganqing or feeling which reflects the depth of feeling within an interpersonal relationship."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guanxi. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
Zu guanxi siehe auch:
Payer, Margarete <1942 - >: Internationale Kommunikationskulturen. -- 5. Kulturelle Faktoren: Soziale Beziehungen. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/kommkulturen/kultur05.htm. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27
"Ganqing (Chinese: 感情; pinyin: găn qíng; Cantonese IPA: /kɐm35tsʰɪŋ11/; Jyutping: gam2tsing4) is an important concept in Chinese social relations which is loosely translated as "feeling" and is related to the concept of guanxi. Ganqing reflects the tenor of a social relationship between two people or two organizations. One can speak of having good ganqing meaning that two people have a good rapport or deep ganqing meaning that there is considerable feeling within a social relationship. The term ganqing is often seen in Chinese government comments, and is often mistranslated when used in this context. Often one will see a statement that an action "hurts the feelings of the Chinese people." This statement is better translated as an action "disturbs the relationship with the Chinese people." When used in this context the statement is actually implicitly threatening that should the action continue, that cooperation would not be forthcoming in the future."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ganqing. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
"Face refers to two separate but related concepts in Chinese social relations. One is mianzi (面子). The other is lianzi (臉子). Lian is the confidence of society in a person's moral character, while mianzi represents social perceptions of a person's prestige. For a person to maintain face is important with Chinese social relations because face translates into power and influence. A loss of lian would result in a loss of trust within a social network, while a loss of mianzi would likely result in a loss of authority. To illustrate the difference, gossiping about someone stealing from a cash register would cause a loss of lian but not mianzi. Repeatedly interrupting one's boss as he is trying to speak may cause a loss of mianzi but not lian.
When trying to avoid conflict, Chinese in general will avoid causing another person to lose mianzi by bringing up embarrassing facts in public. Conversely, when challenging authority and another person's standing within a community, Chinese will often attempt to cause a loss of lian or mianzi. A very public example of this occurred during the Tiananmen protests of 1989 when Wu'er Kaixi scolded Premier Li Peng for being late to a meeting with the demonstrators, which results in Li's loss of mianzi because he was seen as either tardy or insincere about the meeting.
For more information about Face, please read Ho, David Yau-Fai (1976), "On the Concept of Face," American Journal of Sociology, 81 (4), 867-84."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Face_%28social_custom%29. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
Xin yong = 信用 = Vertrauen, Kredit "Loyalität und Disziplin werden innerhalb einer Dialektgruppe durch Shinyung [信用; xin yong] oder Vertrauen aufrechterhalten. So werden die Rückzahlung von Darlehen, die Verschwiegenheit und Unsichtbarkeit garantiert. Dieses Vertrauen ist grenzenlos, ganz im Gegensatz zum Westen, in dem die Familien immer häufiger zerfallen. Um unter tyrannischen Dynastien oder im erzwungenen Exil zu überleben und zu prosperieren, mussten die chinesische Familie und die Ältesten sehr strenge Maßstäbe anlegen. Nur weil jemand zufällig Teochiu oder Hokchiu sprach, war er keineswegs automatisch ein Mitglied des Familienunternehmens, von einer Beteiligung an den realen oder imaginären Gewinnen der Tontine ganz zu schweigen. Das Shinyung (Treue und Zuverlässigkeit) war kein Geburtsrecht. Nicht einmal Familienmitglieder hatten es automatisch. Knaben oder junge Männer, die in das Familiengeschäft einsteigen wollten, mussten eine lange Lehrzeit absolvieren, während der ihre Fähigkeiten und ihre Vertrauenswürdigkeit sorgsam geprüft wurden. Nur wer wiederholt absolutes Shinyung bewies, durfte in das Geschäft eintreten oder Teil des Netzwerks werden. Wer nachlässig wurde, hatte sein Shinyung verloren. Alles beruhte nur auf dem Vertrauen. Das machte die Schande zu einer mächtigen Waffe. Wer das Gesicht verlor, dem blieb nur der Selbstmord. Das Shinyung einzubüßen, kam einem Todesurteil gleich. Menschen aus dem Westen verstehen oft nicht, was es für einen Chinesen bedeutet, das Gesicht zu verlieren. Aber in das Vertrauen investiert und auf das Vertrauen baut der Chinese sein Leben lang. Nur aufgrund des Shinyung konnten Geldverleiher in China oder irgendwo am Rande des Pazifik Geld ohne Garantien verleihen und sicher sein, es mit Zinsen zurückzubekommen.
Nach dem zweiten Weltkrieg bröckelte die Tradition rings um den Pazifik, und eine neue Generation von Auslandschinesen warf den Älteren ihr Verhalten unter der japanischen Besatzung vor. Der Absolutheitsanspruch des Shinyung wurde eingeschränkt. In Geschäftsdingen ist es immer noch lebenswichtig, aber heute werden Sicherheiten - vor allem Offshore-Sicherheiten (in Steuerparadiesen) - bei der Vergabe von Krediten anstelle des guten alten Shinyung gefordert. Die Traditionalisten jammern wie überall ob der Zeiten, Verderbnis und der »heutigen Jugend«. Aber verglichen mit den Europäern und Amerikanern sind sogar die urbansten und progressivsten Auslandschinesen weit davon entfernt, ihr väterliches Erbteil über Bord zu werfen."
[Quelle: Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7. -- S. 157f.]
"Yuan (缘) or Yuanfen (缘份; pinyin: yuan2 fen4) is a Buddhist-related Chinese concept that means the predetermined principle that dictates a person's relationships and encounters, usually positive, such as the affinity among friends or lovers. In common usage the term can be defined as the "binding force" that links two persons together in any relationship. The concept of synchronicity from the Swiss psychologist Carl Jung can be seen as similar to yuanfen, which Chinese people also believe to be a universal force governing the happening of things to some people at some places. Yuanfen belongs to the family of concepts known in theology as determinism. Some believe that the driving forces and causes behind yuanfen are the actions done in the previous reincarnations. This aspect is therefore similar to karma of Buddhism. However, while karma often refers to the consequences of an individual's actions on him- or herself, "yuan" is always used in conjunction with two persons.
Unlike other Chinese social relations, which describe abstract, but easily noticeable, connections between people, nowadays, Chinese merely use this word poetically or to emphasize a meant-to-be relationship, and almost never in a serious business or legal situation.
Usage
- When one meets a person (of either gender) who is hard to find, one can exclaim: "It is yuanfen that has brought us together!"
- When one encounters another repeatedly in various locations that it seems to be beyond coincidence, one can refer to yuanfen.
- On the contrary, when two persons who know each other (maybe as penpals) but never get a chance to meet face-to-face, it can be said that their yuanfen is too superficial or thin.
The Mandarin proverb: 百世修来同船渡，千载修得共枕眠 (pinyin: bai3 shi4 xiu1 lai2 tong2 chuan2 du4, qian1 zai4 xiu1 de2 gong4 zheng3 mian2)
Translations
- Literally: It takes hundreds of reincarnations to bring two persons to ride on the same boat; it takes a thousand eons to bring two persons to share the same pillow.
Often yuanfen is said to be the equivalent of "fate" (as is with the title of a 1984 movie starring Leslie Cheung) or "destiny". However, these words do not have the element of the past playing a role in deciding the outcome of the uncertain future. The most common Chinese term for "fate" or "destiny" is mingyun (命運 ming4 yun4), literally "the turn of events in life".
"Providence" and "predestination" are also not exact translations, because these words imply that the things happen by the will of God or gods, whereas yuanfen does not necessarily involve divine intervention."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yuanfen. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
Taiwan (Republik China)
中華民國
Klicken Sie hier für "Wirtschaft Taiwan" in den Schlagzeilen
Tsai Wan-lin (蔡萬霖) (1924 - 2004)
Abb.: Tsai Wan-lin (蔡萬霖) (1924 - 2004)
"Tsai Wan-lin (Chinese: 蔡萬霖; pinyin: Caì Wànlín) (November 10, 1924–September 27, 2004) was a Taiwanese businessman who, at the time of his death, was the richest man in Taiwan with a fortune of US$4.6 billion (NT$156.3 billion). He was ranked #94 worldwide in the 2004 Forbes Rich List. He founded the large Lin Yuan Group, a banking and insurance group. He was born into a poor farmer's family in Miaoli, and started out in Taipei by selling vegetables and soybeans with his brothers as a child. Tsai did not attend college.
With one of his brothers Tsai joined Taipei's Tenth Credit Cooperative in 1960. Two years later, they founded the Cathay Life Insurance Company, which at the time of his death was the largest life insurance company in Taiwan.
After establishing firm family control over Cathay Life in 1979, they founded the Lin Yuan Group. Over the next 10 years, the Lin Yuan Group expanded to become the largest Taiwanese conglomerate. The bank, life insurance and venture capital businesses merged in 2001 to become Cathay Financial Holdings, Taiwan's largest financial holding company.
Tsai was first listed by Forbes as a billionaire in 1987.
Tsai was appointed a senior adviser to the president of the Republic of China in 2000.
He died of heart disease in Taipei's Cathay General Hospital, which he founded in 1977, at the age of 81. He had been hospitalized for six years."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tsai_Wan-lin. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
Königreich Thailand
ราชอาณาจักรไทย
Klicken Sie hier für "Wirtschaft Thailand" in den Schlagzeilen
Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร)
Abb.: Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร) (Bildquelle: UNCTAD)
"Thaksin Shinawatra (Thai: ทักษิณ ชินวัตร; born July 26, 1949), Thai politician, is the current prime minister of Thailand and the leader of the populist Thai Rak Thai [ไทยรักไทย] party. As head of the Shin Corporation which controls (among others) Thailand's largest mobile phone operator Advanced Info Service (AIS), he was the richest man in Thailand before transferring ownership of the company to his family. Thaksin was born in Sankamphaeng in Chiang Mai province. He is a Hakka Thai Chinese with ancestry in Meizhou, Guangdong, China. He graduated from the Thai Police Cadet Academy and joined the Royal Thai Police Department in 1973, but went on to obtain a Master's Degree in criminal justice from the Eastern Kentucky University in the United States, in 1975. In 1978 he received a doctorate in criminal justice at Sam Houston State University in Texas. After reaching the position of Deputy Superintendent of the Policy and Planning Sub-division, General Staff Division, Metropolitan Police Bureau, Thaksin quit the police to form the Shinawatra Computer and Communications Group in 1987. One of the group's members, Shinawatra Paging, is now Thailand's largest mobile phone operator AIS. In 1990, Thaksin made a daring but successful bid for a 20-billion baht, 20-year concession to operate the Thaicom Satellite.
Thaksin entered politics in 1994 as foreign minister in the Palang Dharma Party, promising to clean up politics. This was followed by a brief stint as Deputy Prime Minister and head of the PDP, ending in 1997 when the party imploded. In 1998, Thaksin formed his own Thai Rak Thai ("Thais Love Thais") party and started campaigning against the alleged corruption of other Thai politicians. At the January 2001 Thai elections he won a sweeping victory and became Prime Minister of Thailand.
Like Silvio Berlusconi of Italy, Thaksin has been dogged by the conflict of interest between his post as Prime Minister and his massive business interests, and in 2001 he only narrowly escaped conviction (and a 5-year ban on holding political office) for concealing financial assets. Thaksin's government has been unabashedly populist, spending money at popular causes like cheap loans to farmers and subsidized health care. Thaksin's 2003 campaign against drug dealers was alleged to amount to the extrajudicial execution of several hundred suspects, and was heavily criticized by civil rights watchdogs. There have also been complaints that Thaksin has been stacking the civil service with his relatives and business associates, for example by elevating his cousin, General Chaiyasit Shinawatra, from a remote district to Army commander-in-chief.
He was re-elected in the February 2005 elections. In spite of reports of widespread corruption in his administration, Thaksin won a landslide victory, with his Thai Rak Thai party sweeping 374 out of 500 seats in Parliament, while the main opposition Democrat Party lost more than a quarter of its representation, retaining only 94 seats."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thaksin_Shinawatra. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-26]
Dhanin Chearavanont (ธนินท์ เจียรวนนท์)
Abb.: Dhanin Chearavanont (ธนินท์ เจียรวนนท์) (1939 - )
"Mr. Dhanin Chearavanont
Chairman & CEO, Charoen Pokphand Group (Thailand)
Personal History:
Date & Place of Birth April 1939 in Bangkok Marital Status Married to Khunying.Tawee with 5 children
Education:
1989 National Defence College (Public & Private Sector Class 1) 1956 Commercial School, Hong Kong 1951 Shantou Secondary School, China 1949 Sarasit Phithayalai School, Rajburi
Working Experience:
1993 Chairman - TelecomAsia Corporation (public) Co.,Ltd. 1992 Chairman - TelecomAsia Corporation Co.,Ltd. 1989 Chairman & C.E.O. - Charoen Pokphand Group Co.,Ltd. - Chia Tai Group Co.,Ltd. 1979 President - Chia Tai Group of Companies 1969 President - Charoen Pokphand Group of Companies 1964 General Manager - Charoen Pokphand Group of Companies 1962 Department Manager - United Livestock Trading Company 1961 Trading Manager - Federation of Egg Trading Co-operatives of Thailand
Social Activities:
2001 Adviser to Minister of Finance Special Guest of The 13th annual meeting of the International Business Leaders' Advisory Council for the Mayor of Shanghai 2000 Adviser to Minister of Agriculture
Honourary Director, Beijing University1999 Adviser to The Thai Chamber of Commerce 1998 Adviser to The Thai Chamber of Commerce 1994 Senior Consultant to the 3rd Council of China Association of Enterprises with Foreign Investment 1993 Senator of Parliament
Committee on Agriculture and Co-operatives, The National Legislative Assembly
Hong Kong Affairs Adviser to The People's Republic of China1992 Senator of Parliament
Committee on Agriculture and Co-operatives, The National Legislative Assembly
Economic Adviser to the President of the House of Representatives1990 Adviser to Prime Minister [Quelle: http://www.nni.nikkei.co.jp/FR/NIKKEI/inasia/future/2002/2002pro_chearavanont.html. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
"Charoen Pokphand Group - the classic network company [เจริญโภคภัณฑ์] [Webpräsenz: http://www.cpthailand.com. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-20]
Charoen Pokphand Group (GP) is probably one of the most diversified conglomerates in the Overseas Chinese business world, and many consider it the classic Overseas Chinese network company. CP was founded in 1921 by two brothers who emigrated from China to Bangkok, Thailand. The first business they entered was seed trading. Today, agriculture is still a core business for the group, but it has diverse interests. The breadth of CP's business is phenomenal: it operates fast food chains, has a retailing chain of superstores called Lotus (modelled after Wal-mart), owns Wholesalers called Makro, and runs the second largest 7-11 franchise in the world after Japan. It produces PVG and motorcycles, has a chain of gas stations, breeds chickens, brews beer, manages real estate and has entered the telecommunications and petrochemicals industries.
CP's chairman, Dhanin Chearavanont, manages hundreds of companies through a large number of partnerships, and is considered a visionary leader among the Overseas Chinese. The ability to manage effectively large numbers of relationships, some of which come into conflict with one another, is considered his greatest skill. He has used his many strategic alliances, joint ventures and partnerships to both expand his company and to acquire technology and know-how from the West.
CP's growth has stemmed from its management's understanding of Asian culture. It often enters a project through low bids, sometimes willing to accept losses in order to obtain a foothold or establish a crucial new relationship.
To handle the GP Group's extreme diversity, subsidiaries are largely autonomous; headquarters basically acts as a co-ordinator of financial resources.
CP is reputed to be the single largest foreign investor in China, though the size and nature of its investments are somewhat unclear. We do know that CP Group entered China in 1979 and now has over 100 joint venture companies in China. It is one of the few companies with substantial investments in China's agricultural interior provinces.
Continuing in its unique way, in recent years, CP group has moved away from partnerships and joint ventures with major Western and Overseas Chinese companies in their Chinese investments, and has sought to bring smaller Thai companies into projects. So far, CP has US$1 billion in these projects with small companies."[Quelle: Haley, George T. ; Tan, Chin Tiong ; Haley, Usha C. V.: New Asian emperors : the overseas Chinese, their strategies and competitive advantages. -- Oxford [u.a.] : Butterworth Heinemann, 1998. -- XII, 164 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- S. 124f. -- ISBN 0750641304. -- {Wenn Sie HIER klicken, können Sie dieses Buch bei amazon.de bestellen}]
Republik der Philippinen
Republika ng Pilipinas
Klicken Sie hier für "Wirtschaft Philippinen" in den Schlagzeilen
Lucio Tan
Abb.: Lucio Tan (1934 - )
[Bildquelle:
http://www.travelph.com/flights/pal/tan.htm. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
"Lucio Tan (Philippines) Cigarettes, Beer And Airline Tycoon
Biodata:
BORN: July 17, 1934, in Amoy, Fujian province, China
EDUCATION: BS Chemical Engineering, Far Eastern University, Manila
FAMILY: Married
Lucio Tan is the richest industrialist in the Philippines, with a personal net worth of at least $1.5 billion. Known to be shrewd but secretive and reclusive, Tan has extensive investments in China and Hong Kong.
Building an Empire Around Beer and Cigarettes
Over the past three decades, Lucio Tan single-handedly built an empire spanning the Philippines to Canada, all this while wheeling and dealing firmly behind closed doors.
Tan was born in China's Fujian province. His family moved to the Philippines when he was a child. He studied chemistry in Manila, but quit before graduating to take on a job in a tobacco factory. This prompted the nonsmoker to start his own cigarette company, Fortune Tobacco in 1966. The company expanded rapidly, and the introduction of a budget brand, Hope, in 1975, raked in even greater wealth for Tan.
In the 1970s, Tan secured permission from resident Marcos to establish a brewing business, Asian Breweries. It was the only brewery allowed to challenge the supremacy of San Miguel Corp, whose trademark beer dominates the local market.
In 1977, Tan acquired a defunct bank from the government, and revived it quickly. Now known as Allied Banking Corp, it is one of the top banks in the Philippines, and providing sound backing for Tan's foray into brewing and real estate.
In 1993, he secured control of Philippine Airlines PAL after a bitter ownership feud.
Connections and the One-Horse Man
In the Philippines, businessmen often contribute significant amounts to support many different political campaigns, with the hope of gaining political favour in business no matter who wins the election. Ethnic Chinese businesspeople, denied the family links to power enjoyed by the Spanish-descended aristocracy, are some of the biggest campaign contributors. Connections are undoubtedly an important factor behind Tan’s success.
Abb.: Joseph Marcelo Ejercito Estrada (1937 - ), Filmschauspieler, Präsident der Philippinen: 1998 - 2001Tan’s close friend Joseph Estrada rose to become president. But Tan breaks the mold: he eschews contributing to a bunch of candidates and instead is a one-horse man. First, it was Marcos; then it was Estrada. Now Tan is calling some of the big plays for the government as he tries to keep his airline, Philippine Airlines, afloat.
Tan is also beginning to shed his cloak of secrecy in other ways. For years, he has held most of his companies privately. Now he is mulling whether to list his two biggest moneymakers -- Fortune Tobacco and Asian Breweries -- on the stock market.
Compiled by Willie Hsu
[Quelle: http://www.huayinet.org/biography/biography.htm. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
"The Man From Fujian Lucio C. Tan is a household name in the Philippines. Perhaps only a few have not heard of the well-known Chinese-Filipino industrialist and businessman. He became even more prominent in the ‘90s when various international publications, particularly in the United States and Asia Pacific, took notice of his corporate exploits. People see him as a financial wizard, one steeped in Chinese philosophy and culture, who can turn around and work wonders on even seemingly hopeless business ventures. They are awed by his entrepreneurial acumen and skills, and praise him for his outstanding contributions to his adopted country’s economic development.
Building a Cigarette and Liquor Enterprise through Hard Work
A genius never shows off, goes a Chinese saying. So it is with Mr. Tan. He does not readily strike others as the tycoon that he really is. Simple in attire and sprite in movements, he appears like your ordinary, friendly Chinese merchant. But that’s only a first impression. Seeing the long queue of prominent businessmen wanting to see him in his office and hearing him speak, one senses that Mr. Tan wields extraordinary power and influence. He has the bearings and aura of a true leader.The success of Mr. Tan’s enterprise is deeply rooted on liquor and tobacco. He owns Fortune Tobacco, the country’s biggest cigarette-manufacturing company; Asia Brewery, the second largest producer of beer and bottled water; and Tanduay Distillers, one of the oldest (it was founded in 1854) and biggest rhum producers in the world.
A helicopter ride provides a bird’s eyeview of the sprawling Fortune Tobacco and Asia Brewery complexes, which, from the air, looks like picturesque garden estates. Every day, their factories churn out dozens of cigarette brands and eight brands of beer that find their way to domestic and world markets.
In the 30 years since the founding of Fortune Tobacco Corporation, we encountered great difficulties raising funds and experimenting with our formulas, thus recalled Mr. Tan in 1996 during the company’s 30th anniversary. Our products, which were not selling too well at first, now sell briskly, thus laying a solid foundation for our business. All the things that happened in this period are still fresh in my memory. This achievement is the result of the support and encouragement from my parents, relatives and friends, and from the unity and hard work of my colleagues.
Back in 1965, when Mr. Tan was just setting up Fortune Tobacco, the domestic market for cigarettes was dominated by old established companies. With his meager funds, he wondered how he could position his products against the more than a hundred local and foreign brands competing in a cut-throat market. Through market research he learned about the sale of high-, medium-, and low-grade cigarettes in the country. He discovered that a large consumer base existed for medium-grade cigarettes. He therefore decided to invest in the production of such cigarettes, but resolved to make the quality better than that of the competition. Ever Cool, the first brand produced by his company, made it to the market after some twists and turns. It proved that his decision was correct.
With Fortune flourishing in the early ‘70s, Mr. Tan went full blast creating a diverse conglomerate. In 1970, he brought in from Taiwan advanced livestock-raising technology to set up Foremost Farms, one of the biggest hog farms in Asia.
For his advocacy of scientific pig farming, the Central Luzon State University conferred on him 30 years later an honorary doctorate degree in applied agriculture. He was cited, in particular, for his outstanding contributions to the country’s agriculture and livestock raising.
In 1977, he acquired the defunct General Banking Corporation (GenBank) and renamed it Allied Banking Corporation. Through innovation and restructuring, it now consistently ranks among the top 10 banks in the Philippines in terms of assets and deposit base. Allied Bank boasts of a network of over 250 branches, including those in London, Xiamen, Singapore, Guam and Bahrain. The core institutions of the Tan conglomerate are housed in the bank’s main office building in Makati City.
A year later (1978), Mr. Tan acquired Riverside Steel Inc., a Philippine subsidiary of Kawasaki Steel Corp., one of the biggest steel firms in Japan. Renamed Grandspan Development Corporation, it engaged in large-scale building and construction projects both in the Philippines and abroad. Grandspan expanded its core business to include steel fabrication which won it world recognition. The company was chosen partner by leading international construction companies for its quality designs and workmanship and for the durability of its steel structures.
Mr. Tan established Asia Brewery in 1982. At that time, San Miguel - a beer first brewed by an ethnic Spanish family had been a fixture in the Philippine market for over 90 years. With his finely honed business sense, Mr. Tan found a breach in the fiercely contested beer market: The market looks like a bucket filled with rocks: It appears to be full, but actually there exists a lot of space between the rocks. The space could be filled with sand then water could be poured into the sand.
He hired experts to study the market, gather information about name-brand beers in other countries and develop new-flavor brews. Asia Brewery’s first brand Beer Hausen - sold like hot cakes immediately after its launching. At the same time, Mr. Tan also imported world-famous beers into the country
In 1985, he purchased the 500-room, five-star Century Park Hotel, now a favorite venue frequented by ranking Philippine government officials as well as local and foreign businessmen.
Mr. Tan’s goal of providing world-class products and services got another boost when he established MacroAsia Corporation on November 26, 1995. A publicly listed company, MacroAsia provides catering, ground handling and engineering and maintenance services not only to its sister companies but also to over 20 international carriers landing in the Philippines. The firm is widely known in commercial aviation circles for its strict adherence to international standards, commitment to quality, efficiency, and customer care. The company has also become a seedbed of talent for Filipino engineers, chefs and ground staff
Despite the hardships, Mr. Tan used his talent, insight and business acumen to create a diversified business enterprise. At the same time, he laid the foundation for what is known today as the Lucio Tan Group of Companies.
-Excerpts from the picture album Lucio C. Tan, published by Xinhua Puhli.s’hing House"
[Quelle: http://www.travelph.com/flights/pal/tan.htm. -- Zugriff am 2005-09-27]
Republik Singapur
Republic of Singapore
新加坡共和国
Republik Singapura
சிங்கப்பூர் குடியரசு
Klicken Sie hier für "Wirtschaft Singapur" in den Schlagzeilen
Abb.: Lee Kuan Yew, 2002
[Bildvorlage: http://www.defenselink.mil/photos/May2002/020502-D-9880W-040.html. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-04]"Lee Kuan Yew (also spelt Lee Kwan-Yew) (born September 16, 1923) (Chinese: 李光耀; pinyin: Lǐ Guāngyào) was the first Prime Minister of the Republic of Singapore from 1959 to 1990. He has remained the second most influential politician in Singapore (after the Prime Minister) since stepping down from office. Under the administration of Singapore's second prime minister, Goh Chok Tong [吴作栋], he served as Senior Minister. He currently holds the newly-created post of Minister Mentor under his son Lee Hsien Loong [李显龙/李顯龍], who became the nation's third prime minister on August 12, 2004. He is also known informally as Harry to his close friends and family, although this first name is never used in official settings.
Early lifeIn his memoirs, Lee mentions that he was a fourth-generation Chinese Singaporean: his Hakka great-grandfather, Lee Bok Boon (born 1846), emigrated from the Dapu county of Guangdong [Kanton; 广东] province to the Straits Settlements in the 1862.
The eldest child of Lee Chin Koon and Chua Jim Neo, Lee Kuan Yew was born at 92 Kampong Java Road in Singapore, in a large and airy bungalow. As a child Lee was strongly influenced by British culture, due in part to his grandfather, Lee Hoon Leong, who had given his sons an English education. His grandfather gave him the name "Harry" in addition to his Chinese name (given by his father) Kuan Yew.
Lee was educated at Telok Kurau Primary School, Raffles Institution, and Raffles College. His university education was delayed by World War II and the 1942–1945 Japanese occupation of Singapore. During the occupation, he operated a successful black market business selling a tapioca-based glue called Stikfas. Having taken Chinese and Japanese lessons since 1942, he was able to work as a transcriber of Allied wire reports for the Japanese, as well as being the English-language editor on the Japanese Hodobu (報道部 — an information or propaganda department) from 1943 to 1944.
After the war, he studied law at Fitzwilliam College, Cambridge in the United Kingdom. He returned to Singapore in 1949 to work as a lawyer in Laycock and Ong, the legal practice of John Laycock, a pioneer of multiracialism who, together with A.P. Rajah and C.C. Tan, had founded Singapore's first multiracial club open to Asians.
Lee and his wife Kwa Geok Choo [柯玉芝] were married on September 30, 1950. They have two sons and one daughter.
Rise to leadershipOn November 21, 1954, Lee and a group of fellow English-educated, middle-class men, formed the socialist People's Action Party (PAP) to agitate for self-government for Singapore, and an end to British colonial rule. An inaugural conference was held at the Victoria Memorial Hall, packed with over 1,500 supporters and trade unionists.
In April 1955, Lee contested and won the election for the Tanjong Pagar constituency, and became an assemblyman. Lee resigned in 1957 from the assembly, to accept the challenge from David Marshall to contest the by-election.
The self-government was formed following Lee's victory over the Labour Front party.
Prime Minister
Self-government administrationIn the national elections held on June 1, 1959, the PAP won forty-three of the fifty-one seats in the legislative assembly. Singapore gained self-government with autonomy in all state matters except in defense and foreign affairs, and Lee became the first prime minister of the state of Singapore on June 3, 1959, taking over from Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock [林有福]. Before he took office, Lee demanded and secured the release of Lim Chin Siong [林清祥] and Devan Nair who were arrested earlier by Lim Yew Hock's government.
Lee faced many problems after gaining self-rule for Singapore from the British, including education, housing, and unemployment. In response to the housing problem, Lee established the Housing and Development Board (HDB), an agency which began a massive public housing construction program to relieve the housing shortage.
Merger with Malaysia, then separationAfter Malaya Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman proposed the formation of a federation which would include Malaya, Singapore, Sabah, Sarawak and Brunei in 1961, Lee began to campaign for a merger with Malaysia to end British colonial rule. He used the results of a referendum held on September 1, 1962, in which 70% of the votes were cast in support of his proposal, to demonstrate that the people supported his plan. During Operation Coldstore, Lee crushed the pro-communist factions who were strongly opposing the merger and who were allegedly involved in subversive activities.
On September 16, 1963, Singapore became part of the Federation of Malaysia. However, the union was short-lived. The Malaysian Central Government, ruled by the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), became worried by the inclusion of Singapore’s Chinese majority and the political challenge of the PAP in Malaysia. Lee openly opposed the bumiputra policy and used the Malaysian Solidarity Convention's famous cry of "Malaysian Malaysia!", a nation serving the Malaysian nationality, as opposed to the Malay race. PAP-UMNO relations were seriously strained. Some in UMNO also wanted Lee to be arrested.
Race riots followed, such as that on Muhammad's [محمد] birthday (21 July 1964), near Kallang Gasworks, in which twenty-three were killed and hundreds injured as Chinese and Malays attacked each other. Today, it is still disputed how it started, and theories include a bottle being thrown into a Muslim rally by a Chinese, while others argued that it was started by a Malay. More riots broke out in September 1964, as the rioters looted cars and shops, forcing both Tunku Abdul Rahman and Lee Kuan Yew to make public appearances in order to soothe the situation. The price of food skyrocketed during this period, due to the disruption in transport, which caused further hardship.Unable to resolve the crisis, the Malaysian Prime Minister Tunku, Abdul Rahman, decided to expel Singapore from Malaysia, choosing to "sever all ties with a State Government that showed no measure of loyalty to its Central Government". Lee was adamant and tried to work out a compromise, but without success. He was later convinced by Goh Keng Swee [吴庆瑞] that the secession was inevitable. Lee Kuan Yew signed a separation agreement on August 7, 1965, which discussed Singapore's post-separation relations with Malaysia in order to continue cooperation in areas such as trade and mutual defence.
The failure of the merger was a heavy blow to Lee, who believed that it was crucial for Singapore’s survival. In a televised press conference, he broke down emotionally as he announced the separation to the people:
"For me, it is a moment of anguish. All my life, my whole adult life, I believed in merger and unity of the two territories. ... Now, I, Lee Kuan Yew, Prime Minister of Singapore, do hereby proclaim and declare on behalf on the people and the Government of Singapore that as from today, the ninth day of August in the year one thousand nine hundred and sixty-five, Singapore shall be forever a sovereign democratic and independent nation, founded upon the principles of liberty and justice and ever seeking the welfare and happiness of the people in a most and just equal society."
On that day, August 9, 1965, the Malaysian Parliament passed the required resolution that would sever Singapore's ties to Malaysia as a state, and thus the Republic of Singapore was created. It had no natural resources, an inadequate water supply, and little indigenous defence capability. Lee now faced the formidable task of building this new nation.
Post-independence administrationIn his biography, Lee Kuan Yew stated that he did not sleep well, and fell sick days after Singapore's independence. As the British prime-minister at the time, Harold Wilson expressed concern upon learning of Lee's condition from the British High Commissioner, John Robb. In response to their concern, Lee replied:
"Do not worry about Singapore. My colleagues and I are sane, rational people even in our moments of anguish. We will weigh all possible consequences before we make any move on the political chessboard..."
Lee began to seek international recognition of the Singapore's Independence. Singapore joined the United Nations (UN) on 21 September 1965, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on 8 August 1967. Lee made his first official visit to Indonesia in 25 May 1973, just a few years after the Konfrontasi under Sukarno's regime. Relations between Singapore and Indonesia substantially improved as subsequent visits were made between Singapore and Indonesia.
As Singapore has never had a dominant culture to which immigrants could assimilate, nor a common language, together with efforts from the government and ruling party, Lee tried to create a common Singaporean identity in the 1970s and 1980s.
Lee and his government stressed the importance of maintaining religious tolerance and racial harmony, and they were ready to use the law to counter any threat that might incite ethnic and religious violence. For example, Lee warned against "insensitive evangelisation", by which he referred to instances of Christian proselytising directed at Malays. In 1974, the government advised the Bible Society of Singapore to stop publishing religious materials in Malay.
Decisions and policiesLee had three main concerns – national security, the economy, and social issues – during his post-independence administration.
[...]
Economic issuesThe separation from Malaysia signified a permanent loss of a common market and an economic hinterland. The economic woes were further exacerbated by the British withdrawal that would eliminate over 50,000 jobs. Although the British were backing out from their earlier commitment to keep their bases till 1975, Lee decided not to strain the relationship with London. He convinced Harold Wilson to allow the substantial military infrastructure (including a dockyard) to be converted for civilian use, instead of destroying them in accordance with British law. With advice from Dr Albert Winsemius, Lee set Singapore on the path of industrialization. In 1961, the Economic Development Board was established to attract foreign investment, offering attractive tax incentives and providing access to the highly skilled, disciplined and relatively low paid work force. At the same time, the government maintained tight control of the economy, regulating the allocation of land, labour and capital resources. Modern infrastructure of airport, port, roads, and communications networks were built. The Singapore Tourist Promotion Board was set up to promote tourism that would create many jobs in the service industry. In building the economy, Lee was assisted by his ablest ministers, especially Goh Keng Swee [吴庆瑞] and Hon Sui Sen [韩瑞生]. They managed to reduce the unemployment rate from 14 percent in 1965 to 4.5 percent in 1973.
Designating an official languageLee designated English as the language of the workplace and the common language among the different races, while recognizing Malay, Chinese, and Tamil as the other three official languages. Most schools use English as the medium of instruction, although there are also lessons for the mother tongues.
Lee discouraged the usage of Chinese dialects by promoting Mandarin to be supplanted as the "Mother Tongue" of ethnic Chinese, in view of having a common language of communication within the Chinese community. In 1979, Lee officially launched the first Speak Mandarin Campaign. Lee also cancelled the broadcasting of all television programmes in dialects, with the exception of news and operas, for the benefit of the older audience. However, the policy worked at the expense of Chinese dialects; it was recently observed that most of the younger Chinese Singaporeans are no longer able to speak Chinese dialects fluently, thus encountering some difficulty when communicating with their dialect-speaking grandparents.
In the 1970s, graduates of the Chinese-language Nanyang University [南洋大学] were facing huge problems finding jobs because of their lack of command in the English language, which was often required in the workforce, especially the public sector. Lee had to take drastic measures, and had Nanyang University absorbed by the English-language University of Singapore; the combined institution was renamed the National University of Singapore. This move greatly affected the Chinese-speaking professors who would now have to teach in English. It was also opposed by some Chinese groups who had contributed significantly to the building of Nanyang University and therefore had strong emotional attachments to the school.
Government policiesLike many Asian countries, Singapore was not immune to the disease of corruption. Lee was well aware how corruption had led to the downfall of the Nationalist Chinese government in mainland China. Fighting against the communists himself, he knew he had to "clean house". Lee introduced legislation that give the Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau (CPIB) greater power to conduct arrests, search, call up witnesses, and investigate bank accounts and income tax returns of suspected persons and their family. With Lee’s support, CPIB was given the authority to investigate any officer or minister. Indeed, several ministers were later charged with corruption.
Lee believed that ministers should be well paid in order to maintain a clean and honest government. In 1994, he proposed to link the salaries of ministers, judges, and top civil servants to the salaries of top professionals in the private sector, arguing that this would help recruit and retain talents to serve in the public sector.
In 1983, Lee sparked the "Great Marriage Debate" when he encouraged Singapore men to choose women with high education as wives. He was concerned that a large number of graduate women were unmarried. Some sections of the population, including graduate women, were upset by his views. Nonetheless, a match-making agency Social Development Unit (SDU) was set up to promote socializing among men and women graduates. Lee also introduced incentives for graduate mothers to have third and fourth children, in a reversal of the over-successful “Stop-at-Two” family planning campaign in the 1960s and 1970s.
[...]
Legacy and controversiesDuring the three decades in which Lee was in office, Singapore grew from being a developing country to one of the most developed nations in the world, despite its small population and lack of natural resources. Lee has often stated that Singapore's only natural resources are its people and their strong work ethic. He is widely respected by many Singaporeans, particularly the older generation, who remember his inspiring leadership during independence and the separation from Malaysia. He has often been credited as being the architect of Singapore's present prosperity (although a significant role was also played by his Deputy Prime Minister, Dr Goh Keng Swee [吴庆瑞], who was in charge of the economy.)
On the other hand, some Singaporeans and foreigners have criticized Lee as elitist and even an autocrat. Lee was once quoted as saying he preferred to be feared than loved. He has implemented some harsh measures to allegedly suppress political opposition and freedom of speech, such as outlawing public demonstrations without an explicit police permit, the restriction of the press publication, the use of defamation lawsuits (which, according to his worst critics, have little merit) to bankrupt political opponents.
On one occasion, after a court ruling in favor of Lee was overturned by the Privy Council, the right of appeal to the Council was abolished. During his premiership from 1965 to 1990, he incarcerated Chia Thye Poh, a former MP of an opposition party, the Barisan Socialis, for twenty-two years under the Internal Security Act for being an alleged member of the Malayan Communist Party, only to be released in 19893. He abolished the "Trial by Jury" in the courts, hence giving full authority to the judges in their judicial decisions.
FamilySeveral members of Lee's family hold prominent positions in Singaporean society, and his sons and daughter hold high government and government-linked posts.
His elder son Lee Hsien Loong [李显龙/李顯龍], a former Brigadier-General, has been the Prime Minister, since 2004, and Finance Minister of Singapore. He is also the Vice-Chairman of the Government of Singapore Investment Company (GIC) (Lee himself is the Chairman). Lee's younger son, Lee Hsien Yang, also a former Brigadier-General, is the President and Chief Executive Officer of SingTel, a pan-Asian telecommunications giant and Singapore's largest company by market capitalisation (listed on the Singapore Exchange, SGX). Sixty-two percent of SingTel is owned by Temasek Holdings, a prominent government holding company with controlling stakes in a variety of very large government-linked companies such as Singapore Airlines and DBS Bank. Temasek Holdings in turn is run by Executive Director and CEO Ho Ching [何晶], the wife of Lee's elder son, the Prime Minister. Lee's daughter, Lee Wei Ling, runs the National Neuroscience Institute, and remains unmarried. Lee's wife Kwa Geok Choo [柯玉芝] used to be a partner of the prominent legal firm Lee & Lee. His younger brothers, Dennis, Freddy, and Suan Yew were partners of the same firm. He also has a younger sister, Monica. However, Lee has consistently denied charges of nepotism, arguing that his family members' privileged positions are based on personal merit."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lee_Kwan-Yew. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-04]
"China and the Overseas Chinese - or reaching out through the networks
Thousands of business delegations now leave China each year to contact local ethnic Chinese communities, and local Chinese Chambers of Commerce, across the Asia Pacific, in their quest for investments for their home areas in China. The hua qiao or Overseas Chinese community now constitutes the single biggest group of investors in China. Through family/clan, regional and dialect ties, the Overseas Chinese have created an empire without borders that generates an estimated GDP of around US$450 billion - only fractionally less than that of mainland China. Now, some of that money is pouring back into the mainland. Traditionally, Overseas Chinese have preferred to do business with people of their own dialect or clan. In Malaysia, on the booming Penang waterfront, seven old piers represent the different clan-based gongsi (syndicates) that used to trade exclusively with their own kind. Typically, New Asian Emperor, Li Kai Shing [李嘉誠 ], who was born in 1928 in the sleepy city of Chaozhou [潮州] (Chiuchow in Cantonese) in southeast Guangdong [广东; 廣東], has made many financial investments and commitments to his ancestral region including US$13 million to various Chaozhou charities and US$152 million for the founding of Shantou University [汕头大学] in the nearby city of Shantou [汕头; 汕頭]. 'I'm a Chiuchow person', Li told friends in China in the early 1990s, 'I'll earn money elsewhere and bring it back home'. Many delegations originate from specific parts of China and frequently attempt to contact their former compatriots now living abroad. For example, in 1994, a business delegation from Fuzhou [福州] in Fujian [福建] province visited the timber and logging city of Sibu in Malaysia's Sarawak. Sibu has a high concentration of Overseas Chinese who originate from Fuzhou. The New Asian Emperors have not forgotten home."[Quelle: Haley, George T. ; Tan, Chin Tiong ; Haley, Usha C. V.: New Asian emperors : the overseas Chinese, their strategies and competitive advantages. -- Oxford [u.a.] : Butterworth Heinemann, 1998. -- XII, 164 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- S. 135. -- ISBN 0750641304. -- {Wenn Sie HIER klicken, können Sie dieses Buch bei amazon.de bestellen}]
Abb.: Umschlagtitel
Seagrave, Sterling: Die Herren des Pazifik : das unsichtbare Wirtschaftsimperium der Auslands-Chinesen. -- München : Limes, 1996. -- 430 S. ; Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Lords of the rim (1995). -- ISBN 3-8090-3000-7
Abb.: UmschlagtitelHiscock, Geoff: Asiens Club der Einflussreichen : das Who is who der asiatischen Geschäftswelt. -- Frankfurt/Main [u.a.] : Campus-Verl., 1999. -- 420 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- Originaltitel: Asia's wealth club (1997). -- ISBN: 3-593-36019-5
Abb.: UmschlagtitelHaley, George T. ; Tan, Chin Tiong ; Haley, Usha C. V.: New Asian emperors : the overseas Chinese, their strategies and competitive advantages. -- Oxford [u.a.] : Butterworth Heinemann, 1998. -- XII, 164 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0750641304. -- {Wenn Sie HIER klicken, können Sie dieses Buch bei amazon.de bestellen}
WCBN - 世界华商网络- World Chinese Business Network. -- URL: http://english.wcbn.com.sg/. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-20
"WCBN is a comprehensive online business information network linking ethnic Chinese enterprises and executives all over the world. The bilingual online networking website provides data on Chinese enterprises and corporations in over 120 countries and regions. WCBN was developed by the Singapore Chinese Chamber of Commerce and Industry (SCCCI) in December 1995 and in October 1999, an enhanced WCBN was launched at the 5th World Chinese Entrepreneurs Convention with a brand-new design.
As an initiative to improve on the services of WCBN and make it more user-friendly, SCCCI has redeveloped the website and added new features. Users can expect easier access to the vast information available in the database. Besides allowing users to key in simple keywords to search for Chinese enterprises / business associations, potential business partners, trade opportunities and business events that are of interest to them, the newly introduced products and services classifications serve as another avenue to carry out your search more easily and efficiently.
HistoryThe idea for setting up WCBN first arose in 1993, when Singapore's Senior Minister Lee Kuan Yew suggested at the Second WCEC in Hong Kong that networking of ethnic Chinese businesses worldwide be made efficient by providing data on these businesses through the Internet. On December 8 1995, the SCCCI launched the project after months of preparations.
Collaboration with Alibaba.com
SCCCI and Alibaba.com, a leading operator of e-marketplace platforms for businesses engaged in export and domestic trade, jointly developed and launched an e-Marketplace site in February 2002. As a B2B e-commerce platform base for the Chinese business community worldwide, e-Marketplace aims to provide information to facilitate B2B exchange globally, combine B2B features and regional economic characteristics requirements, thereby providing suitable products and services.
Features of the bilingual co-branded site include trade leads, product catalogue, company listing, China supplier, etc. In addition, users are also able to view and create trade leads and company profiles. Users of the site will sign up as members of WCBN and Alibaba.com and thus be entitled to use the features of the site.
Content and Features of WCBN
WCBN is characterised by the following 3 main categories:
- Chinese Companies: An extensive listing of ethnic Chinese enterprises from Argentina to Zimbabwe which includes e-mail and website addresses for direct access to facilitate business networking.
- Chinese Business Associations: A principal compilation of the main Chinese Chambers and Chinese Business Associations found in all parts of the world.
- Global Trade Opportunities: This category is not restricted to ethnic Chinese companies but will list all trade opportunities available from different countries and regions.
WCBN gathers corporate information on ethnic Chinese enterprises straddling the whole world within one single platform. Access to the database is facilitated through simple keyword search or through product and service classifications.
Ongoing Development
WCBN is poised to serve the needs of the global business community. You can expect to see new additions to the database daily. New records and products & services classifications will be introduced and announced over the WCBN homepage. Besides, with the launch of the e-Marketplace, WCBN is moving closer to its aim of evolving into a platform for e-commerce activities and virtual business communities, and becoming the definitive website to source for Chinese enterprises and organisations worldwide. "
[Quelle: http://english.wcbn.com.sg/index.cfm?GPID=2. -- Zugriff am 2005-10-20]
Zu Teil 6: Indonesien: Pribumi
