Chronik Thailands

กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย

von

Alois Payer

Chronik 1969 / B. E. 2512

Zitierweise / cite as:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Chronik Thailands = กาลานุกรมสยามประเทศไทย. -- Chronik 1969 / B. E. 2512. -- Fassung vom 2017-03-17. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/chronik1969.htm

Erstmals publiziert: 2012-10-02

Überarbeitungen: 2017-03-17 [Ergänzungen] ; 2017-01-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-12-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-11-04 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-09-03 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-05-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-03-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2016-01-11 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-12-06 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-11-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-11-13 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-09-10 [Ergänzungen] ; 2015-08-19 [Ergänzungen] ;  2015-06-01 [Ergänzungen] ;  2014-11-19 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-11-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-10-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-09-24 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-08-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2014-02-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-11-05 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-31 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-10-26 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-06-11 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-06-07 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-05-21 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-04-11 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-03-27 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-02-28 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-01-23 [Ergänzungen] ; 2013-01-12 [Ergänzungen]

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Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Thailand von Tüpfli's Global Village Library

ช้างตายทั้งตัวเอาใบบัวปิดไม่มิด

Vorsicht bei den Statistikdiagrammen! Bei thailändischen Statistiken muss man mit allen Fehlerquellen rechnen, die in folgendem Werk beschrieben sind: Morgenstern, Oskar <1902 - 1977>: On the accuracy of economic observations. -- 2. ed. -- Princeton : Princeton Univ. Press, 1963. -- 322 S. ; 20 cm. Die Statistikdiagramme geben also meistens eher qualitative als korrekte quantitative Beziehungen wieder.

2512 / 1969 undatiert

1951 - 1969

Bevölkerungswachstum:

Abb.: Einwohner (in Mio.), 1951 - 1969
[Datenquelle: Ingram (1971), S. 222]

1951/1957 - 1969

Zusammensetzung und Herkunft des Bruttosozialprodukts:

Abb.: Bestandteile des Bruttosozialprodukts in Prozenten, 1957 - 1969
[Datenquelle: Ingram (1971), S. 226]

Abb.: Herkunft des Bruttosozialprodukts in Prozenten, 1951 - 1969
[Datenquelle: Ingram (1971), S. 234]

1952 - 1969

Öffentliche und private Investitionen:

Abb.: Private und öffentliche Investitionen, 1952 - 1969
[Datenquelle: Ingram (1971), S. 230]

1959 - 1969

Gesamt ausländischer Investitionen 1959 - 1969:

Abb.: Gesamt ausländischer Investitionen 1959 - 1969
[Datenquelle: Ingram (19719, S. 291]

1950 - 1969

Importe:

Abb.: Importe in Milliarden Baht, 1950 - 1969
[Datenquelle: Ingram (1971), S. 282]

1969 -1999

Einwohner pro Telefon

Abb.: Einwohner pro Telefon, 1969 - 1999
[Datenquelle: Thailand in figures (2000), S. 222]

Abb.: 1969 noch eine Mangelware. Telefon in einem Tempel in Ayutthaya (พระนครศรีอยุธยา), 2009
[Bildquelle: Ian Fuller. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/ianfuller/4123860587/. -- Zugriff am 2012-02-10. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]

Abb.: Lage von Ayutthaya (พระนครศรีอยุธยา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1948 - 1969

Anzahl der buddhistischen Mönche (ภิกษุ) und Novizen (สามเณร) während der Regenzeit (พรรษา):

Abb.: Anzahl der buddhistischen Mönche (ภิกษุ) und Novizen (สามเณร) während der Regenzeit (พรรษา) (in Tausend), 1948 - 1969
[Datenquelle: Statistical Yearbook 1967 - 1969; 1970 - 1971]

Anzahl der buddhistischen Klöster (พระอาราม):

Abb.: Anzahl der buddhistischen Klöster (พระอาราม), 1948 - 1969
[Datenquelle: Statistical Yearbook 1967 - 1969; 1970 - 1971]

 

1963 - 1969

Todesstrafe: Anzahl der Hinrichtungen:

Abb.: Todesstrafe (โทษประหารชีวิต): Anzahl der Hingerichteten, 1963 - 1969
[Datenquelle: Statistical Yearbook 1967 - 1969; 1970 - 1971]

Abb.: Hinrichtung, Bangkok Corrections Museum, 2008
[Bildquelle: Deepwarren. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/fuzzhead/2802278546/. -- Zugriff am 2012-02-28. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]

1969 - 1977

Schulstiftungen von Banharn Silpa-archa (บรรหาร ศิลปอาชา, 1932 - ) und seiner Frau Jamsai (แจ่มใส ศิลปอาชา, 1934 - ) in der Provinz Suphan Buri (สุพรรณบุรี)

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Suphan Buri (สุพรรณบุรี)
Bildquelle: [Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

Name der Schule	Amphoe	Stiftungssumme (Baht)	Einweihung	Gäste bei Einweihung
Banharn-Jamsai-Schule I โรงเรียนบรรหารแจ่มใสวิทยา 1	Don Chedi ดอนเจดีย์ (6)	1 Mio.	1970-04-25	Gouverneur Erziehungsminister Direktor des Department of General Education
Tha Chang  ท่าช้าง	Doem Bang Nang Buat เดิมบางนางบวช (2)	200.000	1970-3 (Inspektion)	District Education Chief
Banharn-Jamsai-Schule II โรงเรียนบรรหารแจ่มใสวิทยา 2	Bang Pla Ma บางปลาม้า (4)	290.000	1972-04-20	Gouverneur
Banharn-Jamsai-Schule III โรงเรียนบรรหารแจ่มใสวิทยา IV	Dan Chang ด่านช้าง (3)	1 Mio.	1975-07-15	König Königin (Banharn schenkt dem König 100.000 Baht für die Village Scouts - ลูกเสือชาวบ้าน) Direktor des Department of General Education
Banharn-Jamsai-Schule IV โรงเรียนบรรหารแจ่มใสวิทยา 4	Muang Suphan Buri เมืองสุพรรณบุรี (1)	1,4 Mio.	1977-02-11	Königinmutter Prinzessin

Ziffern in Klammern: Lokalisierung in untenstehender Karte

[Datenquelle: Nishizaki, Yoshinori [訳吉武好孝, 西崎一郎]: Political authority and provincial identity in Thailand : the making of Banharn-buri. -- Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornell, 2011. -- 254 S. :Ill. ; 26 cm. -- (Studies on Southeast Asia ; 53). -- ISBN 978-0-8772-7753-8. -- S. 67]

Abb.: Lage der genannten Amphoe
[Bildquelle: Hdamm / Wikimedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969 - 1977

Kinder und Jugendbücher

Abb.: Anzahl der erscheinenden Titel an Kinder- und Jugendbüchern, 1969 - 1977
[Datenquelle: Ingo-Eric M. Schmidt Braul. -- In: Thailand : Geographie - Geschichte - Kultur - Religion - Staat - Gesellschaft - Politik - Wirtschaft / hrsg. von Jürgen Hohnholz [1938 - ]. -- Tübingen : Erdmann, 1980. -- 518 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. --  (Ländermonographien ; Bd. 13.) --  ISBN 3-7711-0337-1. -- S. 320]

1969 - 1976

Schulbücher

Abb.: Titelproduktion Schulbücher 1969 - 1976
[Datenquelle: Ingo-Eric M. Schmidt Braul. -- In: Thailand : Geographie - Geschichte - Kultur - Religion - Staat - Gesellschaft - Politik - Wirtschaft / hrsg. von Jürgen Hohnholz [1938 - ]. -- Tübingen : Erdmann, 1980. -- 518 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. --  (Ländermonographien ; Bd. 13.) --  ISBN 3-7711-0337-1. -- S. 321]

1968/1969

Studierende bilden eine Election Observer Group (กลุ่มสังเกตการณ์การเลือกตั้ง) zur Überwachung der Wahlen. Es beteiligen sich über 3000 Studierende aus 15 Universitäten und Colleges.

1969

In Nordostthailand besitzen einen Radioempfänger

• 87% der städtischen Haushalte
• 67% der ländlichen Haushalte

Beliebtester Sender ist Station 909 (สถานีวิทยุ 909) bei Sakon Nakhon (สกลนคร), ein von den USA finanzierter Sender des National Security Command.

1969

Zehn-Punkte-Programm der Communist Party of Thailand (พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย):

TEN POINT PROGRAM OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THAILAND Consolidate the forces of workers, peasants, petty bourgeoisie, national capitalists of all nationalities, as well as all patriotic and democratic-loving political parties, organizations and people. Expand the people's war. eradicate U.S. imperialist influence, topple the reactionary, fascist and traitorous regime. Set up a People's Government composed of representatives of the entire revolutionary forces. Build up an independent, democratic and prosperous new Thailand.   Abrogate all anti-popular laws, announcements, orders, rules and regulations. Release all the patriotic and democratic-loving detainees. Grant the people freedom of speech, writing, printing and publication, assembly demonstrations, strike actions, freedom of religion and the setting up of associations and political parties. The people must be entitled to vote and stand for election at the age of 18.   Confiscate the assets of the U.S. imperialists, the atrocious traitorous reactionaries and the hooligan landlords, and appropriate them for the benefit of the people and the country, and bring to justice the counterrevolutionaries and reactionaries who have perpetrated crimes against the nation and the people in accordance with their wrong-doings. Those who have perpetrated crimes and come to repent and correct their misdeeds will be shown leniency.   Carry into effect the foreign policy of independence and sovereignty: revoke all traitorous and unjust treaties, conventions and agreements; oppose imperialism, especially the hegemonism of the two superpowers; establish friendly relations with all countries on the basis of equality, respect for each other's sovereignty and territorial integrity, facilitate mutual benefits, unite and cooperate with, support and assist the just struggle of all oppressed peoples and nations throughout the world.   The people of various nationalities in Thailand shall enjoy equal rights, should respect, support and assist each other, shall be entitled to use their own languages and scripts and preserve their fine traditions, custom and culture, oppose any discrimination against and oppression of all nationalities. In nationality regions, autonomous administration will be accorded under the big family of Thailand. Economic, educational and public health development must be implemented thoroughly and universally. Abolish the oppressive system of feudalism; carry out agrarian revolution with differences in treatment on a stage-by-stage basis in accordance with the condition in each locality, allow all peasants and planters to possess their own land, oppose all usurers, annul all unjust debts and loan contracts, develop agricultural production, and improve the livelihood of all agriculturalists.   Safeguard national resources; develop the industry, commerce and other enterprises of the state; protect the industry and commerce of national capitalists; and assist manufacturing and trading beneficial to the people.   Guarantee employment, wages and welfare of workers and office employees. Equal wages will be paid to all persons for the same work with equal production, irrespective of sex, age and nationality.   Women and men are entitled to enjoy equal rights in political, economic, cultural, educational and working opportunities. Enhance the role of women in carrying out the revolution and production; guarantee the welfare of women and children. Education and employment of youth will be ensured; youth will be encouraged to love their nation, democracy, people and manual labor, and dare to sacrifice for the common good, participate energetically in the revolution and the building of a new society. Relief and welfare will be provided for disabled revolutionary soldiers and persons, the families of those persons who have sacrificed their lives for the revolution and the families of revolutionary soldiers.   Make a clean sweep of the culture and education of the imperialists and feudalists; promote the revolutionary culture and education which is national, democratic and scientific in its character, critically carry on the culture of the Thai nation and critically adopt foreign culture; and thoroughly and universally expand medical and health work, specifically in the rural areas. [Quelle: The Road to victory : documents from the Communist Party of Thailand, 1978. -- http://www.archive.org/details/TheRoadToVictoryDocumentsFromTheCommunistPartyOfThailand. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-16]

1969

Abb.: Routen kommunistischer Infiltration entlang von Gebirgszügen
[Bilduelle: Saiyud Kerdphol [สายหยุด เกิดผล] <1922 -  >: The struggle for Thailand : counter-insurgency, 1965-1985. --  Bangkok : S. Research Center Co., 1986. -- 253 S. : Ill. ; 20 cm. -- S. 45. -- Fair use]

1969

Die Border Patrol Police [ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน, BPP] beginnt mit der Aufstellung von Border Security Teams aus je 30 Hill people.

1968/1970

Gescheiterter Versuch eine Dorfpolizei (ตำรวจหมู่บ้าน) aufzubauen.

"Thailand’s attempt to create a village police force (tamruat muban) [ตำรวจหมู่บ้าน]in 1969 - 1970 is illustrative of the problems involved. The original concept, suggested by U.S. advisors and funded as a pilot project through U.S. assistance, called for taking young men from the army draft list and offering them an opportunity to serve in their own local area as policemen rather than joining the army. Pilot projects to do this were set up in three different provinces. The villagers, mostly with only a fourth-grade education, were assigned to units in their home villages, or at least in their own tambon [ตำบล]. Each unit had two police sergeants assigned as leaders. Both groups were given special training. Although by most objective measures the program seemed to be quite successful, once U.S. funding ceased after the first year it was dropped by the Thai government. Fear was expressed about giving weapons to local villagers; and disdain was expressed by regular policemen toward these local boys: "How can they be policemen? They can’t even write up an arrest form." Thus, for reasons fully compatible with traditional bureaucratic fears and values, use of these potentially successful assimilated forces was rejected." [Quelle: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. 95, Anm. 47. -- Fair use]

1969

"According to a 1969 letter from an Acting Administrator for AID [Agency for International Development], five of AACT's [Academic Advisory Council for Thailand] twelve members were engaged in research involving Thailand, sponsored by government agencies other than AID. They were: L. A. [Lee Anthony] Peter Gosling [1927 - ], sponsored by the Office of Naval Research to do a study on transportation development in the Thai central plains; Fred von der Mehden [1927 - ], sponsored by ARPA to study the relation of social and economic factors to organized rural violence in Southeast Asia; Charles Keyes [1937 - ], sponsored by the National Science Foundation to study relationships between the Thai and the hilltribes in northwestern Thailand; David Wilson and Michael Moerman, sponsored by the National Science Foundation to study "integration of a complex society" focused on the "integration of peasant society into Thai national life." [Quelle: Wakin, Eric: Anthropology goes to war : professional ethics & counterinsurgency in Thailand. -- Madison, WI : University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. -- 319 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Monograph <University of Wisconsin--Madison. Center for Southeast Asian Studies> ;  No. 7). -- ISBN 978-1-881261-03-2. -- S. 137. -- Fair use]

1969/1970

In Südthailand weiten sich die Tätigkeiten der Aufständischen vom Khao Bantad Gebirge (เขาบรรทัด ) und anderem Hügelland aus ins Tiefland von Phattalung (พัทลุง), Satun (สตูล) und Songkhla (สงขลา) aus.

Abb.: Lage von Khao Bantad Gebirge (เขาบรรทัด ), Phattallung (พัทลุง), Songkhla (สงขลา) und Satun (สตูล)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

 

1969

"The stated intention of the CTO [Communist terror organization of Malaysia] is to return to Malaysia, and it has steadfastly maintained that it is merely poaching on Thai territory. It has emphasized that it has no quarrel with the Royal Thai Government and does not wish to jeopardize its safe haven. It has been very clever in pursuing this line. For example, in the summer of 1969, just before a meeting between the Malays and Thais on border problems, the CTO sent messages to top officials of the RTG [Royal Thai Government], emphasizing that the CTO was merely awaiting the proper opportunity to return to Malaysia and that it had no quarrel with the Thais or territorial claims against Thailand. It added, clearly with malice in mind, that it could not of course speak for the current Malaysian government which it implied might have certain territorial designs. The communists have acted according to the strategy by not being very aggressive and rarely initiating actions against the Thai forces, though in mid-1969 they began to take a more aggressive stand against the Thai Border Patrol Police. This may have been in retaliation for the combined Border Patrol Police-Malaysian Police Field Force actions against them. The Thais have permitted a small number of Malaysian police to operate inside Thailand in conjunction with their own police, as the Malaysians have been naturally anxious to destroy the CTO, which has designs against their own country. In 1969 activity in the Far South took a significant jump. Thai and Malay security forces were more active, and some of their operations which discovered and destroyed large CTO camps may have begun to hurt. For example, in May, 1969, the Thai Border Patrol Police (BPP) occupied a large CTO base camp capable of accommodating 300 guerrillas. Camps such as these were well planned and designed. They had barracks, dining halls, small parade grounds, and command posts. In almost every case the guerrilla forces managed to escape with most of the important papers and supplies, but they lost several comfortable and elaborate camps. Also, 1969 appeared to be the year when the CTO began with greater determination to pursue its avowed aim of reestablishing itself in northern Malaysia. On the Malaysian side of the border, increasing numbers of armed uniformed CTO elements have been cited, and propagandizing, recruiting, and organizational activities have been on the rise. The CTO has intensified its propaganda appeals to the Muslim community in southern Thailand to widen the potential support base. The propaganda tends to follow communist lines— emphasizing the revolutionary forces of the workers and peasants rather than ethnic differences and thus correcting one of the weak points of CTO propaganda during the Emergency. Reportedly, some transfer of Muslims has been made to the Chinese regiments, to give credence to this propaganda effort. The CTO has also increased its overt insurgency efforts on both sides of the border, but particularly just inside the Malaysian border." [Quelle: Tanham, George K. (George Kilpatrick) <1922 - 2003>: Trial in Thailand. -- New York : Crane, Russak, 1974. -- 175 S.  ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-8448-0318-9. -- S. 66f. -- Fair use]

1969

Eröffnung der Attaqwa Moschee  oder San Pa Koi Moschee (مسجد التقوى, 訕巴契清真寺; มัสยิดอัต-ตักวา) in Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่).

Abb.: Lage von Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.:  Attaqwa Moschee  (مسجد التقوى, 訕巴契清真寺; มัสยิดอัต-ตักวา), Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่)
[Bildquelle: Iceway12 / Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]
 

"Attaqwa Mosque (Sometimes spells Attakkawa Mosque) or San Pa Koi Mosque[1] (Chinese: 訕巴契清真寺; pinyin: shànbāqìqīngzhēnsì, Thai: มัสยิดอัต-ตักวา), located on the east side of the Ping River in Chiang Mai, is one of the seven Chinese mosques in Chiang Mai province. It was first built in 1967, and finished in 1969 by a group of both Chinese and non-Chinese Muslims. The mosque also contains the first Islamic school in Chiang Mai." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Attaqwa_Mosque. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-14]

1967 - 1969

Gemeinsame Ausgaben der USA und Thailands für Entwicklungsprojekte:

Abb.: Gemeinsame Ausgaben der USA und Thailands für Entwicklungsprojekte 1967 - 1969
(in Millionen US-Dollar)
[Datenquelle: Moore, Jeff M.: The Thai way of counterinsurgence. -- [o. O.] : [Selbstverlag], 2014-- 446 S. ; 23 cm. -- (Muir analytics book). -- ISBN 9781497395701. -- S. 124.]

1969

USIS (United States Information System) und ARPA (Advanced Research Projects Agency) ziehen sich aus der Counterinsurgency zurück.

1969

Zur Bekämpfung des Opiumanbaus gründet der König in Fang (ฝาง / ᨺᩣ᩠ᨦ) ein königliches Projekt für Bergvölker. Leiter wird Prinz Bhisadej Rajani (หม่อมเจ้าภีศเดช รัชนี, 1920 - ).

Abb.: Lage von Fang (ฝาง / ᨺᩣ᩠ᨦ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Prinz Bhisadej Rajani (หม่อมเจ้าภีศเดช รัชนี), 2009
[Bildquelle: Monarchians / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

"Bhisadej Rajani (complete title: His Serene Highness Prince (Mom Chao) Bhisadej Rajani) (Thai: หม่อมเจ้าภีศเดช รัชนี) (born 20 January 1920), is the Prince of Thailand, a member of Thai Royal Family, and member of the House of Rajani (th: ราชสกุลรัชนี), the Royal house descended from Chakri Dynasty, which is originated by his father. He is one of the longest-living royal personages in the Thai history. He is a close-friend of King Bhumibol Adulyadej. He is an author and works as the President of the Royal Project for the King. He is a descandant to Pinklao, Vice-King of Siam (พระบาทสมเด็จพระปิ่นเกล้าเจ้าอยู่หัว, 1808 - 1886). Biography Prince Bhisadej Rajani was born on 20 January 1920. He is the youngest son of Prince Rajani Chamcharas, the Prince Bidyalongkorn (พระราชวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้ารัชนีแจ่มจรัส กรมหมื่นพิทยาลงกรณ์, 1876 -  1945) (son of Prince Yodyingyos, the Prince Bovorn Vichaichan - พระองค์เจ้ายอดยิ่งยศ, 1838 - 1885)) and Mom Chao Barabimalabanna Vorawan (หม่อมเจ้าพิมลพรรณ (วรวรรณ) รัชนี, daughter of Prince Vorawannakara, the Prince Naradhip Prabandhabongs). He is the great-grandson of the Vice-King Pinklao. He is the younger brother of Princess Vibhavadi Rangsit (พระเจ้าวรวงศ์เธอ พระองค์เจ้าวิภาวดีรังสิต, 1920 - 1977), the Queen Sirikit's lady-in-waiting and famous royalty author, who was killed in the helicopter by insurgents while visiting soldiers. He graduated from Debsirin School (โรงเรียนเทพศิรินทร์) and continued his education at Dulwich College in England where he played rugby, tennis and squash. Running many races in a day, young Prince Bhisadej finally won the Victor Ludorum gold medal (a Latin word for a winner of the games) at the annual Thai students in the U.K. meeting. During World War II, he joined the British Army in 1943 as a soldier and British spy; he was trained to walk up the hills with a rifle and heavy back pack. He trekked along the Himalayan Mountains for two weeks with an army from Darjeeling Hill Station (দার্জিলিং) in India to a trade route of Nathula Pass (རྣ་ཐོས་ལ་) in Tibet. After the tough army training, he engaged the underground resistance movement activities against Japanese called Free Thai (ขบวนการเสรีไทย) during the War. After the war, he came back to Thailand and worked as an officer in the Border Patrol Police (ตำรวจตระเวนชายแดน) in their schools along the northern Thai border for a few years.  Royal duties Prince Bhisadej is a close friend of King Bhumibol Adulyadej since the King held the title Prince during his elder brother's reign, King Ananda Mahidol. In the 1969 narcotics crisis, during which hill tribes villagers in the northern territory grew opuim, King Bhumibol Adulyadej established the Royal Project centred at Fang District (ฝาง / ᨺᩣ᩠ᨦ) under his command to encourage the hill tribes to renounce opium-growing. As President, he gave advice to them about substitution of cash crops such as strawberry, peach, plum, as well as vegetable and fruits in winter. Moreover, he has also served as president of the Thai-United Nations Hill-Tribe Economic Development Project and of the Highland Agricultural Research Committee. The sports and army experiences benefited him when he joined The Royal Project as President in 1969, and his early years involved development works in remote hill tribe villages. On another occasion, the Prince also appreciated the Hmong (ชาวม้ง) hospitality at Ban Mae Tho in Chiang Mai where he started trekking from Hod District (ฮอด) to visit the Hmong village with a red kidney beans cultivation project.  Lifestyles While working in Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่), Prince Bhisadej lives in a very simple lifestyle. His hobbies now are reading, listening to music and photography. He has been fond of photography since he was 14 years old. He enjoys taking pictures of flowers grown at The Royal Development Centres, particularly English roses at The Royal Agricultural Station Ang Khang (อ่างขาง), which are in full bloom in April. He loves to read novels and books about history and traveling to country side and villages telling about farmers' lives, especially in France and Spain. Prince Bhisadej's favourite sports in Chiang Mai used to be windsurfing and horse riding, but it has been years since he has practiced these. He fell from horseback three times and he broke three ribs during one of those falls. Nowadays, his exercises mostly relate to walking while inspecting his numerous agricultural centers on the highlands. As a writer, he contributed to a women's magazine in Thailand. His most recent book in Thai entitled Cheewit Chun Chun published in 2002 under the pseudonym P. of Pramualmak (th: ภ. ณ. ประมวญมารค); the letter P stands for his name when pronounced in the RTGS styles, Phisadet. His book is autobiographical and also deals with Thai history some 100 years ago. Prince Bhisadej is greatly respected among Thais for his dedication and long contributions for King Bhumibol Adulyadej to achieve The Royal Project development strategies thus making him becomes an icon of The Royal Project Foundation. The Prince has frequently been invited to graciously preside over academic or international meetings and grand social events.  Marriage Prince Bhisadej married his first cousin, Mom Rajawongse Dajriraj Vorawan (ท่านผู้หญิงดัชรีรัช รัชนี (วรวรรณ)), daughter of Mom Chao Nitayakara Vorawan and Mom Kaew Vorawan na Ayudhya. She is the granddaughter of Prince Vorawannakara, the Prince Naraship Prabandhabongs, and is the direct niece of Mom Chao Barabimalabanna Vorawan, who is Prince Bhisadej's mother. The couple has 2 daughters and 1 son; Mom Rajawongse Dajrabimala Rajani (หม่อมราชวงศ์ ดัจฉราพิมล ตุงคนาค) Mom Rajawongse Bhavari Rajani (หม่อมราชวงศ์ ภวรี สุชีวะ) Mom Rajawongse Dhiradej Rajani (หม่อมราชวงศ์ ธีรเดช รัชนี) The Prince and his family reside officially at Pramual Palace, at Pramual road, Silom, Bangkok but usually reside in his private residence in the area of The Royal Project Development and Agricultural Centre, Doi Ang Khang (ดอยอ่างขาง), Fang District, Chiang Mai Province." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bhisadej_Rajani. -- Zugriff am 2012-04-04]

1969 - 1984

Der laotische Prinz Panya Souvanna Phouma betreibt die Fluggesellschaft Sky of Siam. Vorgebliche Zwecke der Fluggesellschaft

• Künstlicher Regen (ein Lieblingsprojekt von Rama IX.)
• Passagierdienst
• Frachtbeförderung

Sky of Siam Fleet List
Typ	Thai Serial	s/n	Delivered	Withdrawn	Remarks
PA-23 Apache 150	HS-CHA	23-89	18. 6.1969	5.1984	...
Cessna 170B	HS-CHB	26230	10.11.1969	8.1975	...
Cessna 170B	HS-CHC	26231	5.3.1970	10.1988	...
Cessna 170B	HS-CHD	26249	20.11.1970	17.3.1973	...
PC-6/B1-H2 Turbo-Porter	HS-CHE	581	12.7.1974	11.1979	...
Helio U-10B Super Courier	HS_CHF	636	31.1.1975	1.1976	...
PA-23 Apache 160	HS-CHG	23-1222	2.7.1975	1. 1982	...
Dornier Do28A-1	HS-CHI	3059	8.9.1975	22.10.1979	...
PA-34 Seneca 200T	HS-CHK	34-7670361	22.3.1978	2.1981	...
Beech H-18 Trigear	HS-CHP	BA-667	3.6.1977	3.1986	...
PC-6/B1-H2 Turbo-Porter	HS-CHV	627	19.7.1977	12.10.1977	...
PC-6/B1-H2 Turbo-Porter	HS-CHV	705	11.1977	1984	...
De Havilland Heron 1B	HS-EAA	14046	12.2.1980	ca.9.1983	...
De Havilland Heron 1B	HS-EAB	14049	12.2.1980	ca.9.1983	...

[Quelle der Liste: http://www.wings-aviation.ch/61-Thai-Civilaviation/Airlines/Sky-of-Siam/Charter.htm. -- Zugriff am 2016-09-03. -- Fair use ("If information from this site is used as source material please credit www.wings-aviation.ch ")]

1969

Chokchai Bulakul (โชคชัย บูลกุล, 1937 - ), Pak Chong (ปากช่อง), Provinz Nakhon Ratchasima (นครราชสีมา), erwirbt mit finanzieller Hilfe des Landwirtschaftsministeriums und der USA über 400 Rasserinder aus Texas (USA). Er ist seit 1957 Thailands erster "cattle rancher".

Abb.: Lage von Pak Chong (ปากช่อง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage von Texas
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]
 

Webpräsenz: www.farmchokchai.com. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-21

1969

Abb.: "Luftaufnahme von der Huai Kaeo Straße (ถนนหัวยแก้ว), Nordwest-Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่) (1969), die zum Fuße des Doi Suthep (ดอยสุเทพ) führt. Hinten links ist der Campus der Universität (มหาวิทยาลัยเชียงใหม่) zu erkennen."
[Bildquelle: Anne & Heiner Damm. -- http://www.hdamm.de/afotos/ah_opidx.htm. -- Zugriff am 2013-02-28. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969

Abb.: ©Anti-kommunistischer Comics, 1969
[Fair use]

1969

Der in diesem Jahr erstmals verliehene SEATO Literature Award geht an den Roman:

กฤษณา อโศกสิน [aka. สุกัญญา ชลศึกษ์] [Kritsana Asoksin] <1931 - >: เรือมนุษย์ [Das Schiff der Menschen]

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer zweibändigen Ausgabe

1969

Es erscheint der Roman:

แมน สุปิติ [= นพคุณ จิตตยะโสธร] [Maen Supiti = Nopakun Jittayasotorn]: พยานบาป [Zeuge der Sünde]

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer zweibändigen Ausgabe

1969

Es erscheint die Sammlung von Kurzgeschichten:

Rom Ratiwan [รมย์ รติวัน i.e. Thawi Ketawandi - ทวี เกตะวันดี] <1932 - 1974>:  หยัดอยู่สู้โลกพาลา ("Stetig einer bösen Welt widerstehen")

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer späteren Ausgabe

Der Herausgeber der Neuausgabe 1976 schreibt darüber:

"All of Rom Ratiwan’s [รมย์ รติวัน] work exposes for the reader the exploitation and injustice of society. Every letter of his writing is a shout for fairness for people who are oppressed and persecuted. And even though his life has come to an end, the sound of those shouts still echoes loudly to this day." [Übersetzt in: Platt, Martin B.: Isan writers, Thai literature : writing and regionalism in modern Thailand. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2013. -- 249 S. ; 23 cm. -- ISBN 9788776941291. -- S. 40.]

1969

Es erscheint die Sammlung von Kurzgeschichten

สุรชัย "หงา" จันทิมาธร [Surachai "Nga" Jantimathawn] <1948 - >: มาจากที่ราบสูง ["Ich komme von der Hochebene"]

Abb.: Einbandtitel der 2. Auflage

1969

Es erscheint die sozialkritische Kurzgeschichte:

มน.เมีธ [Mon. Methi]: คนกับหมา [Mensch und Hund]

"Die Gegenüberstellung der mit den Reichen zusammen auf der einen Seite stehenden Mönche und den im Elend Lebenden auf der anderen findet sich auch in Mon. Methis Kurzgeschichte "Mensch und Hund" [คนกับหมา] (1969), wobei hier noch ein zusätzlicher Gesichtspunkt in die kritische Auseinandersetzung mit dem überlieferten punna-Denken [บุญ] gebracht wir. Die Autorin schildert eingangs eine üppige Mahlzeit, an der sich die Mönche eines städtischen Klosters gütlich tun. Die verschiedenen Gerichte dazu, sind ihnen - eine gewöhnliche Form des tham bun [ทำบุญ] - von einer Gruppe offenkundig sehr wohlhabender Leute gebracht worden. Während die Mönche beim Essen sind, sammelt sich in geringer Entfernung eine Schar ausgehungerter Kinder aus einem nahegelegenen Elendsviertel, die die speisenden Mönche mit gierigen Blicken beobachten. Der Hunger dieser Kinder ist so groß, dass ein kleiner Junge aus ihrer Schar sich von den Speiseresten der Mönche nimmt, die man fortgeworfen hatte und über die sich bereits die Klosterhunde hergemacht hatten. Die Geschichte endet mit der Schilderung des fassungslosen Entsetzens, das die wohlhabenden Leute, die den Mönchen das Essen gebracht hatten, bei diesem Anblick überfällt. Indem diese Kurzgeschichte dem Leser vor Augen führt, dass die den Mönchen zugeteilten Gaben besser zur Linderung der Not unter den Armen in der Gesellschaft verwendet gewesen wären, ruft sie unüberhörbar nach einer Neubestimmung des tham bun [ทำบุญ]: Anstelle des fast ausschließlich auf den Mönchsorden fixierten Verdienstlichkeitsbegriffs sollte ein solcher treten, der auch eine soziale Komponente hat." [Quelel: Rosenberg, Klaus <1943 - 1988>: Sozialkritische Literatur in Thailand : Protest und Anklage in Romanen und Kurzgeschichten eines Landes der Dritten Welt. -- Hamburg : Ges. für Natur- u. Völkerkunde Ostasiens, 1986. -- 360 S. ; 21 cm. -- (Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens: Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens e.V. Hamburg ; Bd. 101). -- S. 303f.]

1969

Es erscheint:

ก. แก้วประเสริฐ [Kor Kaeoprasoet] ; วิจิตร ขุมทรัพย์: ชีวิตการต่อสู้ของสุรพล [Der Lebenskampf von Suraphon]. -- พระนคร : โอเดียนการพิมพ์, 2512 [= 1969]. -- 523 S. : Ill. -- Biographie des Sängers Suraphon Sombatjaroen (สุรพล สมบัติเจริญ, 1930 - 1968)

ก. แก้วประเสริฐ [Kor Kaeoprasoet] ist der Lehrer vieler Song-Writer Nordostthailands, u.a.

• Loet Srichok [เลิศ ศรีโชค]
• Sombat Bunsiri [สมบัติ บุญศิริ]
• Wichian Sitthisong [วิเชียร สิทธิสงค์]
• Samson Na Mueangsri [สามศร ณ เมืองศรี]
• Samran Arom [สำราญ อารมณ์]
• Cho Kachai
• Surin Phaksiri [สุรินทร์ ภาคศิริ]

1969

Die Lufthansa nimmt den Linienfrachtverkehr Frankfurt - Bangkok auf. Wöchentlich verkehrt eine Frachtmaschine in beiden Richtungen.

1969

Es erscheint:

Phoumi Vongvichit [ພູມີ ວົງວິຈິດ] <1909 - 1994>: Laos and the victorious struggle of the Lao people against U.S. neo-colonialism. -- [o.O.] : Neo Lao Haksat Publications, 1969. -- 228 S. : Ill. ; 19 cm

Abb.: Einbandtitel

"During the Second World War and the Franco-Thai conflict, France stepped up her policy of buying over the higher strata of the feudal class and the bourgeoisie, launched a nationalist movement dubbed'Lao Nhay’ [ລາວໃຫຍ່ ] (Greater Laos) to counter the'Greater Thailand' policy of which the Japanese fascists pulled the strings, and issued the first Lao paper Lao Nhay [ລາວໃຫຍ່, s. 1941]  as its propaganda medium." [a.a.O., S. 36. -- Zitiert in: Ivarsson, Søren: Creating Laos : the making of a Lao space between Indochina and Siam, 1860-1945. -- Copenhagen : NIAS, 2008. -- 238 S. : Ill. ; 22 cm. -- (Nordic Institute of Asian Studies monograph series ; 112). -- ISBN 978-87-7694-023-2. -- S. 16]

1969

Der laotische Prinz Boun Oum Na Champassak (ບຸນອຸ້ມ ນະ ຈຳປາສັກ / บุญอุ้ม ณ จัมปาศักดิ์, 1911 - 1980) beginnt mit dem Bau eines Palasts in Pakse (ປາກເຊ). Heute gehört es einer thailändischen Gesellschaft und dient u.a. als Nobelbordell für Thai Geschäftsleute.

Abb.: Champasak Palace Hotel, 2005
[Bildquelle: Adam Carr / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Lage von Pakse (ປາກເຊ)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Champasak Palace Hotel is elegantly located in the heart of Pakse District, the capital city of Champasak Province. lt was originally constructed to be a palace of Jao Boon Oum, the last king of life (Jao Ma Ha Chee Vit) in southern Laos. The palace was built in 1969 and was not finished when Jao Boon Oum left Laos and took a refuge in France in 1975. in Champasak palace Hotel has a main 7-floor building,which was supported by none main poles but several poles instead. Only the building was finished in 1975 Being counted 1,900 doors and windows, the palace is named Thousand-room pavilione. Doors and windows are sculptured in astonishing Laotian style. ln 2004,the palace was renovated, still remaining its former charms, to be a convenient and modern hotel with exemplary facilites. Aiming to be the best hotel in the southern Laos,Champasak Palace Hotel offers hospitalities and the finest service to every visitor. Feel and experience the best staying in southern Laos at Champasak Palace Hotel." [Quelle: http://www.champasakpalacehotel.com/about.html. -- Zugriff am 2016-01-26. -- Fair use]

"Prince Boun Oum (also Prince Boun Oum Na Champassak; Lao: ບຸນອຸ້ມ ນະ ຈຳປາສັກ; Thai: บุญอุ้ม ณ จัมปาศักดิ์; rtgs: Bun-um Na Champasak; December 12, 1911 – March 17, 1980) was the son of King Ratsadanay (1874 - 1975), and was the hereditary prince of Champassak and also Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Laos from 1948–1950 and again in 1960–1962. Early life He was born in Don Talad in 1911, the eldest son of Prince Ratsadanay, Prince of Champassak by his fourth wife, Princess Sudhi Saramuni. He was educated at Wat Liep Monastery Sch. and l'École de Droit, Vientiane. He met Mom Bouaphanh Soumpholpakdy of Kengkok and married in 1943. The couple had six sons and three daughters: Prince Keo Champhonesak na Champassak, Prince Saysanasak na Champassak, Prince Keo Halusak na Champassak, Prince Simoungkhounsak na Champassak, Prince Vannahsak na Champassak, Prince Vongdasak na Champassak, Princess Ninhdasak na Champassak, Princess Keosondarasak na Champassak and Princess Keomanisak na Champassak. He has 11 grandchildren. He succeeded on the death of his father as Head of the Princely House of Champassak, June 1946. in the same time, he renounced his rights in order to establish a unified kingdom, the Kingdom of Laos, on 27 August 1946. He then later became President of the Royal Council in 1948. In 1949, he was appointed as Inspector-General of the Kingdom. Prime minister Sympathetic to the French in Laos, he commanded a force of 15,000 that fought Japanese troops and the Lao Issara in the south of Laos. Titular leader of the royalist faction, he served as Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Laos in 1948 – 1950 and again in 1960 – 1962 when The National Assembly installed him by unanimous vote. He retired from politics to pursue business interests from his base in Pakse and Champassak but continued to be a major power broker until his exile in 1975, the year the communist Pathet Lao (ປະເທດລາວ) came to power. In 1975 he went to France for medical treatment and never returned to Laos. He died in Boulogne-Billancourt, France in 1980 and his ashes are buried at the Cimetiere de Trivaux in Meudon France, next to his wife Princess Bouaphanh na Champassak (1920–2013)." [Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boun_Oum. -- Zugriff am 2016-05-26]

1969 - 1975

Frank Warren Snepp (1943 - ) ist Chief analyst of North Vietnamese strategy des CIA in Saigon (Südvietnam)

"Frank Warren Snepp (born May 3, 1943)[1] is a journalist and former chief analyst of North Vietnamese strategy for the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in Saigon during the Vietnam War. For five out of his eight years as a CIA officer, he worked as interrogator, agent debriefer, and chief strategy analyst in the US Embassy, Saigon; he was awarded the Intelligence Medal of Merit for his work.[1] Snepp is currently a producer for KNBC-TV in Los Angeles, California. He was one of the first whistle blowers who revealed the inner workings, secrets and failures of the national security services in the 1970s. As a result of a loss in a 1980 court case brought by the CIA, all of Snepp's publications require prior approval by the CIA. Background Born in Kinston, North Carolina,[3] Snepp studied Elizabethan literature at Columbia University, graduating in 1965.[3] After spending a year at CBS News, he returned to Columbia's School of International and Public Affairs, graduating in 1968.[3] Career CIA (1968 - 1976) Snepp was recruited to the CIA in 1968, by the Associate Dean of the School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University, Philip Mosely.[3] Initially working on NATO and European security, he was sent to Saigon in 1969.[1] Here Snepp worked as an analyst and counter-intelligence officer, coordinating agent networks and interrogation of captured enemy forces as well as preparing strategic estimates regarding the enemy.[1] Snepp rejected the usual 2-year rotation, and stayed in Vietnam until the US was forced out in 1975.[3] Snepp wrote in 2009 that he was "still haunted" by the "psychological manipulation and torment of a prisoner" he was involved with as a CIA interrogator.[4] Snepp was on hand for the Fall of Saigon and was one of the last Americans to leave the US Embassy, Saigon before the city fell to the North Vietnamese on April 30, 1975.[1] Snepp was evacuated with other American personnel in Operation Frequent Wind. On his return to the US Snepp was awarded the Intelligence Medal of Merit in December 1975, but he resigned from the Agency in January 1976, upset at its refusal to rescue Vietnamese left behind in the pull-out, and its refusal to acknowledge mistakes made.[1][5] Memoir Snepp wrote a memoir of the event, Decent Interval, published in 1977 without prior approval from the CIA Publications Review Board.[1] The book excoriates the tardy, improvised nature of the evacuation and laments the many Vietnamese working for the Americans that were left behind. Snepp redacted all names, methods, and sources from the book. The book was based on an after-action report that he had written and which he had sent through CIA channels. The report was not accepted.[6] Abb.: Einbandtitel einer Ausgabe After the book was published, CIA Director Stansfield Turner (1923 - ) pushed for Snepp to be sued and, despite the objections of some Department of Justice officials, Turner prevailed. Since publication of the book could not be stopped under the constitutional law forbidding prior restraint of the press, the CIA sued Snepp for breach of contract. Snepp was accused of violating the non-disclosure agreement he had signed when he joined the agency that forbade publication of any material about CIA operations without the prior consent of the agency.[6] Ironically, President Jimmy Carter (1924 - ) permitted the lawsuit against Snepp at the same time he had proposed the creation of a special unit to provide protection for civil service whistle blowers. In a press conference, Carter said that Snepp did not qualify as a whistleblower as he did not "reveal anything that would lead to an improvement in our security apparatus or the protection of Americans' civil rights." Carter also claimed that Snepp had "revealed our nation's utmost secrets", even though he had not been charged with violating any security laws like the Espionage Act.[6] Snepp accused the CIA of ruining his career and violating his First Amendment free speech rights. The CIA in return claimed that Snepp had violated his employment agreement by speaking out. They sued (United States v. Frank W. Snepp III). He enlisted the help of the American Civil Liberties Union in his defense. In the end, the CIA won a court verdict against Snepp, with the US Supreme Court ruling that Snepp's book had caused "irreparable harm" to national security due to creating an appearance of a breakdown of discipline in the CIA.[1] The royalties from Decent Interval (amounting to $300,000 by the time Snepp lost in front of the Supreme Court[3]) were surrendered to the CIA, and Snepp forced to clear all future publications with the CIA.[1][2] In 2001 Snepp published a second book, Irreparable Harm, about his court battle with the CIA.[1][7] Journalism (1980 - present) In 1980, following the Supreme Court decision against him, Snepp became an investigative journalist, contributing to publications including the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Village Voice and others.[3] Snepp also worked in television, including for ABC's World News Tonight (1987–92), CBS (2003–05) and NBC from 2005.[3] At World News Tonight he got Eugene Hasenfus (1941 - ) to confirm that he had signed a government secrecy agreement, confirming the government's involvement in the Iran-Contra affair.[3] Snepp won an Emmy Award in 1997 for an investigation into Mexican drug trafficking. He won a Peabody Award in 2006 as producer on an investigation for KNBC-TV-Los Angeles of a Los Angeles housing development sited on a toxic landfill.[3][8] During the late 1980s, he taught a Journalism and the Law course at California State University, Long Beach. He was a technical consultant for the comedy film Spies Like Us.[1] Quotes "Disinformation is most effective in a very narrow context." Christian Science Monitor, February 26, 1985 "We always leave the last war thinking we have all the answers, but we end up having more questions." University of California, Irvine, May 12, 2005" [Quelle: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frank_Snepp. -- Zugriff am 2016-05-17]

1969

Folgende Hotels in Bangok dienen ausschließlich der Unterkunft von US-Personal:

• Chavalit (ชวลิต): 300 Zimmer: Langzeitunterkunft
• Chao-Phraya (เจ้าพระยา): 230 Zimmer für US-Offiziere
• Trocadero: 170 Zimmer für US-Sergeants (Unteroffiziere)

Abb.: Toracdero Hotel, Bangkok, 1950
[Bildquelle: carl jacobson. -- https://www.flickr.com/photos/35540248@N04/3308289607. -- Zugriff am 2015-04-08. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

1969

Die US-Firma Foremost Dairies (Markenname: โฟร์โมสต์) eröffnet im Norden Bangkoks ihre erste Produktionsanlage für Milchprodukte mit einer Jahreskapazität von 72 Mio. Litern. 1984 wird Foremost von einem Thai-niederländischen Konglomerat übernommen.

Abb.: Foremost-Produkte (โฟร์โมสต์) 2014
[Fair use]

1969

Briefmarken:

2512 / 1969 datiert

1969-01-01

Die Kommunistische Partei Thailands (CPT, พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์แห่งประเทศไทย, พคท) gründet das Supreme Command of the People's Liberation Army of Thailand (aka. Thai People's Liberation Armed Forces, TPLAF). Intensivierung der Propaganda des Radiosenders Voice of the People of Thailand (VOPT, เสียงประชาชนแห่งประเทศไทย) gegen die Regierung und das Königshaus.

1969-01-01

Gründung des Thai Industrial Standards Institute (TISI, สำนักงานมาตรฐานผลิตภัณฑ์อุตสาหกรรม - สมอ). Es ist Mitglied der ISO (International Organization for Standardization)

Abb.: ®Logo

1969-01-01

Siam Square (สยามสแควร์) bekommt seinen heutigen Namen. Bisher: Pathumwan Square (ปทุมวันสแควร์).

Abb.: Lage von Siam Square (สยามสแควร์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

"Siam Square (Thai: สยามสแควร์, Aussprache: [sàjǎm-sà-kwɛ]) ist ein Einkaufs- und Vergüngungsviertel in Bangkok, Thailand. Es befindet sich im Bezirk (Khet) Pathum Wan (ปทุมวัน). Siam Square beherbergt etliche sehr große Kaufhäuser und Einkaufsarkaden, die vollklimatisiert sind und von Angehörigen der einheimischen Mittelklasse sowie von Ausländern besucht werden. Die Waren werden zu Festpreisen angeboten, so dass sich ein Feilschen, wie es an anderen Orten in Thailand üblich ist, erübrigt. Innerhalb des Siam Square gibt es eine breite Palette an Geschäften und Dienstleistern, wie zum Beispiel Restaurants, Cafés, Designermode, Buchläden, Banken und Privatschulen. Im Zentralbereich des Siam Square befindet sich der so genannte Center Point, eine offene Anlage, auf der an Wochenenden meist Veranstaltungen stattfinden. Insbesondere Jugendliche kommen im Siam Square voll auf ihre Kosten, wo alle schicken und „hippen“ Angebote zu finden sind. Nahegelegene und bequem erreichbare weitere Einkaufsmöglichkeiten sind beispielsweise Siam Center (สยามเซ็นเตอร์) und Siam Discovery Center, Maboonkrong Center( มาบุญครอง, über eine klimatisierte Fußgängerbrücke) und Siam Paragon (สยามพารากอน). Geschichte Die ersten Gebäude für den Siam Square wurden 1965 auf dem Gelände der Chulalongkorn-Universität (จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย) errichtet. Ziel war es, der Universität durch die Vermietung von Geschäftsräumen eine weitere Einkommensquelle zu verschaffen. Wegen der Nähe zur Universität ging dieses Geschäftsmodell auf und die Bebauung wurde zügig erweitert. In der Folgezeit entwickelten sich die gewöhnlichen Läden zu Geschäften mit einem breiten Angebot an Markenwaren aller Art. Dies veranlasste Investoren, andere Geschäftszweige, wie Hotels, Einkaufszentren und Restaurants zu errichten. Gegenwärtig ist Siam Square die beliebteste Einkaufsgegend in Bangkok, insbesondere für Teenager und Touristen." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siam_Square. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-17]

1969-01-05

Die Königliche Luftwaffe wirft in der Provinz Phitsanulok (พิษณุโลก) Napalm-Bomben auf Meo's (แม้ว), da sie im Verdacht stehen, Kommunisten zu sein. Air Marshall Dawee Chullasapya sagt: "Wir müssen sie los werden, ein für allemal."

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Phitsanulok (พิษณุโลก)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Explosion einer Napalm Bombe, Vietnam, 1965
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

"Napalm ist eine Brandwaffe mit dem Hauptbestandteil Benzin, das mit Hilfe von Zusatzstoffen geliert wird. So wird erreicht, dass Napalm als zähflüssige, klebrige Masse am Ziel haftet und eine starke Brandwirkung entwickelt. Beschreibung Bereits kleine Spritzer brennenden Napalms verursachen schwere und schlecht heilende Verbrennungen auf der Haut. Wegen seiner hydrophoben Eigenschaften kann Napalm zudem nur schlecht mit Wasser gelöscht oder von der Haut abgewaschen werden. Auch bei einem nicht direkten Treffer wirkt Napalm sehr zerstörerisch gegen Lebewesen und hitzeempfindliches Material. Je nach Zusammensetzung erreicht es eine Verbrennungstemperatur von 800 bis 1200 °C. Napalmbomben, die häufigste Einsatzform des Brandstoffes, sind mit Napalm befüllte Metallkanister. Zünder an beiden Enden lösen beim Aufschlag kleine Explosivladungen aus, wodurch der Kanisterinhalt über eine große Fläche verteilt wird. Napalm kann auch mit Hilfe von Flammenwerfern eingesetzt werden." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Napalm. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-17]

1969-01-07

Tod des ersten großen Luk Thung (ลูกทุ่ง) Sängers Khamron Sambunnanon (คำรณ สัมบุญณานนท์, geb. 1920).

Künstlerlink auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:artist:4vwWYX1YU7ZWamNwdctDSN
URL: https://open.spotify.com/artist/4vwWYX1YU7ZWamNwdctDSN

Abb.: Kassetetntitel
[Fair use]

1969-01-17

Es erscheint:

Supreme Command of Thai People’s Liberation Army Set Up : Proclamation and order published on January 1 call on commanders and fighters to study and grasp Mao Tse-tung's thought, develop people’s war extensively and fight to the end to eliminate U. S. -Thai reactionaries. -- In Peking Review = 北京周報. -- 1969-01-17. -- S. 21

Mit Kommentar:

Thai People's Armed Forces March From Victory to Victory / by "RENMIN RIBAO" [人民日报] COMMENTATOR. -- a.a.O., S. 22f.

Abb.: Titelblatt

"Supreme Command of Thai People’s Liberation Army Set Up Proclamation and order published on January 1 call on commanders and fighters to study and grasp Mao Tse-tung's thought, develop people’s war extensively and fight to the end to eliminate U. S. -Thai reactionaries. THE Supreme Command of the Thai People’s Liberation Army on New Year’s Day published a proclamation' and issued an order to all commanders and fighters in the army. The proclamation says that more than three years have passed since the founding on November 19, 1965 of the first combat unit of the people’s armed forces to fight oppression and aggression. In this period, the people’s armed forces have steadily grown in strength through fighting the enemy. They fought over 1, 000 battles and wiped out large numbers of enemy troops, repeatedly defeating the latter’s "mopping-up" and suppression operations and performing many nationally known heroic deeds in their valiant fighting. It says that since the people’s armed forces are fighting in various parts of the country and guerrilla activities are widely scattered across the land, the scale and intensity of the fighting will increase daily. In these circumstances, the setting up of the Supreme Command of the Thai People’s Liberation Army is hereby proclaimed so that it may exercise unified and effective command of the fighting. The proclamation points out that the Thai People’s Liberation Army, which is led by the Communist Party of Thailand [พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์ แห่งประเทศไทย] and is growing in strength through struggle and which comes from the masses and enjoys their support, is an army of fighters with a high level of revolutionary consciousness, a true army of the sons of the people and an army which serves the people wholeheartedly, is closely linked with them, has a high sense of discipline and maintains unity between officers and men. The Thai People’s Liberation Army, it says, has three major tasks: fighting, mass work and production. It is our important political task that we must do propaganda work among the masses, organize them, arm them and help them to establish revolutionary political power. This army acts in accordance with the guidance of Mao Tse-tung’s thought and is under the absolute leadership of its founder, the Communist Party of Thailand. Therefore, it can be said with certainty that this army will grow from small to big, from weak to strong, and march from victory to victory. The proclamation says that the Thai People’s Liberation Army is ready to co-operate with people in various fields who oppose U. S. imperialist aggression against Thailand and oppose the fascist dictatorial rule of the traitorous Thanom clique, a running dog of U. S. ' imperialism in Thailand. The Thai People’s Liberation Army will resolutely eliminate the U. S. imperialist forces of intervention and aggression and the reactionary armed forces of the traitorous Thanom clique as well as the handful of persons who collaborate with the U. S. imperialists and their running dogs. At present, the U. S. imperialist aggressors and the traitorous Thanom [ถนอม กิตติขจร] clique have collaborated and completely destroyed Thailand’s national independence and people’s democracy. They ruthlessly oppress and exploit the people and brutally suppress and massacre them, and have thus roused the wrath of the patriotic people. The U. S. -Thanom clique is bound to perish in the gunfire of people’s war, the proclamation says. The Thai People’s Liberation Army fighters are now courageously fulfilling the glorious task entrusted to them by history and the nation and they have pledged to persist to the end in fulfilling this glorious task. Although the enemy of the nation and of the people still appears strong at present, it is only a passing phenomenon. Although there are still many obstacles and difficulties in the path of advance, they, too, are temporary. The Thai People’s Liberation Army is resolved to seize victory by sparing no sacrifice in the fight to restore national independence and people’s democracy. We have faith in the Party and in the strength of the masses. We are firmly convinced that people’s war will triumph, the proclamation declares. The order of the Supreme Command of the Thai People’s Liberation Army to all commanders and fighters points out that all units of the army must carry out the following tasks: study and grasp Mao Tse-tung’s thought; establish strong political work in the army; serve the people wholeheartedly and maintain close unity and contact with the masses; develop people’s war extensively; take more initiative to attack the enemy in a planned way; persist in smashing the enemy’s "mopping-up" and suppression operations; raise the tactical and technical level of fighting; do away with liberalism and the slackening in vigilance and always be vigilant. The order also stipulates the discipline which must be strictly observed in order to successfully accomplish these tasks. In conclusion, it calls upon all commanders and fighters in the army to "be resolute, fear no sacrifice and surmount every difficulty to win victory."" [Quelle: http://massline.org/PekingReview/PR1969/PR1969-03.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2015-11-12]

"Thai People's Armed Forces March From Victory to Victory by "RENMIN RIBAO" [人民日报] COMMENTATOR THE situation in the Thai people’s armed struggle is excellent and is becoming more so daily. Through more than three years of arduous and bitter fighting, the people’s armed forces led by the Communist Party of Thailand have won great victories and created an entirely new situation. The Thai People’s Liberation Army was founded and its Supreme Command set up on January 1, 1969. On that day the Supreme Command issued an order to all commanders and fighters of the Thai People’s Liberation Army, calling on them to intensify the fighting to win new victories. This marks the growth of the Thai people’s armed forces and a new stage in the development of the Thai people’s revolutionary war. At present, the Thai people’s armed forces are manoeuvring over the length and breadth of Thailand. Time and again, they have smashed the counter-revolutionary "encirclement and suppression" military campaigns of the U.S.-Thai reactionaries, expanded the areas of operations, made constant attacks on the enemy and wiped out large numbers of his effectives. These brilliant victories of the Thai people’s armed forces have greatly accelerated the development of the revolutionary situation in the country. The great victories of the Thai people’s armed struggle are the result of the fact that the Communist Party of Thailand has integrated Marxism-Leninism, Mao Tse-tung’s [毛泽东, 1893 - 1976] thought, with the concrete revolutionary practice in its own country and persevered in its correct political and military lines. Our great leader Chairman Mao has said: "Without a people’s army the people have nothing." [没有一个人民的军队，便没有人民的一切] This is a universal truth of Marxism-Leninism. To win their liberation, the oppressed peoples must seize power through revolutionary armed struggle; to wage revolutionary armed struggle, there must be a new type of people’s army. This army is formed by the masses who wholeheartedly support the revolution; it fights entirely for the interests of the people; it has a high sense of discipline and is fired with revolutionary heroism; and it is under the leadership of a Marxist-Leninist Party. Such an army is immeasurably powerful and invincible. The Thai People’s Liberation Army led by the Communist Party of Thailand is an army of this type. Chairman Mao teaches us that "the revolutionary war is a war of the masses; it can be waged only by mobilizing the masses and relying on them." [革命战争是群众的战争，只有动员群众才能进行战争，只有依靠群众才能进行战争] The people’s army led by the Communist Party of Thailand has cemented flesh and blood ties with the broad masses of revolutionary people, especially the peasant masses, in Thailand and enjoys their wholehearted backing and active support. The Supreme Command of the Thai People’s Liberation Army stressed in its proclamation on New Year’s Day: "It is our important political task that we must do propaganda work among the masses, organize them, arm them and help them to establish revolutionary political power." It is precisely because the Communist Party of Thailand and the armed forces it leads have gone deep into the extensive rural areas to arouse, organize and arm the peasant masses, that they have been able not only to persist in protracted armed struggle but also to grow from small and weak to big and strong. The other reason the Thai people’s armed forces are able to grow from strength to strength and defeat the enemy again and again is that it has employed the strategy and tactics of people’s war. This people’s army utilizes its own strong points against the enemy’s weak points. It annihilates enemy effectives by mounting mobile and flexible attacks. Because it has brought into play the power of people’s war, the enemy can only find himself in the passive position of receiving blows in spite of his superiority in numerical strength and in technical equipment. The initiative in the war is in the hands of the people’s army. Thailand is an important strategic area of the U.S. imperialists who have stationed heavy forces and built a wide network of bases there. The U.S.-Thai reactionaries have tried by every means to stamp out the Thai people’s revolution. But the result is just the opposite. The flames of the Thai people’s revolutionary armed struggle are raging ever more fiercely. This fact again proves that people’s war is the most effective magic weapon with which all oppressed nations and peoples can defeat U.S. imperialism and its lackeys. The victorious development of the Thai people’s armed struggle has tremendously inspired the people of Asia, Africa arid Latin America in their revolutionary struggle. It has set yet another brilliant example for the people of all countries who are fighting for liberation. The Chinese people consider the Thai people’s just struggle and victory as their own. We firmly support the Thai people’s liberation struggle. We are convinced that after the setting up of the Supreme Command of the Thai People’s Liberation Army, the Thai people’s armed struggle will surely register even greater developments and victories. Persisting in their protracted and sustained armed struggle, the Thai people, under the leadership of the Communist Party of Thailand, will certainly be able to overcome all difficulties in their path of advance and finally overthrow the criminal rule of the U.S.-Thai reactionaries and win complete liberation. (January 8)" [a.a.O.]

1969-01-20 - 1974-08-09

Richard Milhous Nixon (1913 – 1994) ist Präsident der USA. Für den Amtseid ist die Bibel geöffnet auf Jesaiah 2,4:

"Und er wird richten unter den Heiden und strafen viele Völker. Da werden sie ihre Schwerter zu Pflugscharen und ihre Spieße zu Sicheln machen. Denn es wird kein Volk gegen das andere ein Schwert aufheben, und werden hinfort nicht mehr kriegen lernen."

 

Abb.: Richard Nixon (links) mit Präsident Johnson, 1968-07
[Bildquelel: Yoichi Okamoto / Lyndon Baines Johnson Library / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1969-01-22 - 1973-09-03

William P. Rogers (1913 - 2001) ist US Secretary of State (Außenminister).

Abb.: William P. Rogers
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1969-01-24/25

University of California Los Angeles (UCLA): Meeting des Academic Advisory Council for Thailand (AACT)

"Topics of discussion at the January UCLA meeting included the relationship between AACT, AID [Agency for International Development], and USOM [United States Operations Mission]/Thailand and AID objectives in Thailand (among which "security" was of primary importance): Fred Simmons reiterated AID/USOM program priorities in Thailand as Strengthening civil security at the village level, principally through aid to the Thai National Police Department; Accelerated rural development; Coordination of RTG [Royal Thai Government] programs through the Northeast Economic Development (NEED) process and the Northeast Regional Development Committee. Howard Parsons [director of USOM/Thailand] summed up the essential mission in Thailand as political development. Progress was made on arranging conferences, and Wilson and USOM/Thailand Director of Research James Hoath agreed on four conference topics—local authority, education, land tenure, and private investment." [Quelle: Wakin, Eric: Anthropology goes to war : professional ethics & counterinsurgency in Thailand. -- Madison, WI : University of Wisconsin, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1992. -- 319 S. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- (Monograph <University of Wisconsin--Madison. Center for Southeast Asian Studies> ;  No. 7). -- ISBN 978-1-881261-03-2. -- S. 132. -- Fair use]

1969-01-25

Der Gouverneur von Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่) plant, diese Provinz zur Touristenattraktion zu machen. Dazu soll der Flughafen ausgebaut werden.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Lage des Flughafens Chiang Mai (ท่าอากาศยานเชียงใหม่)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-01-30

Eröffnung des von Banharn Silpa-archa (บรรหาร ศิลปอาชา, 1932 - ) und seiner Frau Jaemsai (แจ่มใส ศิลปอาชา, 1934 - ) gestifteten Klinikgebäudes Banharn-Jaemsai Ward (อาคารบรรหาร-แจ่มใส) im 1926 eröffneten Chaophraya Yommarat Hospital (โรงพยาบาลเจ้าพระยายมราช) in Banharns Heimatstadt Suphan Buri (สุพรรณบุรี). Bei der Eröffnung ist Sangduen Manwong (แสงเดือน แม้นวงศ์, 1949 - ), die am 1968-12-03 gekürte Miss Thailand in Minirock anwesend, was vermutlich ein Zuschauermagnet ist.

Abb.: Lage von Suphan Buri (สุพรรณบุรี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-02

Ansprache des Königs vor dem Rotary Club Bangkok: es gibt viele Pläne für die Bergvölker, aber viele dieser Pläne widersprechen sich gegenseitig.

1969-02

Verhaftung von Phin Bua-on (ผิน บัวอ่อน aka Amnat Yuthawiwat - อำนาจ ยุทธวิวัฒน์, 1930 - 1999), Mitglied des Zentralkomitees der Communist party of Thailand (CPT - พรรคคอมมิวนิสต์ แห่งประเทศไทย). Phin wird Geheimagent des Central Investigation Bureau der Polizei.

1969-02-06

In der Chulalongkorn University (จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย) wird ein IBM 1800 Computer des US Pentagons aufgestellt. Er soll US und Thai Militärs zur Verfügung stehen. Auch die Universität darf ihn benutzen. Für die Inbetriebnahme des Computers müssen elektrische Installationen im Wert von 200.000 Baht gemacht werden.

Abb.: Lage der Chulalongkorn University (จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: IBM 1800
[Bildquelle: Bob Rosenbloom / Wikipedia. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

1969-02-09

Erstflug der Boeing 747 ("Jumbo"), des bis dahin größten Passagierflugzeugs der Welt. Bis 2013-03 werden 1464 Flugzeuge dieses Typs ausgeliefert. Sie ermöglicht den Massen-Flug-Ferntourismus.

Abb.: "City of Everett", die erste Boeing 747, 2000
[Bildquelle: InSapphoWeTrust. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/56619626@N05/5527676580. -- Zugriff am 2013-06-07. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-02-10

Wahlen.

Abb.: Sitzverteilung im Repräsentantenhaus nach der Wahl 1969

"General elections were held in Thailand on 10 February 1969. The result was a victory for the United Thai People's Party, which won 75 of the 219 seats in the House of Representatives. Voter turnout was 49.2%.[1] Following the election, 30 of the 72 independents joined the UTPP, giving it a total of 105 seats, whilst 24 formed the Liberal Independent Party. Results   Party Votes % Seats +/- United Thai People's Party     75 New Independents     72 +13 Democratic Party (พรรคประชาธิปัตย์)     57 +18 Democratic Front     7 New Joint Economic Front     4 New Khana Ratsadon (คณะราษฎร)     2 New Farmer Party     1 New Free Democracy     1 -4 Invalid/blank votes 428,699 - - - Total 7,285,832 100 219 +59 Source: Inter-Parliamentary Union [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Thai_general_election,_1969. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-04]

Abb.: Schulabschluss der Abgeordneten, 1969
[Datenquelle: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. 116]

1969-02-17

Der Italo-amerikanischer Boxer Rocky Marciano (1923 - 1969) ist Gast-Schiedsrichter bei einem Muay-Thai-Boxen [มวยไทย] in Bangkok. Sieger wird: Sakseur Lukintanon.

1969-02-25

"The second increment of 5,704 men began deployment in January 1969 and completed the move on 25 February. This increment contained the division headquarters and headquarters company (rear), the 2d Infantry Brigade of three infantry battalions, two artillery battalions, and the remainder of the division combat, combat support, and combat service support elements. The division was under the operational control of the Commanding General, II Field Force, Vietnam." [Quelle: http://www.history.army.mil/books/Vietnam/allied/ch02.htm. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-12]

1969-02-26

Alle 30.000 Examen in Mathayomsuksa  5 (มัธยมศึกษา ๕) werden für ungültig erklärt, da die Antworten vor dem Beginn der Prüfungen nach außen gesickert waren. Der König lobt die Schüler, dass sie nicht protestiert haben wegen der Wiederholung des Examens. Allein die zusätzlichen Druckkosten betragen 400.000 Baht

1969-03

US Ausbilder des Thai-Militärs:

Abb.: "U.S. Air Force MSgt Jack Cheek of the 635 Security Police Squadron instructs Royal Thai Air Force Captain Kumron Tonglee in the proper use and handling of the M-60 machine gun at U-Tapao (อู่ตะเภา) Air Field, Thailand."
[Bildquelle: US Air Force / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Lage des U-Tapao (อู่ตะเภา) Air Field
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-03

Abschluss einer von den USA geförderten, seit 167 laufenden Studie über die Einstellung der Jugend in der Provinz Ubon [อุบลราชธานี].

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Ubon [อุบลราชธานี]
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

"To discover the effects of RTG [Royal Thai Government] counterinsurgency efforts and to gain some feeling for the effects on the youth of rural Thailand of communist propaganda that exploits government weaknesses, a study was made in the Northeast by a Thai professor and some of his graduate students between late 1967 and March 1969. The study tended to confirm that Thai youth were basically loyal but apolitical in outlook. It also revealed that the youth had a critical attitude toward the general situation in the Northeast. Three primary sources of youth dissatisfaction in the area were defined. A majority of the youth felt that economic conditions were deteriorating and that the villagers were themselves unable to rectify the situation. They saw the government as the only source of help but were not very happy with its development projects because of procrastination, termination of some before full completion, and mishandling of some of the funds. They were particularly upset over alleged corruption. Thus the situation was frustrating for the youths. The lack of security—the government’s failure to protect life and property—was also a source of complaint. Where there were no insurgents, many young villagers felt threatened by robbers and bandits; in the insurgent areas they feared the CTs [Communist terrorists]. Again the government was blamed for the situation and criticized for its inadequate performance. Unjust or oppressive treatment by the authorities was alleged. The injustice complaint included too rigid enforcement of laws that the villagers felt to be unfair. Two in particular bothered them—prohibition of making "home brew" and the restrictions on cutting teak wood. Besides the restrictions on freedom, the villagers felt that enforcement of the rules created an unfair and oppressive economic burden. The complaints about oppressive treatment included numerous charges about corrupt officials who insisted on "tea money" (payments more than an official fee, or bribes before a motorcycle license or a permit to cut a tree would be granted). These complaints are serious sources of dissatisfaction among some of the residents of the Northeast that the RTG must try to cope with. The pace of the coping is slow and the communists’ propaganda takes pains to make the pace seem even slower and less efficient than it is. Very significantly, the study also revealed that many young villagers have an image of the CTs quite different from the one propagated by the government. The following views of the CTs were found. The communists are Northeastern villagers like themselves. These communists are the enemies of the RTG and the U.S. but not of the people. Life under communism is tolerable and probably very similar to the present regime. Villagers join the communists in the hills because CTs are successful in convincing them that they are the friends of villagers and are dedicated in the fight for national independence and the improvement of villagers’ general wellbeing. The present pacification and rehabilitation programs are not adequate to win over the hearts of the CT returnees. To be successful (according to these youths) a much more energetic RTG development effort is required. The authorities must take a more friendly and more egalitarian attitude toward villagers, and effective measures must be taken to punish or eliminate corrupt and oppressive officials. The study indicated a need for better education of the rural people about the way their government functions, and the role they can play in influencing its decisions. Obviously, two-way channels of communication must be expanded so that the people and the government can understand each other better. Ways of "people" involvement must be found, not only for solid economic growth but for effective counterinsurgency. (The study also suggested that the RTG might well review its propaganda themes to ensure that the youth will find them credible and effective.)" [Quelle: Tanham, George K. (George Kilpatrick) <1922 - 2003>: Trial in Thailand. -- New York : Crane, Russak, 1974. -- 175 S.  ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-8448-0318-9. -- S. 106f. -- Fair use]

1969-03-01

Der König fliegt per Hubschrauber zum Wat Phai Rong Wua (วัดไผ่โรงวัว), Amphoe Song Phi Nong (อำเภอ สองพี่น้อง), um die größte Buddhastatue der Welt einzuweihen. Dies wird durch die Medien intensiv verbreitet.

Abb.: Lage von Amphoe Song Phi Nong (อำเภอ สองพี่น้อง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: 58 m hohee Buddhastatue, Wat Phai Rong Wua (วัดไผ่โรงวัว), 2008
[Bildquelle: Mdaf / th.Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

1969-03-03

Die Regierung will in den nächsten fünf Jahren jährlich 1 Mio. Baht für die Restaurierung der Ruinen in Ayutthaya (อยุธยา) ausgeben. Man beginnt mit Wat Phutthai Sawan (วัดพุทไธศวรรย์).

Abb.: Lage von Ayutthaya (อยุธยา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Plan von Wat Phutthai Sawan (วัดพุทไธศวรรย์)
[Bildquelle: Heinrich Damm / Wikipedia. -- GNU FDLicense]

1969-03-07

Proklamation: "Seine Majestät, der König, denkt, dass Feldmarschall Thanom Kittikachorn (ถนอม กิตติขจร) das königliche Vertrauen verdient, als Ministerpräsident zu dienen."

1969-03-07 - 1971-11-17

31. Kabinett: Thanom (ถนอม) III

1969-03-13

Ansprache des Königs an die Jura-Studierenden der Chulalongkorn University (จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย):

"Law and reality may be in conflict. In fact, there are quite a few loopholes in the law because we have structured our legal precepts and our government by relying on foreign principles without really considering the condition of the people. Worse than that, we did not take into account that government administration sometimes does not reach the people, thus forcing them to establish their own law. This is not necessarily bad, but only serves to show that there is something contradictory in the laws themselves. For example, in a village in Prachuab Khirikhan [ประจวบคีรีขันธ์] there are people who immigrated to that area from Nakhon Sri Thammarat [นครศรีธรรมราช] and settled near a reserved forest. Those people are earning their livelihood in peace and in an orderly manner. They have their own self-government .... In fact, they are more democratic than if they had a district chief to govern them. But we act as if they are outlaws, almost communists! We do not wish to have communist terrorists in Thailand. But we are creating them when we point at self-governing villagers who are orderly and democratic, charging them with having trespassed on reserved forest lands and driving them out. How should they know that those areas are in a conservation category, since there have been no government officials in the area to tell them so? Yet we repress those ordinary villagers under the assumption that they ought to know the law." [Übersetzung zitiert in: Morell, David ; Chai-anan Samudavanija [ชัยอนันต์ สมุทวณิช] <1944 - >: Political conflict in Thailand : reform, reaction, revolution. -- Cambridge, Mass. : Oelgeschlager, 1981. -- 362 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm. -- ISBN 0-89946-044-5. -- S. ]

Abb.: Lage von Prachuab Khirikhan [ประจวบคีรีขันธ์] und Nakhon Sri Thammarat [นครศรีธรรมราช]
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-03-15

Der König wendet sich gegen die undifferenzierte Verfolgung der Meo's (แม้ว) als Kommunisten: "Es gibt wenige Meo's (แม้ว), die Rote sind. Wenn wir Fehler machen, wird der ganze Meo Stamm rot werden und uns später unaufhörlich Schwierigkeiten machen."

1969-03-18 - 1973-05-20

Operation Menu der USA: völkerrechtswidrige Bombardierung von Laos und Kambodscha zur Bekämpfung des Vietcong und Nordvietnams.

Abb.: Karte der kommunistischen Basislager, wie sie den Bombardierungen zugrundeliegt, 1970
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: US-Präsident Nixon zeigt das Einsatzgebiet der Operationen Menu
[Bildquelle: USGOV. -- Public domain]

"Moreover, Congress, which had to appropriate the money for these operations, had been given false top secret documentation on what country they were paying to bomb. Hundreds of military staffers in MACV [Military Assistance Command, Vietnam] and CINCPAC [Commander-in-Chief, U.S. Pacific Command] headquarters were kept busy faking classified flight plans and after-action reports of the bombing raids, falsifying the coordinates of the actual targets to indicate that they were in South Vietnam rather than in Cambodia. When in 1970 Nixon ordered secret bombing of the Plain of Jars [ທົ່ງໄຫຫິນ] in Laos (which had no relation to infiltration routes), he used the same system of dual bookkeeping he had used to conceal the bombing of Cambodia. In some cases the pilots themselves were misled on the countries in which their target coordinates were located, but generally the purpose was to deceive Congress and the public (and to some extent, on the scale and frequency of the operations, Laird [Melvin Robert (Bom) Laird, 1922] and Rogers [William Pierce Rogers, 1913 – 2001]). There was no intent or effect of deceiving the targeted Communists or their allies; the people on the ground were not in doubt, nor meant to be, about who was bombing them from B-52s. The secrecy of this system within the administration was effective for almost four years—until a single sergeant (one of hundreds involved in the falsification), worried that the president might be unaware of the true targeting, revealed documents to Senator Harold E. Hughes [1922 - 1996]. A modern president’s practical ability to drop secretly several hundred thousand tons of bombs on a country with which we were not at war was a considerable tribute to the effectiveness of the postwar secrecy system. It gives our presidents a capability to initiate and escalate war in secret that was scarcely possessed by monarchs of the past." [Quelle: Ellsberg, Daniel <1931 - >: Secrets : a memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon papers. -- New York : Viking, 2002. -- 498 S. ; 25 cm. -- ISBN 0-670-03030-9. -- S. 428. -- Fair use]

1969-03-26

COIN [Counterinsurgency] in Thailand Jan 1967 - Dec 1968 / HQ PACAF Directorate, Tactical Evaluation CHECO Division. -- Online: http://www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a586195.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2015-08-17

Abb.: Areas of major insurgency
[a.a.O., Fig. 1]

1969-04

Höhepunkt der US-Militärpräsenz in Südvietnam

Abb.: US-Militärpersonal in Südvietnam 1960 - 1973 (in Tausend)
[Datenquelle: Encyclopedia of The Vietnam War / ed. Stanley I. Kutler. -- New York [u.a.] : Scribner, 1996. -- 711 S. : Ill.; 30 cm. -- ISBN 0-13-276932-8. -- S. 413.]

Statistik des Vietnamkriegs 1968/69:

Amerikanisches Militärpersonal	543.000
Südvietnamesisches Militärpersonal	819.200
Kommunistische Militär in Südvietnam	250.000
Amerikanische Bodenangriffe in Bataillonsstärke pro Jahr	1.100
Kommunistische Bodenangriffe in Bataillonsstärke pro Jahr	126
Amerikanische Luftangriffe pro Jahr	400.000
Amerikanische Bombenabwürfe pro Jahr in Tonnen	1.200.000
US-Ausgaben für Bombardierungen pro Jahr in US$	14.000.000.000
Entlaubung in km² pro Jahr	4.836
Zerstörung von Erntefläche in km" pro Jahr	890
Amerikanische Kriegsgefallene pro Jahr	20.000
Kommunistische Kriegsgefallene pro Jahr	200.000
Flüchtlinge pro Jahr	585.000
Getötete Zivilisten pro Monat	130.000

[Datenquelle: Setting the stage / by Edward Doyle [u.a.]. -- Boston : Boston Publ. Comp., 1981. -- (The Vietnam experience). -- ISBN 0-939526-00-X. -- S. 9.]

1969-04

Es erscheint:

Phoumi Vongvichit [ພູມີ ວົງວິຈິດ] <1909 - 1994>: Laos and the victorious struggle of the Lao people aganinst U.S. neo-colonialism. -- [o.O.] : Neo Lao Haksat, 1969. -- 228 S. : Ill. ; 20 cm. -- Originaltitel: ປະເທດລາວ ແລະການຕ່ໍສູ້ມີໄຊ ຂອງປະຊາຊົນລາວ ຕ້ານລັດທິລ່າເມືອງຂຶ້ນແບບໃຫມ່ ຂອງອາເມລິກາ (1969)

"c) While the U. S. imperialists rule over Laos internally through “aid”, “advisers” and technical personnel, they also bring into play the S.E.A.T.O. and other forces and bases of aggression outside the country, especially in Thailand and South Viet Nam, with a view to carrying out their plan for intervention and aggression in Laos. S.E.A.T.O. was set up by the U. S. A. on September 8, 1954, less than two months after the signing of the Geneva Agreements. Right at its founding, the U. S. imperialists unilaterally decided to put Laos in its “zone of protection”. In spite of a process of differentiation going on within it (contradictions among the imperialist powers, particularly between France and the U. S. A., contradictions among the satellites) S.E.A.T.O. has continued to serve as a tool for U. S. aggression. Against Laos, the Americans have especially used Thailand, a S.E.A.T.O. member and a neighbour of Laos, playing on the expansionist design of the Thai reactionary bourgeoisie, which they encourage and help***. *** Thai expansionism was conceived by the Thai bourgeoisie after it came to power in 1932. Its aim is to unify all countries inhabited by Thai people (South China, North Viet Nam, Laos and Northeastern Burma) into “Greater Thailand” around a core formed by present Thailand. The immediate target of this expansionism is Laos. The Thai feudalists had conquered almost half of Lao territory and five-sixths of its population had been assimilated. The Thai bourgeoisie, although none too powerful, has major trumpcards at its disposal for the carrying out of its designs on Laos: territorial bases, community of race, knowledge of the country, language, culture, etc. Thus they have been trying to strengthen the position of the Thai reactionaries to make them serve U. S. aggression in Laos more efficiently. At a S.E.A.T.O. conference held at Baguio (Philippines) in 1957, they decided that in case of aggression against Laos, the S.E.A.T.O. should intervene, primarily through the instrumentality of the Thai army. In order to strengthen the Lao rightist army, the Thai reactionaries have introduced large numbers of agents, posing as “advisers” and “military specialists” in the royal army and entrusted with the mission of gaining control over it. Thousands of Thai soldiers and agents, especially those of Lao stock and coming from northeastern Thailand, have wormed their way into the royal army, police and administration, or have mingled with the population in strategic areas and economic centres. U.S.-Thai troops dubbed “Army of Southeast Asia” have been built up. In fact they are U. S. “special forces” organized into complete units stationed in northeastern Thailand and ready to penetrate into Laos at the first request of the rightist reactionaries. It should be recalled that the Lao government set up after the coup d’etat of August 9, 1960 had declared that it-would follow a policy of peace and neutrality. This success won by the Lao people was also a great setback for the Americans and the Lao rightist reactionaries led by Phoumi Nosavan [ພູມີ ໜໍ່ສະຫວັນ, 1920 - 1985] and Boun Oum [ເຈົ້າບຸນອຸ້ມ ນະ ຈຳປາສັກ, 1911/12 - 1980]. That was why they called on the S.E.A.T.O. aggressive bloc to help them overthrow the neutral government. Setting at defiance Lao and world opinion, the Thai reactionary government, on orders from the American imperialists, let the rebels under Phoumi Nosavan use Thai territory as a staging area for attacks on Vientiane [ວຽງຈັນ] *. After taking Vientiane, the Thais stationed three battalions on the western bank of the Mekong River [ແມ່ນ້ຳຂອງ] facing that city to protect the rear of the rightist army while it engaged in attacks on the people’s liberation troops and the neutralist forces. * An attack took place on December 1960. These last few years, especially since the U. S. imperialists started intensifying their war of aggression in South Viet Nam, expanding the war to North Viet Nam, stepping up “special warfare'’ in Laos and multiplying provocations against Cambodia, the role and position of Thailand have assumed increasing importance in U. S. aggressive designs on Indochina and Southeast Asia. The Cambodian press has aptly remarked that the U. S. A. is in the process of turning Thailand into a second Okinawa **. ** Japanese isle occupied by the U. S. A. since the end of the Second World War and turned into an important U. S. base for aggression in Asia. The U. S. imperialists have helped Thailand consolidate the so-called “defence” system of the seven provinces adjoining Laos with a view to transforming them into a U. S. rear-base. This system comprises the airfields in Oudon [Udon - อุดรธานี], Oubon [Ubon - อุบลราชธานี], Korat [โคราช], Thakli [ตาคลี], Khonken [Khon Kaen - ขอนแก่น], Nakhon Phanom [นครพนม], from which U. S. aircraft take off every day to attack towns and villages, roads and bridges in the Lao liberated areas and in North Viet Nam. Furthermore, the Americans have built big strategic roads: Oudon - Nongkhai [อุดรธานี - หนองคาย], Korat-Oubon [โคราช - อุบลราชธานี], Muongloi - Xieng-khan [Muang Loei - Chiang Khan ; เมือง เลย - เชียงคาน], which lead to Lao cities (Vientiane [ວຽງຈັນ], Pakse [ປາກເຊ], Sayabouri [ໄຊຍະບູລີ]) and to the air and naval bases at Sattahip [สัตหีบ] and Utapao [อู่ตะเภา] from which American B. 52 heavy superforts take off to bomb the Lao liberated zone and South Viet Nam. They have built missile bases in Thailand and brought U. S. garrisons there from 10, 000 men up to 35, 000 *, most of them air force personnel. * In February 1967, according to Newsweek of March 27, 1967, U. S. troops in Thailand were increased to 40, 000 men in early 1968. They have set up many logistic bases for U. S. mobile forces, thus preparing for a second front in the west, from which attacks would be mounted against the countries of Indochina. At the same time, they have compelled the Thai government to send to Sayabouri [ໄຊຍະບູລີ] and the western part of Xieng Khouang [ຊຽງຂວາງ] province supplementary infantry and artillery units, which have given support to Lao rightist troops in their attacks on Phoukhout [ພູກູດ] (Xieng Khouang) and their raids on Sayabouri recently. Thailand, one may say, has become an immense U. S. military base in Southeast Asia, and, together with the Thai forces, an important element in the U. S. plan for intervention and aggression in Laos. Taking advantage of the geographical position of South Viet Nam which has a common border with Laos, the Americans have tried to achieve close co-ordination between the war theatres of South Viet Nam and Laos, with a view to aggression against both countries. Even before 1958, they had used the port and airfield at Da Nang [Đà Nẵng] and Highway 9 to bring supplies to the Lao reactionaries. In order to co-ordinate their military activities along the Laos-Viet Nam border, they have built the Kontum-Attapeu [ອັດຕະປື] road which is to link the western plateaux of South Viet Nam to Laos; they have set up a permanent liaison service of the South Vietnamese puppet army at Savannakhet [ສະຫວັນນະເຂດ] to give help to the rightist army against the Lao revolutionary forces and to send South Vietnamese commandos for harassment operations along the Laos-Viet Nam frontier and sabotage of communication and supply lines in the Lao liberated areas. The American imperialists hold regular secret military meetings in Vientiane, Bangkok and Saigon to work out plans of aggression against Laos with their valets. The experience gained over the last thirteen years has taught us that following each of their setbacks in South Viet Nam or Laos, the U. S. imperialists will reinforce the collusion of their valets in these two countries and co-ordinate their actions so as to save an ever worsening situation. This is easy to understand for we have seen that their aggressive schemes in Laos and South Viet Nam are part and parcel of their overall designs on Indochina and Southeast Asia, and that their failures in South Viet Nam will have strong and direct repercussions on their plans of aggression against Laos, and vice versa. [William Healy] Sullivan [1922 - 2013], the U. S. ambassador in Vientiane and [Maxwell Davenport "Max"]Taylor [1901 - 1987], the then U. S. ambassador in Saigon, have confirmed this *. * On December 2, 1964, before leaving Saigon for his new post in Vientiane, Sullivan told Taylor: “The Laos problem is closely connected with the Viet Nam problem.” Taylor expressed the hope that Sullivan would be able to redress the situation in Laos, which would allow him, Taylor, to get the U. S. A. out of its difficulties in South Viet Nam: “I regret losing a talented colleague, but this loss for Saigon will be a gain for Vientiane, and having an ally like Sullivan in Vientiane is for us in Saigon an important guarantee.” (Quotations retranslated from the French. ) On the other hand, they have introduced into Laos about 400 Filipino specialists for intelligence and logistic purposes, who operate under cover of “fraternity corps’’ and “health detachments”; 300 Japanese military agents to build secret bases on the Bolovens plateaux allegedly for “ rural development”; and more than 600 remnants of the Chiang Kai-shek [蔣介石, 1887 - 1975] army engaged in banditry and commando activities in northern Laos**. ** According to an investigation carried out in December 1962 by the International Commission for Control and Supervision in Laos in Houei Sai [Houayxai - ຫ້ວຍ ຊາຍ] (northern Laos) those "remnants" still operate in regions close to the borders of China, Thailand and Burma. The Americans have introduced such elements north of the Phong Sa Ly [Phongsali - ຜົ້ງສາລີ] and Nam Tha [ຫລວງນໍ້າທາ] provinces to engage in harassment activities against the liberated zone." [a.a.O., S. 80 - 85]

Abb.: Orientierungskarte
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain]

1969-04

Erstflug des US-Mehrzweckhubschraubers Bell 212. Die Royal Thai Navy wird solche Hubschrauber in Dienst stellen.

Abb.: Bell 212 der Royal Thai Navy, 2011
[Bildquelle: U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 3rd Class Adam M. Bennett / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1969-04-02

Daily News (เดลินิวส์) über einen Fall von Abtreibung:

"A rare account or abortion in an Agony Aunt column gives a sense of the social attitudes and implications of abortion during this time. A story in the ‘Problems of the Heart’ column of Thida Bunnak [ธิดา บุนนาค, 1899 - 1992] from the Thai language newspaper Daily News [เดลินิวส์], tells of a young woman from a poor rural family, ‘Miss Sor of Bangkapi’, who works as a maid for a rich family. Miss Sor, a servant girl of humble rural origins, gives an account of her affair with a young man ‘Tor’ who works in the same household as her. Her long narrative of 14 pages (!) details their growing intimacy, from furtive hugs, flirtatious conversations and shared housework to a sexual relationship. Miss Sor becomes pregnant and is 'shocked and repulsed at Tor’ for suggesting that he get some medicine to abort the pregnancy. When she is about two months pregnant, Tor buys her ya khap lu'at (a hot medicine). Tor states that he is not yet financially secure or responsible enough to have a child and wants to finish studying first. Miss Sor is very reluctant to abort the pregnancy and afraid of sinning. Despite consumption of ‘lots of medicine’, the pregnancy continues so Miss Sor is taken by Tor to have an abortion. Three months later, Miss Sor becomes pregnant again and has another abortion with the same doctor. Despite evidence of Tor's infidelity, she stays in the relationship and eventually becomes pregnant again. She writes to ‘Phi Thida’ for advice as to whether she should continue with the pregnancy or not, stating ‘I accept that I am incredibly bad and evil’. Phi Thida’s response provides a moralistic framework for the act of abortion. She suggests that Miss Sor tell her boss, who could negotiate on her behalf to arrange a wedding as it is the best way for them ‘to live together properly without being ashamed’. In this way, she highlights Thai patron relationships. The solution to the situation is seen to lie in the hands of the employers of the two protagonists, the upper class, wise and benevolent bosses. Although she does not rule out the possibility that the woman have another abortion and leave the young man, she reminds the woman of the karmic, moral and physical dangers of abortion. She is advised not to have repeated abortions, as it is dangerous, sinful and illegal. She describes the foetus as a child who is ignorant of the lack of control of its parents and hence undeserving of such a fate. Thida admonishes her partner for his lack of self-control and states that Tor should take responsibility for Miss Sor even if they will be in poverty. She concludes, ‘Abortion is a worldly sin, a karmic sin and is illegal’. Protection from these dangers is only to be found in marriage, however imperfect the relationship." [Quelle: Whittaker, Andrea <1967 - >: Abortion, sin, and the state in Thailand. -- London : RoutledgeCurzon, 2004. -- 189 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- ISBN 041533652X. -- S. 37.]

Abb.:  Thida Bunnak [ธิดา บุนนาค]

1969-04-06

New York Times: "Long Thai dipute over estate ends". Darin wird über das Eigentum der Königsfamilie berichtet:

• mindestens 15 Firmen, u.a.:
• 1 Bank, die das Monopol für Goldimport hat
• 1 Baufirma, die große Staatsaufträge erhält
• 1 Brauerei
• 1 Konzession zum Verkauf von Lotterielosen

Der König besitzt u.a.

• 51 (!) Autos
• 1 Helikopter
• 1 Fischerboot

1969-04-09

Siam Cement Group (ปูนซิเมนต์ไทย), an der das Crown Property Bureau (สำนักงานทรัพย์สินส่วนพระมหากษัตริย์) ca. 30% Anteile hat, erhält von der International Finance Corporation, einem Sektor der Weltbank, und 10 weiteren Institutionen der USA und Europas (u.a. BRD) eine Anleihe über $22 Mio. Die Anleihe ist für eine $60 Mio. Erweiterung von Siam Cement.

Abb.: Zementfabrik, Thailand, ca. 1967

1969-04-16

Tod des Illustrators Hem Vejakorn (เหม เวชกร, geb. 1904)

Abb.: Poster für eine Hem Vejakorn (เหม เวชกร) Ausstellung, 2004
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Buchumschlag von Hem Vejakorn (เหม เวชกร)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

"Hem Vejakorn (Thai: เหม เวชกร, January 17, 1904, Phra Nakhon, Bangkok – April 16, 1969, Thon Buri, Bangkok) was a Thai artist and writer. He is best known for his illustrations for the covers of 10-satang (สตางค์) pulp novels, which have in turn influenced subsequent generations of Thai artists and illustrators. It is estimated that he produced more than 50,000 pieces of art, including pen and pencil drawings, watercolors, posters and oil paintings. He portrayed rural life, Thai history and figures from Thai classical literature. His works have been reproduced on Thai postage stamps[1] and featured in art galleries. Biography Early life Hem was born in Bangkok. He lived with a stepfamily of half-sisters and half-brothers. At age 11, he took up residence with his uncle, MR Daeng Tinnakorn, an architect in charge of supervising the Italian artists and architects employed in the building of Ananda Samakom Throne Hall (พระที่นั่งอนันตสมาคม). Hem was then acquainted with artist Carlo Rigoli, architect Mario Tamagno and engineer Emilio Giovanni Gollo. Hem found himself drawn to the work in the Throne Hall, and Rigoli, who was the interior designer, allowed him to carry the paint. Rigoli invited Hem to study in Italy, but the young man could not take the offer. Later, Hem was enrolled at Assumption College (มหาวิทยาลัยอัสสัมชัญ), Dhepsirindr School and Poh Chang College. He finished at none of those institutions. Authorities attributed his academic failure to a lack of parental care. But Hem continued his artistic endeavors. He helped with the painting of another temple, Wat Raja Oros, he started writing and learned to play the viola. He worked for a while for the royal irrigation department in Saraburi (สระบุรี) Province and was a steam engine mechanic. He later began work in a printing house and turned to painting and preparing illustrations that he sold to magazines.  Emerald Buddha temple renovation In 1930 Hem was selected as one of the artists to renovate the murals in Wat Phra Kaew (วัดพระแก้ว, the Emerald Buddha temple) during Bangkok’s 150th anniversary celebrations. He was responsible for renovating murals in room 69, which depicts a scene from the Ramayana of Phra Rama killing Mangkorn Kan. After the work was complete, Hem and some friends set up the Ploenchit publishing house, which printed a series of 10-satang graphic novels between 1932 and 1935. Featuring illustrations by Hem, the novels were a hit and have since become collectors’ items. In 1936, Hem opened his own publishing house called Hem Party, which published Phae Kao, written by Mai Muangderm and illustrated by Hem. Despite his success, Hem's business went broke, forcing the artist to seek work for the Pramuan Wan daily newspaper and the weekly journal Pramuan Sarn, both of which were owned by Prince Pithayalongkorn, who wrote under the pseudonym "Nor Mor Sor". Hem also illustrated such literary works as Khun Chang Khun Phaen and Sri Thanonchai.  Revered teacher During the Second World War, the artist worked for the government, producing nationalistic propaganda illustrations for textbooks. When the war ended he went back to freelancing and wrote an illustrated series of ghost stories, which have inspired many Thai artists. Among students who sought him out was the animator and cartoonist Payut Ngaokrachang (ปยุต เงากระจ่าง), who studied with Hem via correspondence. Among Hem's works is An Introduction to Phra Aphai Mani, a 1952 English-language book by Prem Chaya (Prince Prem Purachatra) and illustrated by Hem. It serves as an introduction to the epic poem by Thai writer Sunthorn Phu. His old student Payut would go on to create Thailand's first cel-animated feature film, The Adventure of Sudsakorn (สุดสาคร), based on Sunthorn Phu's work. Another famous Thai epic poem, The Story of Khun Chang Khun Phaen, was also translated by Prem Chaya and illustrated by Hem, in the 1950s.[2] Much later, film director Wisit Sasanatieng (วิศิษฏ์ ศาสนเที่ยง) paid tribute to Hem's ghost stories with his 2006 film, The Unseeable (เปนชู้กับผี).[3] The Barom Khru Foundation, which claims to supervise Hem's works, issued a statement warning the film's producer Five Star Production not to violate the copyright of Hem's writing. The director countered that The Unseeable was not an adaptation but was generally inspired by Hem's style of writing and illustrations.[4] Before his death in 1969, Hem was engaged by King Bhumibol Adulyadej to create oil paintings that would be given as gifts to royal visitors.  References Pholdhampalit, Khetsirin. April 24, 2004. "Light works", The Nation. Lersakvanitchakul, Kitchana. February 3, 2003. The Nation.  Notes  Hem Vejakorn's painting postage stamps, SiamStamp.com.  Baker, Chris and Phongpaichit, Pasuk. Khun Chang Khun Phaen sources.  Rithdee, Kong. November 3, 2006. "Vintage affair", Bangkok Post.  Rithdee, Kong. November 3, 2006. "The carnival of souls", Bangkok Post."  [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hem_Vejakorn. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-17]

1969-04-20

Es erscheint:

สุจิตต์ วงษ์เทศ [Sujit Wongthes] <1945 - >: ขุนเดช. -- 2512

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer späteren Ausgabe

In diesem Buch beschreibt der Autor u.a. in einer Kurzgeschichte, wie in den 1960er Jahren Thai-Beamte usw. Leute anheuerten, die unter antiken Stupas nach Antiquitäten für ihre Privatsammlungen oder den Verkauf zu graben.

1969-04-29

Aus Protest gegen den Beschluss von US Sicherheitsberater Henry Kissinger  (1923 - ), Kambodscha zu bombardieren, treten drei seiner Berater zurück

• William Watts
• Roger Morris
• Anthony Lake

1969-05

In den USA weiten sich die heftigen Studentenproteste gegen den Vietnamkrieg aus.

1969-05

"My rethinking began just after I had lectured on the politics of South Vietnam to a class at the University of Ohio in May 1969. By asking a question of the students, I had brought out a difference of opinion that, I suspected, underlay a reserve they seemed to feel about my views. I asked for a show of hands from those who believed that the great majority of South Vietnamese supported a victory by the NLF [National Liberation Forces]. As I expected, almost all raised their hands. I said they could be right, but I didn’t think so. The truth of the situation, I believed, was not the opposite of what they thought, but it was somewhat different. Drawing on a distinction familiar among Vietnamese, though not in this country, I remarked that the great majority of the South Vietnamese people were best described as non-Communists but not as anti-Communists. That meant that unlike, say, the Catholics, landlords, functionaries, and military men who supported the GVN [Government of Viet Nam] wholeheartedly—perhaps 10 to 15 percent of the population—the non-Communist majority would not actively participate in or support, by free choice, a violent campaign to exclude Communists from power or to destroy them as a political force, let alone to exterminate them. Still less was the majority willing to see its country destroyed under the weight of American firepower in pursuit of such aims. "Right now," I went on, "the main political aspiration of this largest grouping is probably for the war to end. I suspect that for some time now most of the people of South Vietnam have preferred that the war be over— with a victory by either side—than that it should continue at anything like the present scale." [Quelle: Ellsberg, Daniel <1931 - >: Secrets : a memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon papers. -- New York : Viking, 2002. -- 498 S. ; 25 cm. -- ISBN 0-670-03030-9. -- S. 247f. -- Fair use]

1969-05-03

Landverkauf in Lat Phrao (ลาดพร้าว)  (Bangkok) muss abgebrochen werden, da Spekulanten gegenseitig aggressiv werden. Manche Spekulanten hatten bis zu 10 Parzellen gekauft. Um Ruhe herzustellen, darf jeder nur vier Parzellen á 400 m² kaufen.

Abb.: Lage von Lat Phrao (ลาดพร้าว)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-05-06

Kambodschas Prinz Norodom Sihanouk (នរោត្ដម សីហនុ) lässt 53 Thai Fischer frei, die 6 bis 8 Jahre in Gefangenschaft waren.

1969-05-13

Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia): Peristiwa 13 Mei: Pogrom gegen die Chinesen: Malaien ermorden vermutlich über 600 Chinesen, 750 Häuser werden angezündet, 211 Fahrzeuge werden zerstört. Daraufhin wird der Notstand erklärt.

Abb.: Lage von Kuala Lumpur
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-05-26

König Bhumibol fordert, dass das Landwirtschaftsministerium dreimal monatlich künstlichen Regen erzeugen lasse. Das Ministerium hat Bedenken, da man nicht kontrollieren könne, wo der Regen fällt. Die Kosten für Künstlichen Regen sind ca. 1,60 Baht per 1600 m². (Siehe unten zu 1969-06-01!

1969-05-30

Regierung und Armee beschließen den 110/2512 Plan (110 Plan) zur Bekämpfung des Kommunismus in Thailand.

"The new strategy stated the following tenets: By all means, to persuade people from all social strata to have trust and faith in the authorities’ work and the government’s administration; to win over the people’s mind in order to maintain their loyalty to the government. To provide security to people, so they can peacefully live and work in their village. To formulate a system which will facilitate the people’s acquisition of adequate knowledge and experience in economic social, political, and military as well as psychological questions in order to protect their families and villages from communist threats, with the support and assistance of the government; this is the "supreme objective" of communist prevention and suppression. In prevention and suppression, political and psychological, to utilize public relations measures as primary instruments and military or severe physical suppression or [judicial] measures only when necessary." [Quelle: Moore, Jeff M.: The Thai way of counterinsurgence. -- [o. O.] : [Selbstverlag], 2014-- 446 S. ; 23 cm. -- (Muir analytics book). -- ISBN 9781497395701. -- S. 60.]

1969-06

Suchart Sawasdsri (สุชาติ สวัสดิ์ศรี, 1945 - ) löst Sulak Sivarak [สุลักษณ์ ศิว รักษ์, 1933 - ] als Herausgeber der สังคมศาสตร์ปริทัศน์ = Social Science Review ab. Er macht die Zeitschrift zum führenden nonkonformistischen Organ für Politik, Erziehung, Sexualität, Religion und Literatur.

Abb.: Suchart Sawasdsri (สุชาติ สวัสดิ์ศรี), 2014
[Bildquelle: TCIJ (ลูกปัด) / Prachatai. -- https://www.flickr.com/photos/prachatai/13941540020. -- Zugriff am 2015-06-06. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]

Abb.: Titelblatt der Ausgabe 1972-04

1969-06

Es erscheint ein Grundtext für Stadtguerillas:

Carlos Marighella, Carlos <1911 – 1969>: Mini-manual do Guerrilheiro Urbano.

Abb.: Einbandtitel einer späteren Ausgabe

1969-06-01

Erstmals wird königlicher Regen (ฝนหลวง) eingesetzt.

Abb.: Darstellung des königlichen Regens in einer Metrostation Bangkoks
[Bildquelle: pandaping / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

[Quelle des .mpg4-Videos:Seeding in Thailand / by tankerenemy. -- http://www.archive.org/details/CloudSeedingInThailand. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-16. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, keine Bearbeitung)]

"Fon luang (Thai: ฝนหลวง, königlicher Regen) ist die Bezeichnung für den künstlichen Regen in Thailand, bei welchem thailändische Piloten mit Chemikalien und Trockeneis Wolken, die sonst weiter ziehen würden, zum Regnen bringen, und somit Dürreperioden verhindern. Geschichte Im Jahre 1956, während einer Reise in den Isaan (Nordosten Thailands), welcher von Dürre geplagt war, stellte König Bhumibol Adulyadej von Thailand (Rama IX.) fest, dass am Himmel zwar Wolken vorhanden waren, diese aber nicht abregneten. In den folgenden Jahren finanzierte der König ein Projekt, welches zum Ziel hatte, diese Wolken zum Abregnen zu zwingen. Unter seiner Leitung wurde eine (nicht-giftige) Chemikalie entwickelt, welche die Wolken zum Regnen bringen sollte. 13 Jahre später, 1969, wurde am 1. Juni im Distrikt Pak Chong (อำเภอ ปากช่อง) in der Provinz Nakhon Ratchasima (นครราชสีมา), zum ersten Mal erfolgreich künstlicher Regen erzeugt. Auf Wunsch des Königs wurde dieser künstliche Regen seit 1972 bis heute in den von Dürre bedrohten Agrargebieten Thailands eingesetzt und auch an andere interessierte Nachbarstaaten weitergegeben. Das Europäische Patentamt hat am 12. Oktober 2005 das Patent Nr. EP 1 491 088 für den Königlichen Künstlichen Regen erteilt. Es wurde mittlerweile offiziell in 30 Ländern anerkannt. Auswirkungen auf die Popularität des Königs Der fon luang ist bis heute für viele Thailänder eines der größten Verdienste von König Bhumibol. In fast allen Hommagen kommt der königliche Regen vor, die im Kino vor dem Hauptfilm abgespielten Spots mit der Königshymne beginnen immer mit dem Blick auf ausgedorrten Boden, auf den Regen fällt, wonach das Bild des Königs erscheint. Der Regen ist auch ein Symbol des Königs für das Wohlergehen seines Landes und seiner Untertanen." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fon_luang. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-01]

1969-06-16

Aussage von Robert H. Nooter, acting assistant administrator for East Asia, AID (Agency for International Development) vor dem US Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Government Operations, Foreign Operations and Government Information Subcommittee

"Except for a modest amount of technical assistance projects, most of which we are gradually phasing out, our [AID] assistance in Thailand is concentrated on counter-insurgency activities, approximately 75 percent of our total effort in this field." "Our largest single project in Thailand consists of assistance to various elements of the Thai National Police Department." [Zitiert in: Jorgensen, Joseph G. <1934 - 2008> ; Wolf, Eric R. <1923 - 1999>: A Special Supplement: Anthropology on the Warpath in Thailand. -- In: The New York review of books. -- 1970-11-19. -- Online: http://www.nybooks.com/articles/1970/11/19/a-special-supplement-anthropology-on-the-warpath-i/. -- Zugriff am 2016-05-23]

1969-06-24

In Ubon Ratchathani (อุบลราชธานี) bricht die Cholera aus: mindestens 6 Tote und 500 Erkrankte. Von hier aus breitet sich die Cholera bis Bangkok aus.

Abb.: Lage von Ubon Ratchathani (อุบลราชธานี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-06-24

Inbetriebnahme der ersten Banknotenpresse in Thailand. Die Maschinen kommen aus der Schweiz. Die ersten hier gedruckten Geldscheine sind 5- und 10-Baht-Scheine.

Abb.: 5-Baht-Schein

1969-06-25

Der US-Kongress beschließt die Hilfe für Thailands 70.000 Polizisten sowie für das Accelerated Rural Development Program (ARD) von $50 Mio. (1969) auf $38 Mio (1970) zu kürzen. Nur Nordostthailand sei eine kritische Zone, für die die Hilfe bestimmt sei.

1969-06-27/18

New York: Stonewall-Unruhen

"Stonewall, kurz für Stonewall-Aufstand oder Stonewall-Unruhen, war eine Serie von gewalttätigen Konflikten zwischen Homosexuellen und Polizeibeamten in New York. Die ersten gewalttätigen Auseinandersetzungen fanden in der Nacht vom Freitag, 27. Juni, zum Samstag, 28. Juni 1969, ab etwa 1.20 Uhr statt, als Polizeibeamte eine Razzia im Stonewall Inn durchführten, einer Bar mit homosexuellem und Transgender-Zielpublikum in der Christopher Street an der Ecke der 7th Avenue im Greenwich Village. Da sich dort erstmals eine signifikant große Gruppe von Homosexuellen der Verhaftung widersetzte, wird das Ereignis von der Lesben- und Schwulenbewegung als Wendepunkt in ihrem Kampf für Gleichbehandlung und Anerkennung angesehen. An dieses Ereignis wird jedes Jahr weltweit mit dem Christopher Street Day [Thai: วันถนนคริสโตเฟอร์]  erinnert (im englischen Sprachraum meist: Gay Pride oder auch Stonewall Day)." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stonewall. -- Zugriff am 2014-09-19]

1969-06-19

Bonny, ein thailändischer Südlicher Schweinsaffe (pig-tailed monkey, Macaca nemestrina), stirbt im einen Tag nach der Rückkehr zur Erde nachdem er mit Biosatellite 3 ins Weltall geschossen wurde und acht tage im All gequält worden war.

Abb.: Südlicher Schweinsaffe (pig-tailed monkey, Macaca nemestrina), nicht Bonny, Pak Chong, Nakhon Ratchasima, 2004
[Bildquelle: Smithonian Wild. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/smithsonianwild/5176439499/. -- Zugriff am 2013-04-23. --  Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung, share alike)]

1969-07 - 1969-08

In der Provinz Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่) sterben 51 Personen an Encephalitis lethargica ("Schlafkrankheit"), weitere 170 erkranken. Die Ursache von Encephalitis lethargica ist bis jetzt (2012) nicht geklärt.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Chiang Mai (เชียงใหม่)

1969-07-12

Gründung des Thai-German Technical Teacher College (TGTTC) als Ergänzung zum 1959 gegründeten Thai-German Technical Institute (TGTI, heute: Faculty of Technical Education an der King Mongkut's University of Technology North Bangkok (KMUTNB) - มหาวิทยาลัยเทคโนโลยีพระจอมเกล้าพระนครเหนือ)

1969-07-16

Die Polizei nimmt zwei Angestellte des Wat Po fest, die Buddha-Statuen gestohlen hatten. Ein ausländischer Tourist hatte ihnen 400.000 Baht für den Kopf einer 700 Jahre alten Statue angeboten.

1969-07-20

Die drei US-Astronauten Neil Armstrong (1930 - 2012), Edwin „Buzz“ Aldrin (1930 - ) und Michael Collins (1930 - ) landen auf dem Mond. König Bhumibol gratuliert.

Abb.: Auf dem Mond, 1969-07-20
[Bildquelle: NASA / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1969-07-25

Auf den Diebstahl von Buddha-Statuen steht ab jetzt eine Strafe von fünf Jahre Gefängnis bis lebenslänglich.

1969-07-25

US-Präsident Richard Nixon (1913 - 1994) verkündet in einer Pressekonferenz ("Informal Remarks in Guam With Newsmen") in Guam - noch sehr vage - die Nixon Doctrine. Danach erwarten die USA künftig von ihren Verbündeten, ihre militärische Verteidigung – vor allem finanziell – in die eigene Hand zu nehmen.

"The second factor is one that is going to, I believe, have a major impact on the future of Asia, and it is something that we must take into account. Asians will say in every country that we visit that they do not want to be dictated to from the outside, Asia for the Asians. And that is what we want, and that is the role we should play. We should assist, but we should not dictate. At this time, the political and economic plans that they are gradually developing are very hopeful. We will give assistance to those plans. We, of course, will keep the treaty commitments that we have. But as far as our role is concerned, we must avoid that kind of policy that will make countries in Asia so dependent upon us that we are dragged into conflicts such as the one that we have in Vietnam. This is going to be a difficult line to follow. It is one, however, that I think, with proper planning, we can develop. " [Quelle: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=2140. -- Zugriff am 2015-04-35]

1969-07-28

US-Präsident Richard Nixon (1913 - 1994) mit Gattin kommt auf Staatsbesuch nach Thailand. Er wird u. a. von National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger (1923 - ) begleitet. Beide versuchen, Thailand im Vietnamkrieg bei der Stange zu halten.

Abb.: Präsident Nixon und Rama IX. beim Staatsbesuch 1969-07
[Bildquelle: The Eagle and the elephant : Thai-American relations since 1833 = ความสัมพันธ์ไทย-อเมริกัน ตั้งแต่ พ.ศ. 2376. -- Golden Jubilee ed. = ฉบับกาญจนาภิเซกสมโภช / ed. Patricia Norland [u.a.]. -- Bangkok : United States Information Service, 1997. -- 279 S. : Ill. ; 29 cm. -- ISBN 974-89415-1-5. -- S. 133. -- Fair use]

Nixon bei seiner Ankunft:

"IN RETURNING once again to Thailand, I am deeply conscious of the fact that Thailand has a special interest in the strength of America’s determination to honor its commitments in Asia and the Pacific. We will honor those commitments—not only because we consider them solemn obligations, but equally importantly because we fully recognize that we and the nations of Southeast Asia share a vital stake in the future peace and prosperity of this region. Both geography and common interest link the United States with the nations of Southeast Asia. We recognize the Pacific Ocean not as a barrier, but as a bridge. We recognize also that whether peace can be maintained in Asia and the Pacific will determine whether peace can be maintained in the world. and we recognize here in Asia the beginnings of patterns of dynamic development that can be of enormous significance. Our determination to honor our commitments is fully consistent with our consideration that the nations of Asia can and must increasingly shoulder the responsibility for achieving peace and progress in the area. The challenge to our wisdom is to support the Asian countries’ efforts to defend and develop themselves, without attempting to lake from them the responsibilities which should be theirs. For if domination by the aggressor can destroy the freedom of a nation, too much dependence on a protector can eventually erode its dignity. What we seek for Asia is a community of free nations able to go their own way and seek their own destiny with whatever cooperation we can provide—a community of independent Asian countries each maintaining its own traditions and yet each developing through mutual cooperation. In such an arrangement, we stand ready to play a responsible role in accordance with our commitments and basic interests. Seven centuries ago the great Thai King Rama Kamheng [พ่อขุนรามคำแหงมหาราช], father of the Thai alphabet, had his belief inscribed in the new written language: “In the water there are fish; in the fields there is rice... Whoever wants to trade in elephants so trades. Whoever wants to trade in horses so trades; whoever wants to trade in silver and gold so trades. " These words expressed the philosophy that a nation, like a man, should be free to seek its own destiny. In Korea, and again in Vietnam, Thailand has been in the forefront of those nations actively engaged in protecting this principle. The Thai contribution to the struggle to preserve the independence of South Vietnam has been of great significance—as befits a nation that places so high a value on its own long history of independence. As a nation which has shared so generously in the burdens of war, Thailand has a special interest in the strategy for achieving a durable peace that is, one which guarantees to the people of South Vietnam the right to determine their own future without outside coercion In developing this policy, the government of Thailand has been fully consulted, and will continue to be so in the future. I believe that the greatest problem before us is not the war in Vietnam, but the bringing about of a dynamic set of international relationships which guarantee peace and progress. This cannot be done by the United States alone. It must be a cooperative effort We must contribute to relationships by which the peoples of the area can master their challenges and shape their future. Thailand is one of the foremost examples of the promise that the future holds in Asia—in terms of its economic development, its commitment to advancing the welfare of its people, and its larger view of new patterns of regional cooperation that can benefit all the nations and peoples of Asia. We are proud to consider Thailand our friend. In this spirit, I see the vision of King Rama coming true not only for Thailand but for all of Asia." [Quelle: Nixon, Richard M. <1913 - 1994>: Public papers of the Presidents of the United States : Richard Nixon. -- 1969. -- S. 578ff.]

Aus der Rede Nixons beim Empafng durch den Gouverneur von Bangkok:

"We were reminded, too, of that when we came by the SEATO Treaty Building, and realized that the SEATO organization has its offices here. That leads me to say that everyone knows that Thailand and the United States are signatories of that treaty. We are bound together by that treaty. A treaty can have many meanings. It can be just a scrap of paper with no meaning at all. But as far as Thailand and the United States are concerned, a treaty means far more, because we share common ideals; because what we want for Asia and the world is the right of freedom which Thailand enjoys for all peoples here; because we have been willing to fight for that as we are fighting for it together in Vietnam; because of these deep spiritual and ideological ties that bind us. The treaty that we have with Thailand means that it is not just another treaty, not just another piece of paper, but that it is one that has a significance far beyond that—a significance which I have indicated time and again in public statements, and I indicate today in my first public statement as I visit Bangkok and this country. We will honor our obligations under that treaty. We will honor them not simply because we have to, because of the words that we have signed, but because we believe in those words, and particularly believe in them in the association that we have with a proud and a strong people— the people of Thailand. We have been together in the past. We are together at the present And the United States will stand proudly with Thailand against those who might threaten it from abroad or from within." [Quelle: Nixon, Richard M. <1913 - 1994>: Public papers of the Presidents of the United States : Richard Nixon. -- 1969. -- S. 577f.]

Nixons Stabschef Harry Robbins ("H. R.") Haldeman (1926 - 1993) schreibt dazu in seinem Tagebuch:

"Monday, July 28, 1969 Arrived in Bangkok, and rain started as plane door opened. Really poured and we all were soaked to the skin as we stood in it for the arrival ceremony, including the King and the P. Rain stopped just as ceremony ended and we went into building. King and P received diplomatic corps and privy council, etc. All ladies deep curtsy, men deep bow, to King. He doesn’t acknowledge in any way, looks over their heads. Queen very gracious, smiles and nods at each one. Palace, where we are staying, is unbelievable! Dinner of King’s was superb. Beautiful hall, the throne room, for head table of sixty. Rest of guests, about 150, in next room. Thai Army band played during dinner. Lady singer entertained after with songs composed by King. Troops out in front and band to play national anthems on arrival and departure. Trees all lighted along route." [Quelle: Haldeman, Harry Robbins  <1926 - 1993>: The Haldeman diaries : inside the Nixon White House. -- New York : Berkley, 1995. -- 854 S. : Ill. ; 18 cm. -- ISBN 0-425-14827-0. -- S. 92f. -- Fair use]

Abb.: Richard Nixon mit Henry Kissinger, 1971
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: Umschlagtitel

"The Trial of Henry Kissinger (2001) is Christopher Hitchens' examination of the alleged war crimes of Henry Kissinger, the National Security Advisor and later Secretary of State for President Nixon and President Ford. Acting in the role of the prosecution, Hitchens presents evidence of Kissinger's complicity in a series of alleged war crimes in Indochina, Bangladesh, Chile, Cyprus and East Timor. Highlights from the book were serialized in Harper's Magazine in February and March 2001 (see The Case Against Henry Kissinger, Part 1 and Part 2). This book inspired the creation of a 2002 documentary film, The Trials of Henry Kissinger. Christopher Hitchens doesn't mince words when it comes to Henry Kissinger, the former secretary of state and national-security advisor: Kissinger deserves vigorous prosecution "for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture." The Trial of Henry Kissinger is a masterpiece of polemics; even readers who don't agree that its target is an emanation of "official evil" will appreciate the verve and style brought to Hitchens's fiery brief. ("A good liar must have a good memory: Kissinger is a stupendous liar with a remarkable memory.") The book is best understood as a prosecutorial document--both because Hitchens limits his critique to what he believes might stand up in an international court of law following precedents set at Nuremberg and elsewhere, and also because his treatment of Kissinger is far from evenhanded. The charges themselves are astonishing, as they link Kissinger to war casualties in Vietnam, massacres in Bangladesh and Timor, and assassinations in Chile, Cyprus, and Washington, D.C. After reading this book, one wants very badly to hear a full response from the defendant. Hitchens, a writer for Vanity Fair and The Nation, is a man of the Left, though he has a history of skewering both Democrats (he is the author of a provocative book on the Clintons, No One Left to Lie To) as well as Republicans (Kissinger). At the root of this latest effort is moral outrage, and a call for Americans, of all people, not to ignore Kissinger's record: "They can either persist in averting their gaze from the egregious impunity enjoyed by a notorious war criminal and lawbreaker, or they can become seized by the exalted standards to which they continually hold everyone else," writes Hitchens. "If the courts and lawyers of this country will not do their duty, we shall watch as the victims and survivors of this man pursue justice and vindication in their own dignified and painstaking way, and at their own expense, and we shall be put to shame." --John J. Miller" [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Trial_of_Henry_Kissinger. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-17]

1969-08 - 1970-02

Gründung des National Student Center of Thailand (NSCT, ศูนย์นิสิตนักศึกษาแห่งประเทศไทย).

"The Goals and Policies of the NSCT: The constitution drafting committee set up the following 7 goals for the Center: To promote a good relationship among the students of all Thai universities, and between Thai students and students of other countries. To serve and promote the welfare of the students. To promote the students' freedom and to protect student benefits. To further the educational standards and academic cooperation. To promote a good understanding between students and the people. To preserve and promote Thai culture. To render services for the welfare of the society." [Quelle: Prizzia, Ross ; Narong Sinsawadi: Thailand : student activism and political change. -- Bangkok : D. K. Book House, 1974.  -- S. 29.]

1969-08

Es erscheint auf LP das Rock-Album:

Santana / Carlos Augusto Santana Alves <1947 - > + Santana Blues Band

Das Album auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:album:0hfFLQzo3OwgYFFFvTQYhT
URL: https://open.spotify.com/album/0hfFLQzo3OwgYFFFvTQYhT

Abb.: Plattenhülle
[Bildquelle: en.Wikipedia. -- Fair use]

Das Album hat großen Einfluss auf die Musik Thailands.

1969-08-06

Laut dem kommunistischen Untergrundsender Voice of the People of Thailand (VOPT / สถานีวิทยุเสียงประชาชนแห่งประเทศไทย) gibt es in folgenden Provinzen bewaffnete kommunistische Aufstände:

Abb.: Provincen mit bewaffneten kommunistischen Aufständen laut VOPT, 1969-08-061
[Bildquelle: CIA. -- Public domain, Provinzeinteilung 2002!]

1969-08-08

Ministerpräsident Thanom verurteilt Frauen, die Miniröcke tragen. Er befiehlt dem National Cultural Council, dafür zu sorgen, dass in öffentlichen Gebäuden keine Frauen in Miniröcken oder engen Hosen auftauchen. Ein paar Tage später werden Lehrerinnen diese bedrohlichen Kleidungsstücke verboten.

Abb.: Eine Bedrohung für Thailand: Minirock und Minikleid, USA, 1973
[Bildquelle: Ed Uthman. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/78147607@N00/2127574965/. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-17. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: 2011 nur noch von Tempeln verbannt: Schild am Wat Arun (วัดอรุณ), Bangkok
[Bildquelle: gadgetdan. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/gadgetdan/6294835102/. -- Zugriff am 2012-04-22. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung)]

1969-08-10

Die Übernahme von Hippie-Stil durch manche Thais sorgt für Aufregung. Der Maler Thawan Duchanee (ถวัลย์ ดัชนี, 1939 - ) sagt aber, dass langhaarige Thais keine Hippies seien, da sie nicht der Lebensauffassung der Hippies folgen.

Senator Kukrit Pramoj (คึกฤทธิ์ ปราโมช, 1911 - 1995) sagt, dass all das mit Buddha begann. Buddha habe seine Kleidung von Toten genommen und im Dschungel gelebt. Manche Länder verbannen Hippies, weil sie sehr genau wissen, dass Hippies die Krankheit und Ungerechtigkeit dieser Länder genau erkennen.

Abb.: War Buddha der erste Hippie? Hippie in Goa, Indien, 2000
[Bildquelle: Marcusrobbin / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1969-08-12

"The third increment of the Royal Thai Volunteer Force was deployed to South Vietnam during July and August to replace the first increment, which returned to Thailand. The last of the third increment closed into Bearcat on 12 August 1969. The replacement brigade assumed the designation of 1st Brigade. In addition, the headquarters of the Royal Thai Army Volunteer Force completed its annual rotation. Throughout all of this there was little, if any, loss of momentum in the conduct of field operations. (Map 1) The area of operations assigned to the Thais was characterized by a low level of enemy action because the land was used by the Viet Cong primarily as a source of food and clothing. Moving constantly and constructing new base camps, the enemy had little time for offensive action. As a result, enemy operations conducted in the Thai area of interest were not as significant as enemy operations elsewhere." [Quelle: http://www.history.army.mil/books/Vietnam/allied/ch02.htm. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-12]

1969-08-15 - 1969-08-17

Woodstock Music and Arts Fair (Woodstock-Festival) mit einer halben Million Jugendlichen.

Abb.: Veranstaltungsort des Woodstock-Festival
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Ursprünglicher Poster für das Woodstock-Festival von David Edward Byrd, wurde dann nicht verwendet
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

Das Album auf Spotify:

URI: spotify:album:7hcNqrXLpf2tQIGrul3ILE
URL: https://open.spotify.com/album/7hcNqrXLpf2tQIGrul3ILE

"Das Woodstock Music and Art Festival war ein Musikfestival, das als musikalischer Höhepunkt der US-amerikanischen Hippiebewegung gilt. Es fand offiziell vom 15. bis 17. August 1969 statt, endete jedoch erst am Morgen des 18. August. Der Veranstaltungsort war eine Farm in Bethel im US-amerikanischen Bundesstaat New York. Auf dem Festival traten 32 Bands und Solisten der Musikrichtungen Folk, Rock, Soul und Blues für insgesamt rund 200.000 US-Dollar Gage auf. Auf dem Festivalgelände herrschten chaotische Zustände, da die erwarteten Besucherzahlen um ein Vielfaches übertroffen wurden. Trotzdem blieb die Stimmung bei den hundertausenden Besuchern friedlich. Das Woodstock Festival verkörpert bis heute den Mythos des „anderen Amerikas“, des künstlerischen und friedliebenden Amerikas, das sich damals im umstrittenen Vietnamkrieg befand." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Woodstock-Festival. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-10

1969-08-26

Joint Thai-U.S. Statement:

"On August 26, 1969, it was announced in a joint Thai-American statement that "talks to arrange for a gradual reduction of level of United States forces in Thailand consistent with the assessment of both governments of the security situation" would be held in the near future." [Zitiert in: Randolph, R. Sean: The United States and Thailand : alliance dynamics, 1950-1985. -- Berkeley : Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1986. -- 245 S. ; 23 cm. -- (Research papers and policy studies, 12). -- ISBN 0-912966-92-0. -- S. 140]

1969-09

Start der Buchladenkette "Asia Books".

Abb.: ®Logo

1969-09-03

Tod von Nordvietnams Staatschef Hồ Chí Minh (geb. 1890).

Abb.: Hồ Chí Minh-Denkmal in Ho-Chi-Minh-Stadt (Thành phố Hồ Chí Minh; früher: Saigon)
[Bildquelle: alex.ch. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/38101324@N00/413740588. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-10. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung)]

"Hồ Chí Minh (Aussprache: [hò̤wcǐmiŋ]; Hán Nôm: 胡志明; * 19. Mai 1890; † 2. September 1969 in Ba Vì) war ein vietnamesischer Revolutionär und Politiker, Premierminister (1945–1955) und Präsident (1955–1969) der Demokratischen Republik Vietnam. Name Ho Chi Minh wurde nicht unter diesem Namen geboren, sondern nahm ihn erst 1942 an, wenige Jahre vor der Unabhängigkeitserklärung Vietnams. „Ho Chi Minh“ war ursprünglich nur einer seiner zahlreichen Decknamen. Er gab sich zu dieser Zeit als chinesischer Journalist aus, behielt den Namen aber später. Da Ho Chi Minh bis zu seiner Präsidentschaft viel im Untergrund arbeitete, seit seiner ersten Abreise aus Vietnam von der französischen Sûreté (der Sicherheitspolizei) und anderen Geheimdiensten verfolgt wurde, verwendete er ständig neue Namen. Es wird vermutet, dass ihm bis zu 50 Pseudonyme zugerechnet werden können.[1] Erschwert wird die Forschung dadurch, dass Ho zeitlebens äußerst geheimnisvoll mit seinen Namen und seiner Vergangenheit umging: Selbst zu dem Decknamen „Nguyen Ai Quoc“, unter dem er ein bekanntes Komintern-Mitglied in Moskau und Paris gewesen war, wollte er sich später jahrelang nicht bekennen. Die bekanntesten und wichtigsten sind: Sein Kindername Nguyễn Sinh Cung (阮生恭); der Name während seiner Schulzeit und seiner ersten Schiffsreisen um die Welt: (tự, 字) Nguyễn Tất Thành (阮必成, Nguyễn muss [sein Ziel] erreichen). Nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg, als er in Frankreich politisch aktiv wurde, tat er dies unter dem Namen: Nguyễn Ái Quốc (阮愛國, Nguyễn liebt das [Vater]land oder: „Nguyen der Patriot“); und schließlich seit 1942 Hồ Chí Minh (胡志明, Hồ klarer Wille). In Vietnam wird er auch heute noch Bác Hồ (伯胡, Onkel Hồ) genannt. Weitere Pseudonyme waren unter anderem Lý Thụy (李瑞), Hồ Quang (胡光) und Tống Văn Sơ bzw. Sòng Wénchū (宋文初). Leben Geburt Nguyen Sinh Cung wurde vermutlich am 19. Mai 1890 in dem kleinen Dorf Kim Lien in der mittelvietnamesischen Provinz Nghe An geboren. Ho Chi Minh gab später im Laufe seines Lebens immer wieder verschiedene Geburtsdaten an, die von 1894 bis 1903 reichen. Das Jahr 1890 gilt mittlerweile als die „offizielle“ Version, die zwar noch immer von einigen Forschern angezweifelt wird, aber aufgrund einiger bekannter Ereignisse aus der Kindheit als plausibel angesehen werden kann. Auch über den Tag seiner Geburt ist die Forschung sich uneinig. Es ist gut möglich, dass der 19. Mai absichtlich mit jenem Datum zusammenfällt, an dem 1941 der Việt Minh gegründet wurde. Da im ländlichen Vietnam zudem oft keine Aufzeichnungen über Geburtstage gemacht wurden, ist ebenso denkbar, dass Ho Chi Minh seinen Geburtstag selbst nicht kannte.[2] Kindheit und Jugend in Vietnam Hồs Vater Nguyen Sinh Sac war ein konfuzianischer Gelehrter, der es bis zum Äquivalent einer Doktorprüfung schaffte, was für Angehörige der Landbevölkerung durchaus ungewöhnlich war. Sac schlug jedoch lange Zeit bewusst nicht den Weg einer bürokratischen Laufbahn ein, sondern blieb für ein bescheidenes Gehalt Lehrer in seiner Heimatregion. Für Sinh Sac war dies auch eine Form des Protests gegen die französische Okkupation. Da er stark vom Konfuzianismus geprägt war, lehnte Sinh Sac aber eine Auflehnung gegen die eigentliche vietnamesische königliche Obrigkeit oder gar Ideen wie eine Revolution vehement ab. Er überwarf sich später deswegen mit seinem Sohn. Cung (Ho Chi Minh) wurde von Zeitgenossen als wissbegieriger, gelehriger Schüler beschrieben, der schon in jungen Jahren eine Abneigung gegen die französische Besatzung zeigte, aber darüber hinaus weitgehend unpolitisch blieb. Mit Eintritt in das Schulalter erhielt er von seinen Eltern den Namen „Nguyen Tat Thanh“. Bei einer Bauerndemonstration gegen die Steuern und die Lebensumstände unter dem Kolonialregime in der Königsstadt Huế, in die der Vater mit den Söhnen schließlich 1906 gezogen war, schloss sich Tat Thanh den Bauern an, um zwischen Vietnamesen und Franzosen zu dolmetschen. Thanh besuchte zu diesem Zeitpunkt eine französische Schule. Da weder Bauern noch Obrigkeit zu Zugeständnissen bereit waren, endete die Demonstration im Kugelhagel französischer Soldaten. Thanh wurde als „Aufrührer“ am folgenden Tag der Schule verwiesen.[3] Jugendreisen um die Welt Vermutlich durch dieses Ereignis erst recht politisiert, zog Nguyen Tat Thanh erst nach Sàigòn und heuerte schließlich auf einem französischen Dampfer an, um Frankreich zu sehen. Noch immer hatte er keine konkrete Vorstellung, wie und in welcher Weise man gegen die Kolonialherrschaft vorgehen könne. Vereinzelte vietnamesische Intellektuelle stritten schon damals über einen „gewaltsamen“ und einen „reformistischen“ Weg. Tat Thanh erklärte damals Begleitern, er wolle die Okkupatoren besser verstehen lernen und müsse dazu Frankreich kennenlernen. 1911, im Alter von 21 Jahren, verließ Nguyen Tat Thanh Vietnam. Über seine Reisezeit liegt vieles im Dunkeln. Neben mehreren kurzen Stationen in Frankreich lebte er vermutlich sowohl einige Zeit in New York als auch in England. In London arbeitete er dabei als Küchengehilfe im Carlton-Hotel unter dem Hotelbesitzer Auguste Escoffier.[4] Vermutlich 1917 kehrte er nach Frankreich zurück. Ab 1919 ist sein Leben wieder besser dokumentiert, weil die französische Geheimpolizei seine Spur wieder aufgenommen hatte.[5] Politische Sozialisation in Frankreich In Paris schloss sich Nguyen Tat Thanh der Sozialistischen Partei Frankreichs an und gründete die „Association des Patriotes Annamites“ (= Gemeinschaft der annamitischen Patrioten), einen Verein, der sich an Vietnamesen richten sollte, die in Frankreich leben. Das waren zu dieser Zeit etwa 50.000, überwiegend Arbeiter. Der Begriff „Annam“ anstatt „Vietnam“ wurde vermutlich verwendet, um der Regierung zu signalisieren, dass es sich hier nicht um eine Anti-Kolonie-Bewegung handele. Die Gründung fiel in eine Zeit, in der im Zuge der Vorschläge des US-Präsidenten Woodrow Wilson sich zahlreiche koloniale Organisationen in der Hoffnung auf verbesserte politische Mitsprache zusammenschlossen. Am 18. Juni 1918 veröffentlichte die Association eine Petition, in der Nguyen Tat Thanh forderte, Wilsons Ideen müssten auch für die französischen Kolonien in Indochina verwirklicht werden. Der Ton der Petition war moderat; der Begriff „Unabhängigkeit“ kam nicht vor. Tat Thanh schrieb den Text vermutlich nicht allein, sollte aber für die folgenden drei Jahrzehnte als jener „Nguyen Ai Quoc“ („Nguyen der Patriot“) bekannt werden, dessen Name unter der Petition stand.[6] – Der Text erregte Aufsehen, blieb jedoch sowohl national als auch bei den Friedensverhandlungen von Versailles folgenlos. Als die Sozialisten sich in einen moderaten Flügel um Léon Blum und einen radikalen Flügel mit Marcel Cachin spalteten, sympathisierte Nguyen Ai Quoc mit den Radikalen. Seine Zeitgenossen bemerkten später, Ai Quoc habe zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch praktisch nichts über Marxismus oder den Unterschied zwischen Zweiter und Dritter Internationale gewusst. Seine Sympathie für Sozialdemokratie und Marxismus speiste sich aus der Antipathie gegen die europäischen Kolonialherrscher, deren Herrschaft aus seiner Sicht auf Kapitalismus und Imperialismus beruhten. Erst der Kontakt mit Lenins Schriften zu dieser Zeit machte Nguyen Ai Quoc zu einem Anhänger der marxistischen Revolution. Auf dem Zweiten Komintern-Kongress 1920 hatte Lenin erklärt, im Kampf gegen den Kapitalismus müssten sich die kommunistischen Parteien mit den demokratisch-antikolonialen Strömungen in den Kolonien verbünden: Die Macht der kapitalistischen Staaten basiere auf dem wirtschaftlichen Vorteil durch ihre Kolonien. Er traf damit einen Nerv bei Nguyen Ai Quoc. In der Zeitung L’Humanité veröffentlichte Nguyen Ai Quoc mehrere kritische Artikel gegen die Ergebnisse der französischen Kolonialherrschaft in Indochina und warb unter den französischen Sozialisten fortan heftigst darum, das Thema der Kolonien zu forcieren.[7] Als die radikale Fraktion unter der Führung von Cachin schließlich 1920 sich zur ersten französischen kommunistischen Partei zusammenschloss, gehörte Nguyen Ai Quoc zu den Gründungsmitgliedern. 1922 gründete er die „Union Intercoloniale“, einen Bund, der Mitglieder aus den Kolonien vereinen sollte.[8] Die Union erwies sich wegen der unterschiedlichen Interessen ihrer weltweiten Mitglieder als wenig effektiv. Insgesamt begann sein Projekt zu stagnieren: Nguyen Ai Quoc kam zu der Einsicht, dass trotz ihrer Lippenbekenntnisse weder die französischen Kommunisten noch die Presse die Kolonialfrage ausreichend berücksichtigten. 1923 folgte er deswegen schließlich einer Einladung der Komintern nach Moskau. Als Revolutionär in Moskau und China In der UdSSR verfolgte er weiterhin seinen Ansatz, die bäuerliche Bevölkerung in den Kolonien als zentralen Baustein einer Weltrevolution zu verteidigen. Er ließ sich dafür in mehrere Gremien wählen und begann seine Ausbildung an der „Stalinschule“ (der Kommunistischen Universität Moskau).[9] Auf dem fünften Komintern-Kongress im Juni 1924 unterstrich er öffentlich seine Sichtweise und verglich die Kolonien mit dem „Kopf der Schlange des Kapitalismus“: Das „Gift“ und die „Lebensenergie“ der westlichen Länder lägen in ihren Kolonien, nicht in den Mutterländern. Gleichzeitig seien die Bauern vor Ort zu schwach und zu unorganisiert und benötigten dringend die Hilfe der Kommunistischen Internationalen, so Ho Chi Minh.[10] Nguyen Ai Quocs Rede schlug sich nicht in einer veränderten Politik Moskaus nieder, aber führte zumindest dazu, dass die kommunistischen Führer der Kolonie-Frage mehr Aufmerksamkeit widmeten und verstärkt auch asiatische Schüler an die Stalinschule holten. Nguyen Ai Quoc selbst wurde in der UdSSR endgültig zu einer bekannten Persönlichkeit. Er traf während dieser Zeit unter anderem auf Bucharin, Ernst Thälmann, Zhou Enlai, Chiang Kai-shek und den Inder M. N. Roy. Nach Angaben des ehemaligen deutschen Kommunisten und späteren Sozialdemokraten Erich Wollenberg war Ho entscheidend beteiligt an der Herstellung einer Anleitung für kommunistische Aufstände, die 1928 in Moskau gedruckt wurde (Der bewaffnete Aufstand. Versuch einer theoretischen Darstellung), aber im Impressum Zürich aufwies, um das Werk als legalen Druck erscheinen zu lassen. Der Autorentitel „A. Neuberg“ steht gleichfalls für Ho, ebenso aber auch für Hans Kippenberger und Michail Nikolajewitsch Tuchatschewski. Weitere Stationen Nach langen Aufenthalten bei Kommunisten in Moskau und einer Ausbildung durch die Kommunistische Internationale zog er nach Hongkong, wo er 1930 die Kommunistische Partei Indochinas gründete, die heutige Kommunistische Partei Vietnams, KPV. Anfang der 1920er Jahre heiratete Ho die französische Sozialistin Marie Briere, 1926 im chinesischen Guangzhou die chinesische Hebamme Tang Minh Tuyet. Die beiden Ehen werden von den vietnamesischen Kommunisten allerdings geheim gehalten, da sie nur schlecht in das idealisierte Bild ihres „Vaters der Nation“ passen. 1941 kehrte er nach Vietnam zurück. Nach der Kapitulation Japans im Zweiten Weltkrieg leitete er die Augustrevolution an, die in der Ausrufung der Unabhängigkeit Vietnams von Frankreich 1945 mündete. Er führte die Việt Minh und leitete erfolgreiche militärische Operationen gegen die japanischen Besatzungstruppen und später gegen die Franzosen, die versuchten, das Land wieder zu besetzen (1946–1954). Während des fünfmonatigen Kampfes gegen die japanische Besatzung von März bis zum 15. August 1945 wurden die Việt Minh offizielle Verbündete der Alliierten und vom Office of Strategic Services (OSS) logistisch unterstützt. Ho wurde unter dem Decknamen Lucius für diese Zeit in die Dienste des OSS aufgenommen.[11] Gemäß der Potsdamer Konferenz von Juli 1945 besetzte ab September britischen Truppen nachfolgend Frankreich Südvietnam, wobei es zu heftigen Kämpfen mit den Việt Minh kam. Obwohl fünf Monate später der französische General Leclerc den Sieg verkündete, kontrollierten die Việt Minh weiterhin große Teile des Südens, vor allem auf dem Land. Nachdem Frankreich mit Nationalchina, das Vietnam nördlich des 17. Breitengrads besetzt hielt und ausbeutete, ein Übereinkommen getroffen hatte, stand auch die Besetzung Nordvietnams durch französische Truppen bevor. Um einen gleichzeitigen Kampf gegen Franzosen und Nationalchina zu vermeiden, handelte Ho mit dem Abgesandten de Gaulles, Jean Sainteny, am 6. März 1946 einen Kompromiss aus. Danach erkannte Frankreich Vietnam als „freien“ Staat innerhalb der Französischen Union an, während Ho zusicherte, für die nächsten fünf Jahre die französische Kontrolle Nordvietnams anzuerkennen.[12] Er begründete dies mit den Worten: „Was mich angeht, ziehe ich es vor, fünf Jahre französischen Mist zu riechen, als für den Rest meines Lebens chinesischen zu essen.“[13] Nachdem die Franzosen am 23. November 1946 Hải Phòng bombardierten, wobei 6.000 Zivilisten ums Leben kamen, gab Ho dem Druck der Hardliner innerhalb der Việt Minh nach, und der landesweite Kampf gegen die französische Kolonialherrschaft nahm seinen Anfang.[14] 1954 wurde er Präsident der Demokratischen Republik Nordvietnam. – Er war nach allgemeinen Wahlen am 6. Januar 1946 Präsident Vietnams geworden, aber das wurde aufgrund der Intervention der Kolonialmacht Frankreich international nur teilweise anerkannt. In den 60er Jahren war er eine der treibenden Kräfte in den Versuchen, Nordvietnam und Südvietnam wiederzuvereinigen. Bis zu seinem Tod im Jahre 1969 führte er fast ununterbrochen den Kampf zuerst gegen Frankreich und Japan, später im Vietnamkrieg gegen die Vereinigten Staaten und das von ihnen unterstützte Regime in Südvietnam. Dabei wurde von ihm die Trường-Sơn-Straße, die im Westen als Ho-Chi-Minh-Pfad bekannt wurde, für den heimlichen Transport von Material von Nord- nach Südvietnam eingerichtet. Hồ Chí Minh starb am 2. September 1969 in Ba Vì, heute Verwaltungsgebiet Hanoi, im Alter von 79 Jahren an Herzversagen. Da auf diesem Datum der vietnamesische Unabhängigkeitstag liegt, verlegte die kommunistische Führung das Todesdatum auf den 3. September, was erst in den 1980er Jahren korrigiert wurde. Obwohl Hồ Chí Minh für einen einfachen Lebensstil, Bescheidenheit und Integrität bekannt ist, war er während seiner Präsidentschaft wie nach seinem Tod das Zentrum eines großen Personenkults. 1975 bekam die Stadt Saigon den Namen Ho-Chi-Minh-Stadt. In Hanoi wurde ein Mausoleum im Stile des Lenin-Mausoleums errichtet, wo sein einbalsamierter Leichnam gegen seinen Willen ruht (er wollte, dass seine Leiche verbrannt und die Asche in Nord-, Mittel- und Südvietnam vergraben wird). Das Mausoleum steht in der Nähe des Platzes, an dem Hồ Chí Minh am 2. September 1945 die Unabhängigkeitserklärung öffentlich verlas. Rezeption Wirkung und Bedeutung Hồ Chí Minh erlangte mit seinem Einsatz für die Befreiung Vietnams von kolonialer Herrschaft auch über Vietnam und Asien hinaus einen weltweiten Bekanntheitsgrad. Zusammen mit Mao Zedong und dem argentinisch-kubanischen Revolutionär Che Guevara gilt er bis heute als einer der bedeutendsten Praktiker des modernen Guerillakampfes. Ebenso wie für viele internationale Befreiungsbewegungen galt er auch für die aufständischen Studenten der westlichen Industriegesellschaften Mitte bis Ende der 1960er Jahre als wichtige Symbolfigur und revolutionäres Vorbild (vgl. auch Außerparlamentarische Opposition und Deutsche Studentenbewegung der 1960er Jahre). Durch seinen bescheidenen, die marxistisch-leninistische Theorie in die eigene tägliche Praxis umsetzenden Lebensstil, er lebte in einer Hütte neben dem Regierungsgebäude, der Forderung nach politischer Partizipation der Bauern und nach Gleichberechtigung von Mann und Frau wurde er zur personifizierten Revolution und glaubwürdigen nationalen Vaterfigur.[15] Kritik Ho Chi Minh wird auch kritisch in seiner Person und der Schuld an Todesopfern in Vietnam hinterfragt. So wird im Schwarzbuch des Kommunismus die Anzahl der Ermordeten in Vietnam, die seinem Verschulden zuzurechnen seien, auf eine Million Menschen geschätzt [16][17]. Literatur William Duiker, : Ho Chi Minh. A Life. Hyperion, 2001, (Taschenbuchausgabe) ISBN 0-7868-8701-X Jean Lacouture: Ho Chi Minh, New York, 1968, ISBN 0-394-42899-4 Jules Archer: Ho Chi Minh – Legend of Hanoi, New York, 1971, ISBN 0-561-00153-7 Reinhold Neumann-Hoditz: Ho Tschi Minh. In Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten, Reinbek b. Hamburg, 1971, ISBN 3-499-50182-1 Tran Dan Tien: Ho Chi Minh: Der Begründer des Unabhängigen Vietnams, Laufersweiler, 2000, ISBN 3-89687-295-8 Sophie Quinn-Judge: Ho Chi Minh. The Missing Years, 1919–1941, Berkeley, 2002, ISBN 0-520-23533-9 Pierre Brocheux, Hô Chi Minh, du révolutionnaire à l’icône, Payot, 2003 ISBN 2-228-89795-7 Horst Szeponik: Ho Chi Minh, Ein Leben für Vietnam, Neues Leben Berlin, 1981 Pham Van Dong: Ho Chi Minh, Verlag der Fremdsprachen Hanoi, 1980 Autoren:Ho Chi Minh – The Man Who Made a Nation, The Gioi Verlag Hanoi, 1997 Hellmut Kapfenberger: Ho Chi Minh, Eine Chronik, Neues Leben Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-355-01758-9 (A. Neuberg) Hans Kippenberger, M. N. Tuchatschewski, Ho Chi Minh: Der bewaffnete Aufstand. Versuch einer theoretischen Darstellung. Eingeleitet von Erich Wollenberg, Frankfurt a. M. 1971. Einzelnachweise  Manche Autoren gehen von bis zu 75 Namen aus. Siehe dazu bspw.: „His Many Names and Travels“ in Vietnam Courier (Mai 1981).  Ho Chi Minh-Biographien haben einerseits mit den nur spärlichen Informationen aus der Jugendzeit zu kämpfen und leiden andererseits an der vor allem in Vietnam üblichen mythischen Überhöhung, die die Forschung kompliziert. Für eine fundierte Biographie siehe beispielsweise William Duiker: Ho Chi Minh. A Life; New York, 2000. Zu den bekanntesten populärwissenschaftlichen Werken zählt unter anderem David Halberstam: Ho; New York, 1971.  Die Autobiographie unter dem fiktiven Namen Tran Dan Tien: Nhung mau chuyen ve doi hoat dong cua Ho Chu tich ist eine der wichtigsten Quellen für Hos Jugendzeit. Es existiert eine englische Ausgabe unter dem Namen: Glimpses of the Life of Ho Chi Minh.  Ho erwähnt dieses Ereignis in seiner unter Anonym und in der dritten Person geschriebenen Autobiographie (siehe oben) Auszug von der Webseite der Kommunistischen Partei Vietnams.  Eine ausführliche Analyse der Akten der französischen Geheimpolizei beispielsweise bei: Duiker (siehe oben). Siehe auch: Thu Trang Gaspard: Ho Chi Minh à Paris. Paris, 1992, sowie: Lacouture, Jean: Ho Chi Minh. Paris, 1967.  Siehe: Gaspard: Ho Chi Minh, S. 64–65, sowie: Hémery, Daniel: De l’Indochine à Vietnam. Paris, 1990. S. 44. Die Petition unterschrieb Thanh noch mit „Quac“, änderte dies jedoch später in das gebräuchliche „Quoc“.  Siehe beispielsweise seine: Rede auf dem Kongress in Tours  Gründungsmanifest der „Interkolonialen Union“  In einem Text von 1924 über „Die russische Revolution und die Kolonialvölker“ beschreibt Nguyen Ai Quoc die Schule in dem ihm üblichen trockenen, auflistenden Stil.  Exzerpt des Steno-Transkripts der Rede von Nguyen Ai Quoc  Marc Frey: Geschichte des Vietnamkriegs. C.H. Beck, München 1999, S. 16  Marc Frey: Geschichte des Vietnamkriegs. S. 18,19  Marc Frey: Geschichte des Vietnamkriegs. S. 19,20  Marc Frey: Geschichte des Vietnamkriegs. S. 20  Marc Frey: Geschichte des Vietnamkriegs. S. 44  http://www.fluxfactory.org/otr/bissellhcm.htm  S. Courtois, N. Werth, J. L. Panne, A. Paczkowski, K. Bartosek, J. L. Margolin, J. Gauck, Ehrhart Neubert: Das Schwarzbuch des Kommunismus – Unterdrückung, Verbrechen und Terror. Piper Verlag, München 2004, ISBN 3-492-04053-5" [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ho_Chi_Minh. -- Zugriff am 2012-06-18]

1969-09-03

Treffen von Außenminister Thanat Khoman (ถนัด คอมันตร์, 1914 - ) und US-Botschafter Leonard S. Unger (1917 - 2010):

"Soon after, on September 3, Unger and Thanat met to announce their agreement in principle on limited withdrawals; specified in their communiqué was the point that "the U. S. forces now stationed in Thailand have as their mission to protect the lives of American and allied fighting men in South Vietnam against the aggressors, rather than assisting Thailand in its internal defense against communist subversive activity," and that the reductions being planned were consistent with that principle. Six days later, the political talks were followed by joint military consultations to determine the schedule for withdrawal. Simultaneously, however, Thanat began to pull back from his farthest position by indicating that Thailand did not intend to "drive out" the American forces from Thailand, and that if their presence was necessary to save the lives of U. S. troops in South Vietnam through bombings from Thai bases, they would be welcome to stay." [Quelle: Randolph, R. Sean: The United States and Thailand : alliance dynamics, 1950-1985. -- Berkeley : Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1986. -- 245 S. ; 23 cm. -- (Research papers and policy studies, 12). -- ISBN 0-912966-92-0. -- S. 140]

1969-09-24

Die geschiedene Schwester des Königs, Prinzessin Galyani Vadhana, Fürstin von Narathiwat  (ศาสตราจารย์ (พิเศษ) พลเอกหญิง พลเรือเอกหญิง พลอากาศเอกหญิง สมเด็จพระเจ้าพี่นางเธอ เจ้าฟ้ากัลยาณิวัฒนา กรมหลวงนราธิวาสราชนครินทร์, 1923 - 2008), heiratet Mom Chao Varananda Dhavaj Chudadhuj (วรานนท์ธวัช จุฑาธุช, 1922 - 1990)

Abb.: Varananda Dhavaj (วรานนท์ธวัช)
[Bildquelle: th.Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

"Prince Varananda Dhavaj (Thai: วรานนท์ธวัช; RTGS: Waranon Thawat), born Mom Chao Varananda Dhavaj Chudadhuj (Thai: วรานนท์ธวัช จุฑาธุช; RTGS: Waranonthawat Chuthathut) (August 19, 1922 – September 14, 1990) was the son of Prince Chudadhuj Dharadilok (สมเด็จพระเจ้าบรมวงศ์เธอ เจ้าฟ้าจุฑาธุชธราดิลก กรมขุนเพ็ชรบูรณ์อินทราชัย, 1892 - 1923), and Mom Ravi Kayananda. Although he was the only son of a senior Thai prince, he was disqualified from succession to the throne because his mother was not Prince Chudadhut's formal wife. Following the death of his father, the prince was raised by his uncle King Prajadhipok. He joined the monarch in virtual exile in England. He enlisted in the RAF on February 24, 1942 under the name Nicky Varanand, and served as pilot in the Normandy campaign during World War II. He would serve at total of 15 years in the RAF, finally resigning as a group captain to fly commercial aircraft for Thai Airways International. He later created his own airline, Air Siam, which went bankrupt in 1977. In 1973, he also became an adviser to the Ministry of Agriculture. Marriage and family He married Mom Pamela Smee on June 10, 1950. On September 24, 1969, he married his cousin Princess Galyani Vadhana, King Bhumibol's eldest sister. and had two concubine, Princess Kokeaw Prakaykavil na Chiengmai (เจ้ากอแก้วประกายกาวิล ณ เชียงใหม่, 1935 - 2005) and Srisalai Suchatwut (ศรีไศล สุชาตวุฒิ หรือ ศรีไศล วรานนท์ (สุชาตวุฒิ), 1944 - ) ." [Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Varananda_Dhavaj. -- Zugriff am 2014-11-03]

1969-10

In Laos werden 6.878 Personen von den USA besoldet: 833 Amerikaner und 6.045 Asiaten und andere Ausländer.

1969-10-02

Tod des Thaiisten George Cœdès (Coedès) (geb. 1886).

"George Coedès (Georges Cœdès, gesprochen Cedess; * 10. August 1886 in Paris; †  2. Oktober 1969 ebendort) war ein französischer Südostasien-Forscher und Thaiist. Coedès war zunächst an der angesehenen École française d’Extrême-Orient in Hanoi beschäftigt. 1918 folgte er dem Deutschen Oskar Frankfurter (1852 - 1922) als Oberbibliothekar der Nationalbibliothek Thailand (หอสมุดแห่งชาติ) in Bangkok. 1929 kehrte er an die L'Ecole francaise d'Extreme Orient zurück, um dort als Direktor zu arbeiten. Nachdem die Verhältnisse in Vietnam nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg sehr turbulent wurden, ging Coedès 1946 nach Paris, um die Stelle eines Professors für die Geschichte Südostasiens an der L’École des Langues Orientales anzutreten. Daneben war er auch bis zu seinem Tode Kurator am Musée d’Ennery in Paris. Coedès vertrat in seinen Büchern und Abhandlungen die Ansicht, dass sich die südostasiatische Kultur weitgehend unter dem Einfluss Indiens entwickelte. Ihm kommt das Verdienst zu, das frühere Königreich Srivijaya wiederentdeckt zu haben, das er um die heutige Stadt Palembang auf der indonesischen Insel Sumatra vermutete und das sich über die Malaiische Halbinsel und Java erstreckte. George Coedès starb am 2. Oktober 1969 in Paris. Veröffentlichungen The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. (1968, 1975). The Making of Southeast Asia. 1966." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Coed%C3%A8s. -- Zugriff am 2012-06-18]

1969-10-08

Die Miss-Thailand-Wahlen haben ein Image-Problem: sie gelten als Vorwand, dass sich einflussreiche Persönlichkeiten Mia Noy (เมียน้อย, Geliebte) aussuchen können.

1969-10-12

Die Washington Post veröffentlich einen öffentlichen Brief von sechs Mitarbeitern der RAND Corporation

"Dear Sirs: Now that the American people are once again debating the issue of Vietnam, we desire to contribute to that discussion by presenting our own views, which reflect both personal judgments and years of  professional research on the Vietnam war and related matters. We are expressing here our views as individuals, not speaking for Rand, of which we are staff members; there is a considerable diversity of views on this subject, as on other issues, among our Rand colleagues. We believe that the United States should decide now to end its participation in the Vietnam war, completing the total withdrawal of our forces within one year at the most. Such U.S. disengagement should not be conditioned upon agreement or performance by Hanoi or Saigon - i.e., it should not be subject to veto by either side. It is our view that, apart from persuasive moral arguments that could lead to the same conclusion, there are four objections to continued U.S. efforts in the war: Short of destroying the entire country and its people, we cannot eliminate the enemy forces in Vietnam by military means; in fact "military victory” is no longer the U.S. objective. What should now also be recognized is that the opposing leadership cannot be coerced by the present or by any other available U.S. strategy into making the kinds of concessions currently demanded. Past U.S. promises to the Vietnamese people are not served by prolonging our inconclusive and highly destructive military activity in Vietnam. This activity must not be prolonged merely on demand of the Saigon government, whose capacity to survive on its own must finally be tested, regardless of outcome. The importance to the U.S. national interest of the future political complexion of South Vietnam has been greatly exaggerated, as has the negative international impact of a unilateral U.S. military withdrawal. Above all, the human, political, and material costs of continuing our part in the war far outweigh any prospective benefits, and are greater than the foreseeable costs and risks of disengagement. The opponent's morale, leadership, and performance all evidence his continuing resiliency, determination, and effectiveness, even under extremely adverse conditions (in no small part because of his conviction that he fights for a just and vital cause). Estimates that the opponent's will or capacity (in North or South Vietnam) is critically weakening because of internal strains and military pressures are, in our view, erroneous, Even if a new strategy should produce military successes in Vietnam, substantially reduce U.S. costs, and dampen domestic opposition, Hanoi could not be induced to make any concessions (e.g. cease-fire or mutual withdrawals), so long as they implied recognition of the authority of the Saigon government. Thus, to make the end of U.S. involvement contingent upon such concessions is to perpetuate our presence indefinitely. Our participation in the war will also be unjustifiably prolonged if we tie total withdrawal to basic changes in the policies and character of the Saigon government. The primary interest of the present Saigon leadership is to perpetuate its status and power, and that interest is served not by seeking an end to hostilities through negotiations but only by continuing the war with U.S. support. This interest is thus directly opposed to ours. For the same reason, the present Saigon government is not likely to seek the long-awaited improvements and "broadening” of its base. The United States should not obstruct favorable political change in Saigon by unconditional support of the present regime. Yet, we believe, the United States should in no event compromise or postpone the goal of total withdrawal by active American involvement in Vietnamese politics. Such interventions in the past have only increased our sense of responsibility for an outcome we cannot control. Our withdrawal might itself produce the kinds of desirable political changes in Saigon that the U.S. presence seems to have inhibited, including the emergence of a cohesive nationalist consensus; and it might give better focus to our alliance relationships elsewhere in the  world by bringing our Vietnam policy into line with the President's declaration in Guam on the limits of our partnerships. As for global U.S. interests, the original rationale for a large-scale  U.S. military effort in Vietnam – the prevention of proxy victories by the USSR or Communist China – has long since been discredited. Moreover, we regard the Vietnamese insurgency as having special characteristics that cannot be considered typical of or exerting decisive influence on other revolutionary movements in Asia or elsewhere. We do not predict that only good consequences will follow for Southeast Asia or South Vietnam (or even the United States) from our withdrawal. What we do say is that the risks will not be less after another year or more of American involvement, and the human costs will surely be greater. Daniel Ellsberg [1931 - ] Melvin Gurtov Oleg Hoeffding Arnold Horelick [1928 - ] Konrad Kellen [1913 - ] Paul F. Langer The Rand Corporation Santa Monica, Cal." [Quelle: http://www.ellsberg.net/documents/Letter.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2015-08-10. -- Fair use]

1969-10-12

Es erscheint:

Kraft, Joe <1924 - 1986>: Breaching the code : RAND analysts' protest on Vietnam policy raises basic question of responsibility. -- In: Washington Post. -- 1969-10-08

"There is nothing shocking in these views. They are shared by many high officials in this and previous administrations. What is remarkable is that only a handful of those who have come to believe these ideas have said so in public. Most have suppressed their true beliefs. They have preferred to play inside politics. They have subscribed to the basic Washington mystique that fidelity to a President transcends fidelity to convictions on even the most critical issues. They have followed the code of the apparatchik. The Rand letter is chiefly important as a repudiation of the apparatchik code. The public protest breaches the bureaucratic tradition of mute service even when policy conflicts with conscience." [Zitiert in: Ellsberg, Daniel <1931 - >: Secrets : a memoir of Vietnam and the Pentagon papers. -- New York : Viking, 2002. -- 498 S. ; 25 cm. -- ISBN 0-670-03030-9. -- S. 317. -- Fair use]

1969-10-20/28

US Senator J. William Fulbright (1905 - 1995) vor dem Subcommittee on United States Security Agreements and Commitments Abroad of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate:

"We got along pretty well in this country for a long time without any interest in Laos at all. . . . What is there about Laos that justifies the spending of a billion dollars . . . ? If we have any sense left we ought to liquidate the mistake (of replacing the French) in the most efficient manner we can and leave it there. ... I do not think it is of any consequence today whether they (the Vietnamese) control it or not. ... I do not believe any of my constituents are deeply concerned about whether Laos is independent or not. ... If I could get up on the floor pnd say . . . how ridiculous this is, a lot of my colleagues would say, "For goodness’ sakes, this is nonsense throwing (deleted) million a year pretty nearly down a rat hole."" [Zitiert in: Laos : war and revolution / ed. by Nina S. Adams and Alfred W. McCoy. -- New York : Harper & Row, 1970. -- 482 S. ; 21 cm. -- SBN 06-090221-3. -- S. 214f. -- Fair use]

1969-10-25

Terroristen sprengen einen Teil einer Straßenverbindung zwischen Thailand und Malaysia sowie eine Eisenbahnbrücke zwischen beiden Ländern.

1969-10-28

Neil Armstrong (1930 - 2012), Edwin „Buzz“ Aldrin (1930 - ) und Michael Collins (1930 - ), die drei Astronauten, die am 21. Juli auf dem Mond gelandet waren, kommen zu einem viertägigen Besuch nach Thailand. Sie werden vom König empfangen, von 100.000 Thais bejubelt und verewigen ihre Fußabdrücke in Zement auf Koh Sak.

Abb.: von links nach rechts Neil A. Armstrong, commander; Michael Collins, command module pilot; and Edwin E. Aldrin Jr., lunar module pilot, 1969
[Bildquelle: NASA / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1969-10-30

Burmas gestürzter Ministerpräsident U Nu (ဦးနု, 1907 - 1995) und 20 weitere birmanische Politiker erhalten in Thailand Asyl. Bedingung ist, dass von Thailand aus nichts unternommen wird, um den Militärdiktator Ne Win (နေဝင်, 1911 - 2002) zu stürzen, da Thailand zu diesem in einem guten Verhältnis steht.

Abb.: U Nu (ဦးနု, 1907 - 1995)
[Bildquelle: my.Wikipedia]

1969-11

Es erscheint:

นิธิ เอียวศรีวงศ์ [Nidhi Eoseewong] <1940 - >: ปัญญาชนไทย? [Thai Intellectuelle?]. -- In; สังคมศาสตร์ปริทัศน์ = Social Science Review >Bangkok>. -- 1969-11

"Der größte Teil der (thailändischen) Bevölkerung erhält keine Entlohnung, die ihrer Arbeitsleistung entspricht, die sie in die Entwicklung des Landes investiert, da die Einkünfte der im Bereich von Industrie und Landwirtschaft Arbeitenden im Verhältnis zum Preisanstieg der notwendigen Konsumgüter nicht genug wachsen. Der größte Nutzen aus der Entwicklung des Landes besteht in der 'Öffnung des Landes' für den Westen, der sich mit einer Handvoll Leute, die teils Kapitalisten, teils Politiker sind, zusammentut.... Krankenhäuser in den großen Städten werden für die Kaufleute vergrößert... ". Durch das reichhaltige Angebot aus den Industriestaaten kommender Waren würden, so führt der Autor weiter aus, die Bedürfnisse der Landbevölkerung soweit gesteigert, daß diese schließlich zu 'Sklaven der von den Kapitalisten produzierten Dinge werden’, und er fährt fort: " Wenn die Menschen auf dem Lande ihre Bedürfnisse nicht mehr befriedigen können, dann müssen sie Arbeitssklaven der Kapitalisten in den Fabriken der Städte werden, oder aber sie werden... Prostituierte oder verkaufen andere körperliche Dienste... " [Übersetzt von: Rosenberg, Klaus <1943 - 1988>: Sozialkritische Literatur in Thailand : Protest und Anklage in Romanen und Kurzgeschichten eines Landes der Dritten Welt. -- Hamburg : Ges. für Natur- u. Völkerkunde Ostasiens, 1986. -- 360 S. ; 21 cm. -- (Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens: Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens e.V. Hamburg ; Bd. 101). -- S. 60]

1969-11-01

Die USA beginnen, ihre Truppen und B52-Bomber aus Thailand abzuziehen. Bis 1970-07-01 sollen 6000 US-Soldaten Thailand verlassen.

Abb.: B52-Bomber, U-Tapao (อู่ตะเภา), 1972-10-30 (!)
[Abb.: NWCS-S / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

Abb.: "B52 bringt den Sarg", nordvietnamesisches Poster

1969-11-03

Address to the Nation on the War in Vietnam von US-Präsident Richard Nixon (1913 - 1995). Darin erklärt er - diesmal klar - die sog. Nixon Doctrine (siehe oben 1969-07-25):

"Before any American troops were committed to Vietnam, a leader of another Asian country expressed this opinion to me when I was traveling in Asia as a private citizen. He said: "When you are trying to assist another nation defend its freedom, U. S. policy should be to help them fight the war but not to fight the war for them. " Well, in accordance with this wise counsel, I laid down in Guam three principles as guidelines for future American policy toward Asia: First, the United States will keep all of its treaty commitments. Second, we shall provide a shield if a nuclear power threatens the freedom of a nation allied with us or of a nation whose survival we consider vital to our security. Third, in cases involving other types of aggression, we shall furnish military and economic assistance when requested in accordance with our treaty commitments. But we shall look to the nation directly threatened to assume the primary responsibility of providing the manpower for its defense. After I announced this policy, I found that the leaders of the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, South Korea, and other nations which might be threatened by Communist aggression, welcomed this new direction in American foreign policy." [Quelle: http://www.nixonlibrary.gov/forkids/speechesforkids/silentmajority/silentmajority_transcript.pdf. -- Zugriff am 2015-04-25]

Abb.: Richard Nixon eröffnet Baseball-Spiel, 1969-04-07
[Bildquelle: U.S. News & World Report / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1969-11-12

In der Provinz Songkhla (สงขลา) töten Guerillas 7 Polizisten und verletzen drei Polizisten.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz Songkhla (สงขลา)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-11-14

Banharn Silpa-archa (บรรหาร ศิลปอาชา, 1932 - ) ersteigert bei einer Auktion des Schat-Departments einen Almosentopf aus dem 13./14. Jhdt., den "Sangkhalok Bowl" (บาตรสังคโลก). Diesen Tempel hatte Ministerpräsident Sarit Thanarat (สฤษดิ์ ธนะรัชต์, 1908 - 1963) 1962 im Wat Suwannaphum (วัดสุวรรณภูมิ) in Suphan Buri (สุพรรณบุรี) für sich "konfisziert". Banharn übergibt die Schüssel am 1969-11-30 wieder in das Eigentum des Tempels Tempel. Diese Tat trägt sehr zu Banharns Beliebtheit in Suphan Buri bei.

Abb.: Lage von Suphan Buri (สุพรรณบุรี)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-11-15

Die Regierung schickt 1000 Marines nach Südthailand, um die Polizei im Kampf gegen Kommunisten und muslimische Separatisten zu unterstützen.

1969-11-20

Das US-Massaker im südvietnamesischen Bauerndorf My Lai vom 1968-05-16 wird bekannt und schockiert die US-Öffentlichkeit.

Abb.: Lage von My Lai
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Beim Massaker in My Lai ermordete Zivilisten
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

"Das Massaker von My Lai (Son My) war ein Kriegsverbrechen US-amerikanischer Soldaten, das 1968 während des Vietnamkrieges in dem südvietnamesischen Gemeindeteil Mỹ Lai des Dorfs Sơn Mỹ, genannt My Lai 4, begangen wurde. Obwohl My Lai eindeutig das bekannteste US-Kriegsverbrechen in Vietnam war, handelt es sich dabei nicht um einen Einzelfall. Verlauf Am 16. März 1968 hatte eine Gruppe US-amerikanischer Soldaten der 11. Infanterie-Brigade von Task Force Barker unter Leitung des Lieutenant Colonel Frank A. Barker den Auftrag, Mỹ Lai, Dorf Sơn Mỹ, Kreis Sơn Tịnh, Provinz Quảng Ngãi einzunehmen und nach Guerilleros des Vietcong zu durchsuchen, da die Bewohner, aus Sicht des US-Militärs, als potenzielle Unterstützer des Vietcong galten. Die Soldaten vergewaltigten Frauen[1] und ermordeten fast alle Bewohner des Dorfes: 503 Zivilisten, davon 182 Frauen, 172 Kinder, 89 Männer unter 60 Jahren und 60 Greise. Es wurden sogar sämtliche Tiere getötet. Kaum ein Soldat verweigerte den Befehl zum Mord. Lediglich der US-amerikanische Hubschrauberpilot Hugh Thompson zwang die Soldaten durch die Drohung, seine Bordschützen Glenn Andreotta und Lawrence Colburn mit dem MG auf sie feuern zu lassen, elf Frauen und Kinder zu verschonen, die er in Sicherheit brachte. Für ihr Eingreifen wurde die Hubschrauberbesatzung ausgezeichnet; die Ehrungen wurden exakt dreißig Jahre später zur Soldier’s Medal aufgewertet. Vertuschung Unmittelbar nach dem Verbrechen versuchten führende Offiziere, das Massaker zu vertuschen. Als Hauptmann Ernest Medina am 15. März 1968 die Einheiten der Task Force Barker auf die am nächsten Tag anstehende Operation in der Provinz Quang Ngai einstimmte, sprach er verharmlosend vom „Ausflug nach Pinkville“, so der Army-Spitzname für My Lai, bei dem es darauf ankomme, seinen „gesunden Menschenverstand“ zu gebrauchen und ein Gebiet zu säubern, „in dem Charley nichts verloren hat“. Nach offizieller Darstellung waren in My Lai im Rahmen von Kampfhandlungen gegen den Vietcong (zunächst) „rund 20 Zivilisten unbeabsichtigt ums Leben gekommen“. Öffentliches Bekanntwerden Die Mauer des Schweigens hielt 18 Monate, erst danach wurde das Massaker von My Lai in der Öffentlichkeit bekannt. Am 5. Dezember 1969 erschien im Life-Magazin ein ausführlicher Artikel über das Massaker. Anschließend berichteten auch Newsweek und das Time-Magazin über den Vorfall. Die Weltöffentlichkeit reagierte schockiert. Nur vier Soldaten wurden vor ein Militärgericht gestellt. Lediglich der befehlshabende Offizier William Calley wurde von einem Gericht am 31. März 1971 zu lebenslanger Haft verurteilt, die aber durch US-Präsident Richard Nixon bereits am darauffolgenden Tag in Hausarrest umgewandelt wurde, ehe er ihn 1974 vollends begnadigte. Seymour Hersh, der Journalist, der die Umstände des Falles aufgedeckt hatte, bekam 1970 den Pulitzer-Preis für internationale Berichterstattung. Sein Bericht wurde durch schockierende Bilder des Fotografen Ron Haeberle illustriert. Dieser nahm an der Operation als offizieller Armeereporter teil, um Belege für die als „Body Counting“ bezeichnete Militärstatistik zu liefern. Die fotografierten Leichen wurden von den Offizieren als gefallene Vietcong-Kämpfer identifiziert. Im Dorf wurden jedoch keine Vietcong angetroffen und es gab auch keinen Widerstand. Dennoch war die Armee mit dem Einsatz äußerst zufrieden, denn es gab keinen toten und lediglich einen verletzten GI. Dabei handelte es sich um den Soldaten PFC Herbert Carter, der sich selbst in den Fuß geschossen haben soll, um per MedEvac vom Ort des Geschehens evakuiert zu werden. Nach offizieller Verlautbarung gab es angeblich 128 tote Vietcong auf der Gegenseite. Der Hubschrauberpilot Hugh Thompson, der den Fortgang des Massakers mit Waffengewalt verhinderte, sprach in Interviews von 400 bis 500 Leichen, die er gesehen habe. Es dauerte ein Jahr, bis Hersh einen Verlag gefunden hatte, der bereit war, seine Geschichte und seine Bilder zu veröffentlichen. So lehnten auch die Magazine Life und Look Hershs Story zunächst ab; sie wurde erst am 13. November 1969 veröffentlicht, nachdem die unabhängige Nachrichtenagentur Dispatch News Service 50 Herausgeber und Zeitungen persönlich kontaktiert hatte. Wirkung Die Veröffentlichung markierte eine deutliche Wende in der öffentlichen Meinung zum Vietnamkrieg, sowohl in den USA wie auch in der ganzen westlichen Welt, und trug entscheidend zur Mobilisierung der Antikriegsbewegung bei. Heute befindet sich an der Stelle ein kleines Dokumentationszentrum, in dem die damaligen Vorgänge sachlich dargestellt werden. Neben dem ehemaligen Dorf befinden sich zwei gepflegte Gebäude, eine Schule und ein Kulturzentrum. Errichtet und unterhalten werden sie von amerikanischen Vietnamkriegsveteranen. Tim O´Brien hat Geschehnisse des Massakers von My Lai in seinem Roman "Geheimnisse und Lügen" (im amerikanischen Original: "In the Lake of the Woods") literarisch verarbeitet." [Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/My_Lai. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-10]

1969-11-24 - 1969-12-04

Abb.: Lage von Ben Cam
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

Abb.: Ben Cam Operation
[Bildquelle: http://www.history.army.mil/books/Vietnam/allied/ch02.htm. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-12. -- Public domain]

"Nonetheless, the Thais themselves could launch effective operations. A typical well-planned and successful Thai operation was a search and clear mission conducted by the 2d and 3d Battalions of the 2d Brigade, Royal Thai Army Volunteer Force. It took place in the vicinity of Ben Cam in the Nhon Trach District of Bien Hoa Province during the period 24 November 1969-4 December 1969. The mission required that an enemy area to the south of Ben Cam village be sealed and then swept free of local guerrillas. Using six rifle companies, the Thais sealed an area bounded on the north by Highway 25, on the west by an engineer-cut path in the vicinity of Ben Cam village, and to the east by another manmade path some forty meters in width. The southern boundary consisted of a trail running from Fire Support Base Tak westward. (Map 2) Once the blocking forces were in position, the troop elements to the west began a sweep on a line approximately 500 meters wide. After this force had been moved eastward some 500 meters the southern blocking force was moved a like distance to the north. This process was repeated until the objective area was reduced to a one kilometer square. Kit Carson Scouts and one former enemy turned informer assisted the search through the bunker complexes. As a result of these measures only two casualties were suffered from booby traps. Two engineer bulldozers and two platoons of engineer troops were used throughout the sealing operation. Their mission consisted of cutting north-south, east-west trails in the area swept by the advancing troops. A route was selected to be cut and the engineers then cleared the jungle area with bangalore torpedoes. Bulldozers followed and increased the width of the cut to forty meters. Infantry elements provided security for the engineers during these operations. Throughout the maneuver the advance of the infantry troops was on line and void of gaps as the sweeps forced the enemy toward the center. Thai night security was outstanding. On three successive occasions the Viet Cong tried to break out of the trap, and in all three instances they were repulsed. Intelligence reported that seven Viet Cong were wounded during these attempts. In conjunction with the tactical operations, the U.S.-Thai team conducted psychological operations. All returnees under the Chieu Hoi (open arms) amnesty program were fully interviewed and in 60 percent of the cases tapes of these interviews were made. These tapes were normally played back to the Viet Cong within four hours. The themes were basically a plea to the Viet Cong to return to the fold of the government while it was still possible, to eliminate their leaders and rally, to receive medical care, and to bring their weapons. When Viet Cong rallied without their weapons, a weapons leaflet was dropped and the next returnees brought in weapons. Once all means of drawing the enemy out had been used and continued efforts were unsuccessful, a C-47 aircraft with miniguns was employed to saturate totally the sealed square kilometer area. The results of this operation were 14 of the enemy killed, 6 prisoners, and 12 returnees. Some 21 small arms and 2 crew-served weapons were also captured. While air support was used in the last stage of this particular operation, the Thais in general made limited use of air power. Liaison officers of the US Air Force participating in other Thai operations found that planned air strikes were more readily accepted by Thai ground commanders than close tactical air support. The Thai Army division headquarters requested one planned strike every day. The request was made so automatically and as a matter of routine that it seemed to US troops in the tactical air control party that the Thais were accepting the planned strikes out of typical Thai politeness. For close-in troop support, helicopter and fixed-wing gunships were preferred. Requests for fighter-bombers were very rare. One air liaison officer stated that Thai ground commanders did not consider close air support a necessity during an engagement. They tended to request it only after contact had been broken off and friendly troops were a safe distance away from the strike. Thus, it became the job of the liaison officer to educate the ground commanders. With one of the two Thai brigades rotating every six months, the education process was a continuing one. As part of the education program, the US Army and Air Force conducted a bombing and napalm demonstration with the Thai observers placed three kilometers away. Even at this distance the results were very palpable and unnerving. Thereafter, as a result of this experience, Thai commanders invariably pulled their troops back approximately three kilometers away from the target before calling in air strikes." [Quelle: http://www.history.army.mil/books/Vietnam/allied/ch02.htm. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-12]

1969-12

Wiederaufnahme des Baus der Straße Mae Sot (แม่สอด) - Umphang (อุ้มผาง). Kommunistische Aufständische überfallen die Straßenbauer und töten sechs Personen. Sie verhindern das Vordringen von Sicherheitskräften. Die Arbeiten werden 1971 für kurze Zeit  wiederaufgenommen, aber Ende 1971 eingestellt.

Abb.: Lage von Mae Sot (แม่สอด) und Umphang (อุ้มผาง)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-12

In der Provinz Phetchabun (เพชรบูรณ์) überfallen Meo's (แม้ว) einen Mais-Transporter und töten fünf Personen.

Abb.: Lage der Provinz  Phetchabun (เพชรบูรณ์)
[Bildquelle: OpenStreetMap. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, share alike)]

1969-12

US-Präsident Richard Nixon gibt zu, dass die USA für die Thai-Truppen in Vietnam bezahlen.

1969-12-06

Bangkok Bank (ธนาคารกรุงเทพ) stellt als erste Bank Thailands auf Computer um.

1969-12-09

Brief von US-Präsident Nixon an alle US Botschafter. Dieser Brief führt zu Reibereien zwischen dem US Botschafter in Bangkok und den hohen US Militärs.

"To assure you and all concerned that you have my full personal backing, I want to make the following comments on your own authority and responsibilities. As Chief of the United States Diplomatic Mission, you have full responsibility to direct and coordinate the activities and operations of all of its elements. You will exercise this mandate not only by providing policy leadership and guidance, but also by assuring positive program direction to the end that all United States activities in—are relevant to current realities, are efficiently and economically administered, and are effectively interrelated so that they will make a maximum contribution to United States interests in that country as well as to our regional and international objectives. [...] I will reserve for myself, as Commander-in-Chief, direct authority over the military chain of command to United States military forces under the command of a United States area military commander, and over such other military activities as I elect, as Commander-in-Chief, to conduct through military channels. However, I will expect you and the military commanders concerned to maintain close relations with each other, to keep each other currently informed on matters of mutual interest and in general to cooperate in carrying out our national policy. If differences of view not capable of resolution in the field should arise, I will expect you to keep me informed through the Secretary of State." [Quelle: https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v02/d310. -- Zugriff am 2015-08-30]

1969-12-15

Der US Senat billigt auf Vorschlag von Senator Frank Church, Idaho, ein Amendment zum Defense Appropriations Act für das Fiskaljahr bis 1970-06-30 (Cooper-Church amendment)

"Sec. 643. In line with the expressed intention of the President of the United States, none of the funds appropriated by this Act shall be used to finance the introduction of American ground combat troops into Laos or Thailand." [Quelle: http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/GPO-HPREC-DESCHLERS-V3/html/GPO-HPREC-DESCHLERS-V3-4-3-8.htm. -- Zugriff am 2015-08-19]

1969-12-16

Eine Wahrsagerin in Bangkok wird wegen Betrugs verhaftet, da sie keine Quittungen ausgestellt hat, Schenkungen ohne Erlaubnis angenommen hat usw. 86.251 Baht werden konfisziert, die sie von ihren Gläubigen erhalten hat. Die Wahrsagerin hatte prophezeit, dass Personen, die in bestimmten Jahren geboren wurden, 1970 sterben würde. Dies habe ihr Gott Brahma in einem Traum geoffenbart. Dass sie verhaftet würde, hat Brahma leider vergessen ihr zu sagen.

1969-12-19 ff.

"In December 1969 the effects of the withdrawal of the Philippine Civic Action Group, Vietnam, and publicity given the activities of the Symington Subcommittee were felt in Thailand as elsewhere. The United States had welcomed the decision of the Thai government to contribute troops to South Vietnam and was willing to compensate it by logistical support and payment of certain allowances to Thai forces for duty out of the country. These facts led to charges and countercharges regarding the expenditures of funds supporting the Thai division. On 19 December the Bangkok press reported that some twenty government party members of the Thai parliament had signed a letter to the prime minister urging the withdrawal of Thai troops from South Vietnam. The reasons given were that the situation in South Vietnam had improved as a result of the US Vietnamization program and other aid, as evidenced by US cutbacks, and that difficult domestic economic and security problems existed in Thailand. No reference was made to the "mercenary" and "subsidy" charges of the previous few days. On 21 December Thai Foreign Minister Thanat Khoman (ถนัด คอมันตร์, 1914 - ) told newsmen that he had considered the withdrawal of Thai troops "because the United States recently issued another announcement regarding further withdrawals." He also stated that the subject had been discussed with South Vietnamese Foreign Minister Tran Chan Thanh, and had been under consideration for some time. The minister was cautious on the subject: "Before any action can be taken we will have to consider it thoroughly and carefully from all angles. We must not do anything or reach any decision in a hurry, neither must we follow blindly in anybody's footsteps." Two days later there was an apparent reversal of policy. After a cabinet meeting aimed at developing a unified position, the deputy prime minister announced: Thailand will not pull any of her fighting men out of South Vietnam . . . . Thailand pull never contemplated such a move . . . . The operation of Thai troops in South Vietnam is considered more advantageous than withdrawing them. If we plan to withdraw, we would have to consult with GVN since we sent troops there in response to an appeal from them. It is true that several countries are withdrawing troops from South Vietnam but our case is different. In addition to ground forces, the Thais had an air force contingent in South Vietnam. While never large, the Thai air force contingent achieved its greatest strength in late 1970. The total number of Thais serving with the Victory Flight, as their Vietnam transport operation was designated, had grown from the original sixteen to forty-five. Three pilots and five flight engineers flew with the Vietnamese in the Vietnam Air Force C47s; nine pilots, seven flight engineers, and three loadmasters were flying C-123K's with the U.S. Air Force 19th Tactical Airlift Squadron which, like the Vietnamese 415th Squadron, was equipped with C-47's and located at Tan Son Nhut. The remaining members of the flight had jobs on the ground in intelligence, communications, flight engineering, loading, and operations. Normally there was an equal balance between officers and enlisted men." [Quelle: http://www.history.army.mil/books/Vietnam/allied/ch02.htm. -- Zugriff am 2011-11-12]

Abb.: C-123K über dem Mekon-Delta, Südvietnam, 1969-03-27
[Bildquelle: U.S. Air Force / Wikipedia. -- Public domain]

1969-12-20

Der Private College Code ermöglicht die Gründung privater Colleges. Damit wird das Monopol staatlicher Universitäten beendet.

1969-12-27

Tod von Charoen Subsaeng (เจริญสืบแสง, 1902 - 1969), Führer der Friedensbewegung (สันติภาพ) Thailands

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Abb.: Charoen Subsaeng (เจริญสืบแสง)
[Fair use]

Verwendete Ressourcen

ausführlich: http://www.payer.de/thailandchronik/ressourcen.htm