Mahavamsa : die große Chronik Sri Lankas

7. Kapitel 7: Die Weihe Vijaya's zum König

verfasst von Mahanama

übersetzt und erläutert von Alois Payer


Zitierweise / cite as:

Mahanama <6. Jhdt. n. Chr.>: Mahavamsa : die große Chronik Sri Lankas / übersetzt und erläutert von Alois Payer. -- 7. Kapitel 7: Die Weihe Vijaya's zum König -- Fassung vom 2006-07-08. -- URL: -- [Stichwort].

Erstmals publiziert:  2001-05-28

Überarbeitungen: 2006-07-08 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-05-31 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-05-25 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-05-04 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-04-30 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-04-21 [Umstellung auf Unicode!]; 2006-03-02 [Einfügung des Palitexts]; 2001-06-11 [Hinzufügung des Bildes und Textes von Ernst Haeckel]

Anlass: Lehrveranstaltungen, Sommersemester 2001, 2006

©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Übersetzers.

Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Buddhismus von Tüpfli's Global Village Library

Pālitext: Zugriff am 2001-06-06

Falls Sie die diakritischen Zeichen nicht dargestellt bekommen, installieren Sie eine Schrift mit Diakritika wie z.B. Tahoma.

Die Zahlreichen Zitate aus Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. sind ein Tribut an dieses großartige Werk. Das Gesamtwerk ist online zugänglich unter: -- Zugriff am 2006-05-08.

Sattama pariccheda


Alle Verse mit Ausnahme des Schlussverses sind im Versmaß vatta = siloka = Śloka abgefasst.

Das metrische Schema ist:

 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ

 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ

Ausführlich zu Vatta im Pāli siehe:

Warder, A. K. (Anthony Kennedy) <1924 - >: Pali metre : a contribution to the history of Indian literature. -- London : Luzac, 1967. --  XIII, 252 S. -- S. 172 - 201.

1. Sabbalokahitaṃ katvā,
patvā santikhaṇaṃ paraṃa;
nipanno lokanāyako.
2. Devatāsannipātamhi,
mahantamhi mahāmuni;
Sakkaṃ tatrasamīpaṭṭhaṃ,
avoca vadataṃ varo.

a Burm.: santikaraṃ padaṃ

1./2. Als der Führer der Welten [Buddha Gotama], nachdem er das Heil aller Welten bewirkt hatte, den Augenblick des höchsten Friedens erreicht hatte und auf dem Lager des Eingehens in das vollkommene Erlöschen (parinibbāṇa)1 lag, da sprach er, der große Weise, der beste aller Sprechenden, inmitten der großen Götterversammlung, zu Sakka2, der nahe bei ihm stand:


1 nach Theravādachronologie 543 v. Chr.

2 Sakka: der Götterkönig


Almost always spoken of as “devānam indo," chief (or king) of the devas.

The Samyutta Nikāya (S.i.229; DhA.i.264) contains a list of his names:

  • he is called Maghavā, because as a human being, in a former birth, he was a brahmin named Magha. (But see Magha; cf. Sanskrit Maghavant as an epithet of Indra).
  • As such he bestowed gifts from time to time, hence his name Purindada (Cf. Indra's epithet Purandara, destroyer of cities) (generous giver in former births or giver in towns).
  • Because he gives generously and thoroughly (sakkaccam) he is known as Sakka. Sakra occurs many times in the Vedas as an adjective, qualifying gods (chiefly Indra), and is explained as meaning “able, capable." It is, however, not found as a name in pre Buddhist times.
  • Because he gives away dwelling places (āvasatham) he is called Vāsava (But see Vāsava).
  • Because in one moment he can think of one thousand matters, he is called Sahassakkha (also Sahassanetta).
  • Because he married the Asura maiden Sujā, he is called Sujampati. For the romantic story of Sakka's marriage, see Sujā. Thus Sujā's father, Vepacitti, became Sakka's father in law. Several quaint stories are related about father  and son in law. The two sometimes quarrelled and at others lived together in peace (SA.i.265).
  • Because he governs the devas of Tāvatimsa he is called Devānam Indo (See Inda).
  • Elsewhere (E.g., D.ii.270; M.i.252) Sakka is addressed as Kosiya.
  • He is also spoken of as Yakkha. M.i.252; cf. S.i.206 (Sakkanāmako Yakkho); at S.i.47 Māghadevaputta (Sakka) is called Vatrabhū, slayer of Vrtra (SA.i.83);
  • Sakka is also, in the Jātakas, called Gandhabbarāja ( and Mahinda (J.v.397, 411).

Sakka rules over Tāvatimsa devaloka, the lowest heaven but one of the lower plane. His palace is Vejayanta and his chariot bears the same name. Though king of the Tāvatimsa devas, he is no absolute monarch. He is imagined rather in the likeness of a chieftain of a Kosala clan. The devas meet and deliberate in the Sudhammā sabhā and Sakka consults with them rather than issues them commands. On such occasions, the Four Regent Devas are present in the assembly with their followers of the Cātummahārājika world (See, e.g., D.ii.207f., 220f). Among the Tāvatimsa devas, Sakka is more or less primus inter pares, yet lie surpasses his companions in ten things: length of life, beauty, happiness, renown, power; and in the degree of his five sense experiences: sight, hearing, smelling, taste and touch. A.iv.242; these are also attributed to the rulers of the other deva worlds.

In the Samyutta Nikāya (S.i.228, 229, 231; cf. Mil. 90; for details of these see Magha) the Buddha gives seven rules of conduct, which rules Sakka carried out as a human being, thus attaining to his celestial sovereignty. When the devas fight the Asuras they do so under the banner and orders of Sakka. For details of Sakka's conquest of the Asuras see Asura. The Asuras called him Jara Sakka (J.i.202). Pajāpati, Vamna and Isāna are also mentioned as having been associated with him in supreme command (S.i.219).

In the Samyutta Nikāya a whole Samyutta - one of the shortest, consisting of twenty five short suttas -  is devoted to Sakka.

  • In the first and second suttas Sakka praises energy (viriya);
  • in the third he denounces timidity;
  • in the fourth he shows forbearance to his enemy; (*16)
  • in the fifth lie advocates the conquest of anger by kindness;
  • in the sixth kindness to animals;
  • in the seventh he denounces trickery, even towards enemies;
  • and in the ninth he preaches courtesy and honour towards the wise.
  • In the eleventh are described the seven life long habits which raised him to his present eminent position;
  • twelve and thirteen repeat this and explain his titles.
  • In the fourteenth Sakka explains how new gods, who outshine the old ones, do so because they have observed the Buddha's teaching.
  • In the fifteenth he describes as the most beautiful spot that where arahants dwell;
  • in the sixteenth he praises gifts to the Order (*17);
  • in the seventeenth he praises the Buddha, but is told by Sahampati that he has selected the wrong attributes for praise.
  • In eighteen to twenty he says that whereas brahmins and nobles on earth and the gods of the Cātummahārājika world and of Tāvatimsa worship him, he himself worships good men and arahants.
  • Numbers twenty one, twenty two, twenty four and twenty five are against anger, and twenty three is against deceit.

*16 The enemy, in this case, is his father-in law, Vepacitta. Sakka had a reputation for great forbearance. In sutta 22 a Yakkha is said to have come and to have sat on his throne, to anger him. But Sakka showed him great honour and the Yakkha vanished. The Commentary adds (S.A.i.272) that it was no Yakkha, but a Rūpāvacara Brahmā, named Kodhabhakkha, who had come to test Sakka's patience.

*17 The story connected with this sutta is that of Sakka, seeing the people of Anga and Magadha make preparations for a great sacrifice to Mahā Brahmā, feels pity for them and comes among them in the guise of Brahmā, advising them to take their offerings to the Buddha and seek his counsel (SA.i.270).

These and other passages show that Sakka was considered by the early Buddhists as a god of high character, kindly and just, but not perfect, and not very intelligent. His imperfections are numerous: in spite of his very great age, (*18) he is still subject to death and rebirth (A.i.144); as an example of this, it is mentioned that Sunetta had thirty five times been reborn as Sakka (A.iv.105), a statement confirmed by the Buddha (A.iv.89). Sakka is not free from the three deadly evils -  lust, ill will, Stupidity (*22); nor is he free from anxiety. He is timid, given to panic, to fright, to running away. (*23)

*18 At J.ii.312, Sakka's life is given as lasting thirty million and sixty times one hundred thousand years.

*22 A.i.144. The story of Rohini shows that Sakka was very susceptible to the charms of beauty. He evidently liked other people to enjoy life and sent a heavenly dancer to amuse Mahāpanāda when nobody on earth could accomplish that feat (SNA.ii.400). On another occasion, as Sakka was rejoicing in his triumph over the Asuras, he saw a crane on a hill top who wished to be able to eat fish without going down into the stream. Sakka immediately sent the stream in full flood, to the hill top (J.iii.252).

*23 He is mentioned in the Jātakas as frightened of ascetics who practised severe penances, lest they should unseat him from his throne, e.g., J.ii.394; also the stories of Visayha, Lomasakassapa, Kanha, Akitti, Mahā Kañcana and Isisinga.

In the Sakkapañha Sutta, Sakka is said to have visited the Buddha at Vediyagiri in Ambasandā and to have asked him a series of questions. He sends Pañcasikha with his vinā to play and sing to the Buddha and to obtain permission for him (Sakka) to visit him and question him. It was Sakka who had given the Beluvapanduvīnā to Pañcasikha (SNA.ii.394).

The Buddha says to himself that Sakka, for a long time past, has led a pure life, and gives him permission to question him on any subject. It is stated in the course of the sutta (D.ii.270) that it was not the first time that Sakka had approached the Buddha for the same purpose. He had gone to him at the Salaghara in Sāvatthi, but found him in meditation, with Bhuñjatī, wife of Vessavana, waiting on him. He therefore left with a request to Bhuñjatī to greet the Buddha in his name. He also declares (D.ii.286) that he has become a sotāpanna and has earned for himself the right to be reborn eventually in the Akanitthā world, whence he will pass entirely away.

The Commentary says that Sakka was constantly seeing the Buddha and was the most zealous of the devas in the discharge of his duties to the sāsana. DA.iii.697. In the sutta Sakka admits (D.ii.284) that he visited other brahmins and recluses as well. They were pleased to see him, and boasted that they had nothing to teach him; but he had to teach them what he knew. But this visit to the Buddha at Vediyagiri had a special object. Sakka saw sips that his life was drawing to an end and was frightened by this knowledge. He therefore went to the Buddha to seek his help. It adds (DA.iii.732; cp. DhA.iii.270) that, as Sakka sat listening to the Buddha, he died in his old life and was reborn a new and young Sakka; only Sakka himself and the Buddha was aware of what had happened. The Commentary continues (DA.iii.740) that Sakka became an "uddham sota," treading the path of Anāgāmīs. As such he will live in Avihā for one thousand kappas, in Atappa for two thousand, in Sudassanā for four thousand, and will end in the Akanittha world, after having enjoyed life in the Brahmaworlds for thirty one thousand kappas.

An account of another interview which Sakka had with the Buddha is given in the Cūlatanhāsankhaya Sutta (q.v.). There the question arises regarding the extirpation of cravings. Sakka accepts the Buddha's answer and leaves him. Anxious to discover whether Sakka has understood the Buddha's teaching, Moggallāna visits Sakka and questions him. Sakka evades the questions and shows Moggallāna the glories of his Vejayanta palace. Moggallāna then frightens him by a display of iddhi-power, and Sakka repeats to him, word for word, the Buddha's answer. Moggallāna departs satisfied, and Sakka tells his handmaidens that Moggallāna is a "fellow of his" in the higher life, meaning, probably, that he himself is a sotāpanna and therefore a kinsman of the arahant.

In a passage in the Samyutta (S.i.201) Sakka is represented as descending from heaven to make an enquiry about Nibbāna, and in another (S.iv.269f.), as listening, in heaven, to Moggallāna’s exposition of the simplest duties of a good layman. On another occasion, at Vessavana's suggestion, Sakka visited Uttara Thera on the Sankheyyaka Mountain and listened to a sermon by him (A.iv.163f.). See also Sakka Sutta (2) and (3).

The later books contain a good deal of additional information regarding Sakka. His city extends for one thousand leagues, and its golden streets are sixty leagues long; his palace Vejayanta is one thousand leagues high; the Sudhammā hall covers five hundred leagues, his throne of yellow marble (Pandukambalasilāsana) is sixty leagues in extent, his white umbrella with its golden wreath is five leagues in circumference, and he himself is accompanied by a glorious array of twenty five million nymphs (J.v.386). Other features of his heaven are the Pāricchattaka tree, the Nandā pokkharanī and the Cittalatāvana (DA.iii.716; See also Tāvatimsa). His body is three gavutas in height (DhA.iii.269); his chief conveyance is the marvellous elephant Erāvana (q.v.), but he goes to war in the Velayanta ratha (q.v.). Reference is often made to his throne, the Pandukambalasilāsana (q.v.), composed of yellow stone. It grows hot when Sakka's life draws towards its end; or his merit is exhausted; or when some mighty being prays; or, again, through the efficacy of virtue in recluses or brahmins or other beings, full of potency. J.iv.8; when the Buddha, however, sat on it, he was able to conceal it in his robe (DhA.iii.218).

Sakka's devotion to the Buddha and his religion is proverbial. When the Bodhisatta cut off his hair and threw it into the sky, Sakka took it and deposited it in the Cūlāmani cetiya (J.i.65). He was present near the Bodhi tree, blowing his Vijayuttara sankha (q.v.), when Māra arrived to prevent the Buddha from reaching Enlightenment (J.i.72). When the Buddha accepted Bimbisāra's invitation to dine in his palace, Sakka, in the guise of a young man, preceded the Buddha and his monks along the street to the palace, singing the Buddha's praises (Vin.i.38). When the Buddha performed his Yamaka pātihārīya at the foot of the Gandamba, it was Sakka who built for him a pavilion, and gave orders to the gods of the Wind and the Sun to uproot the pavilions of the heretics and cause them great discomfort (DhA.iii.206, 208). When the Buddha returned to Sankassa from Tāvatimsa, whither he went after performing the Twin Miracle, Sakka created three ladders -  of gold, of silver, and of jewels respectively -  for the Buddha and his retinue (DhA.iii.225).

Sakka was present at Vesāli when the Buddha visited that city in order to rid it of its plagues. His presence drove away the evil spirits, and the Buddha's task was thus made easier (DhA.iii.441). When the Buddha and his monks wished to journey one hundred leagues, to visit Culla Subhaddā at Uggapura, Sakka, with the aid of Vissakamma, provided them with pavilions (kūtāgāra) in which they might travel by air (DhA.iii.470). Once, when the ponds in Jetavana were quite dry, the Buddha wished to bathe and Sakka immediately caused rain to fall and the ponds were filled (J.i.330). In Sakka's aspect as Vajirapāni (q.v.) he protected the Buddha from the insults of those who came to question him. See also the story of Ciñcā mānavikā, when Sakka protected the Buddha from her charges. Sakka also regarded it as his business to protect the Buddha's followers, as is shown by the manner in which he came to the rescue of the four seven year old novices -  Sankicca, Pandita, Sopāka and Revata -  when they were made to go hungry by a brahmin and his wife (DhA.iv.176f.).

During the Buddha's last illness, Sakka ministered to him, performing the most menial tasks, such as carrying the vessel of excrement. DhA.iv.269f. He did the same for other holy men -  e.g., Sāriputta. Sakka also waited on the Buddha when he was in Gayāsīsa for the conversion of the Tebhātikajatilas (Vin.i.28f.); see also the story of Jambuka (DhA.ii.59). The Udāna (iii.7) contains a story of Sakka assuming the guise of a poor weaver and Sujā that of his wife, in order to give alms to Mahā Kassapa who had just risen from a trance. They succeeded in their ruse, to the great joy of Sakka (cp. DhA.i.424f). On other occasions - e.g., in the case of Mahāduggata   Sakka helped poor men to gain merit by providing them with the means for giving alms to the Buddha (DhA.ii.135ff.).

He was present at the Buddha's death, and uttered, in verse, a simple lament, very different from the studied verses ascribed to Brahmā. (D.ii.157; on the importance of this verse, however, see Dial.ii.176, n.1). At the distribution, by Dona, of the Buddha's relics, Sakka saw Dona hide the Buddha's right tooth in his turban. Realizing that Dona was incapable of rendering adequate honour to the relic, Sakka took the relic and deposited it in the Cūlāmanicetiya (DA.ii.609). And when Ajātasattu was making arrangements to deposit his share of the relics, Sakka gave orders to Vissakamma to set up a vālasanghātayanta for their protection (DA.ii.613).

Sakka did all in his power to help followers of the Buddha in their strivings for the attainment of the goal, as in the case of Panditasāmanera, when he sent the Four Regent Gods to drive away the birds, made the Moon deity shroud the moon, and himself stood guard at the door of Pandita's cell, lest he should be disturbed. (DhA.ii.143; cf. the story of Sukha DhA.iii.96f.). Often, when a monk achieved his ambition, Sakka was there to express his joy and do him honour. See, e.g., the story of Mahāphussa (SNA.i.55f.).

He was ready to help, not only monks and nuns, but also eminent laymen, such as Jotika for whom he built a palace of wondrous splendour, and provided it with every luxury (DhA.iv. 207f). Sakka was always ready to come to the rescue of the good when in distress -  e.g., in the case of Cakkhupāla when he became blind; Sakka led him by the hand and took him to Sāvatthi. DhA.i.14f. Many instances are found in the Jātaka where Sakka rescued the good in distress -  e.g., Dhammaddhaja, Guttila, Kaccāni, the Kinnarī Candā, Sambulā, Kusa, Mahājanaka's mother, Candakumāra's mother, Candā, and Mahosadha.

He loved to test the goodness of men, as in the case of the leper Suppabuddha, to see if their faith was genuine. DhA.ii.34f.; see also the story of the courtesan in the Kurudhamma Jātaka (J.ii.380).

The Jātaka contains several stories of his helping holy men by providing them with hermitages, etc. -  e.g., Kuddāla pandita, Hatthipāla, Ayoghara, Jotipāla (Sarabhanga), Sutasoma, Dukūlaka, Pārikā and Vessantara. Sometimes, when he found that ascetics were not diligently practising their duties, he would frighten them -  e.g., in the Vighāsa and Somadatta Jātakas. The Anguttara Nikāya (iii.370f ) contains a story of Sakka punishing a deva called Supatittha, who lived in a banyan tree, because he failed to keep the rukkhadhamma.

Sakka appears as the guardian of moral law in the world. When wickedness is rampant among men, or kings become unrighteous, he appears among them to frighten them so that they may do good instead evil. He is on the side of the good against the wicked, and often helps them to realize their goal. Instances of this are seen in the Ambacora, Ayakūta, Udaya, Kaccāni, Kāma, Kāmanīta, Kumbha, Kelisīla, Kharaputta, Culladhanuggaha, Dhajavihetha, Bilārikosiya, Manīcora, Mahākanha, Vaka, Sarabhanga, Sarabhamiga and Sudhābhojana Jātakas. Sakka patronised good men; some of the more eminent he invited to his heaven, sending his charioteer Matali to fetch them, and he showed them all honour -  e.g., Guttila, Mandhātā, Sādhina, and Nimi; others he rewarded suitably -  see, e.g., the Uraga Jātaka.

The lesser gods consulted Sakka in their difficulties and problems e.g., in the case of the deity of Anāthapindika’s fourth gateway, who incurred the displeasure of Anāthapindika by advising him to refrain from too much generosity towards the Buddha and his monks (J.i.229). Sakka has also to deal with disputes arising among the devas themselves (DA.iii.705). On several occasions Sakka helped the Bodhisatta in the practice of his Perfections   e.g., as King Sivi, Temiya, Nimi and Vessantara, also in his birth as a hare; in this last story, the Sasa Jātaka (q.v.), Sakka paints the picture of a hare in the moon to commemorate the Bodhisatta's sacrifice.

Sakka sometimes answers the prayers of good and barren women and gives them sons -  e.g., Sumedhā, Sīlavatī, Candādevī. Mention is also made of other boons granted by Sakka to various persons. Thus in the Mahāsuka Jātaka he visited the parrot who clung to the dead stump of a tree through gratitude, and granted him the boon that the tree should once more become fruitful (J.iii.493). He granted four boons to Kanha, that he might be calm, bear no malice or hatred against his neighbour, feel no greed for others' glory, and no lust towards his neighbour (J.iv.10). To Akitti he granted several boons, the last of which was that he should have no more visits from Sakka! (J.iv.240f). When Sivi became blind, Sakka gave him two eyes; these were not natural eyes, but the eyes of Truth, Absolute and Perfect (saccapāramitā cakkhunī). Sakka confesses that he has not the power of restoring sight; it was the virtue of Sivi himself which had that power (J.iv.410f). When Sīlavatī wished for a boon, Sakka, took her to heaven, where he kept her for seven days; then he granted that she should have two sons, one wise and ugly and the other a fool and handsome. He also presented her with a piece of kusa grass, a heavenly robe, a piece of sandalwood, the flower of the Pāricchattaka tree and a Kokanda lute. All this passed into the possession of Kusa, and, later, Sakka gave him the Verocana jewel (J.v.280f., 310). He gave Phusatī, mother of Vessantara, ten boons ( and to Vessantara himself he gave eight (

In the Sarabhanga Jātaka (J.v.392) mention is made of four daughters of Sakka -  āsā, Saddhā, Hirī and Sirī. His wife, Sujā, accompanied him everywhere on his travels (E.g., J.iii.491), even into the world of men, because that was the boon she had asked for on her marriage to him (DhA.i.279). Vessavana was Sakka's special friend (MA.i.476f), and when one Vessavana died, it was Sakka's duty to appoint a successor (J.i.328). Matāli (q.v.) is Sakka's charioteer and constant companion. Vissakamma (q.v.) is his "handy man." Sakka has twenty five million handmaids and five hundred dove-footed nymphs (kakutapādiniyo), famed for their beauty. It was the sight of these which tempted the Buddha's step brother, Nanda, to give up thoughts of Janapadakalyānī Nandā (J.ii.93). Sakka's special weapon is the Vajirāvudha and his special drum the ālambara (q.v.).

His voice is sweet, like the tintinnabulation of golden bells (SA.i.273).

It is Sakka's special duty to protect the religion of the Buddha in Ceylon. As the Buddha lay dying, he enjoined on Sakka the task of looking after Vijaya and his successors. This duty Sakka, in turn, entrusted to the god Uppalavanna (Mhv.vii.1ff). Sakka informed Mahinda of the right moment for his visit to Ceylon (Mhv.xiii.15). When Devānampiyatissa wished for relics to place in the Thūpārāma Thūpa, Sumana sāmanera visited Sakka and obtained from him the right collar bone of the Buddha, which Sakka had placed in the Culāmani cetiya (Mhv.xvii.9ff). Again, when Dutthagāmanī was in need of building materials for the Mahā Thūpa, it was Sakka who supplied them (Mhv.xxviii.6ff). On the occasion of the enshrining of the relics in the Mahā Thūpa, Sakka gave orders to Vissakamma to decorate the whole of Ceylon. He also provided the throne and casket of gold for the relics brought from the Nāgā world by Sonuttara and was himself present at the festival, blowing his conch shell. (Mhv.xxxi.34, 75, 78)

Other Cakkavālas have also their Sakka (aññehi Cakkavālehi Sakkā āgacchanti; J.i.203.), and in one place (J.i.204) mention is made of many thousands of Sakkas.

It is evident from the foregoing account that, as Rhys Davids suggests (Dial.ii.297f), Sakka and Indra are independent conceptions. None of the personal characteristics of Sakka resemble those of Indra. Some epithets are identical but are evidently borrowed, though they are differently explained. The conception of the popular god which appealed to a more barbarous age and to the clans fighting their way into a new country, seems to have been softened and refined in order to meet the ideals of a more cultured and peaceful civilization. The old name no longer fitted the new god, and, as time went on, Sakka came to be regarded as an entirely separate god."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

3. Vijayo Lāḷāvisayā,
eso Laṅkaṃ anupatto,

3."Vijaya, der Sohn des Königs Sīhabāhu ist mit siebenhundert Gefolgsleuten vom Lāḷaland nach Lankā gekommen1.


1 Siehe Mahāvaṃsa Kapitel 6

4. Patiṭṭhahissati devinda,
Laṃkāyaṃ mama sāsanaṃ;
tasmā saparivāraṃ taṃ,
rakkha Laṃkañ ca sādhukaṃ.

4. Götterkönig, in Lankā wird meine Lehre fest gegründet werden. Behüte deswegen ihn, sein Gefolge und Lankā gut!"

5. Tathāgatassa devindo,
vaco sutvā va sādaro;
devass' Uppalavaṇṇassa,
Laṃkārakkhaṃ samappayi.

5. Kaum hatte der Götterkönig die Worte des Wahrheitsfinders gehört, übergab er voll Respekt die Hut Lankas dem Gott Uppalavaṇṇa1.


1 Uppalavaṇṇa = Gott mit der Farbe eines blauen "Lotus" (eigentlich: Seerose) (Nymphaea caerulea), später mit Viṣṇu gleichgesetzt

Abb.: Blauer "Lotus"
[Bildquelle: monsterijo. -- -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-27]


The god to whom Sakka entrusted the guardianship of Lankā and its people. He met Vijaya and his followers when they landed in Ceylon and sprinkled water on them and wound a sacred thread about their hands for protection (Mhv.vii.5). The god is generally identified with Visnu, though there is evidence to show that, at least in later mythology, the two gods were distinct. Somewhere about A.D. 790, a shrine was erected to Uppalavanna in Devanagara (modern Dondra) in South Ceylon. This shrine was later plundered by the Portuguese. King Vīrabāhu offered there a sacrifice of victory (Cv.lxxxiii.49; see also Cv.Trs.ii.152, n.3) and Parakkamabāhu II. rebuilt the shrine."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

"It was a wide-spread practice of the Buddhists to associate the cult of gods with Buddhism by way of legends. According to early popular beliefs, the Buddha himself had come to Sri Lanka and converted the ancient gods of this Island into Buddhist tutelary gods. In Mahavamsa 7.5 we find the tradition that the Buddha made Uppalavanna the patron god of the Island. "Uppalavanna" is a designation based on the colour of the body of this god, namely that of the blue water lily. 

In modern, times, Uppalavanna or Upulvan is considered identical with Vishnu. This identification is, however, comparatively recent as it was shown by S. Paranavitana. In the earlier tradition, Upulvan and Vishnu were two different gods.

Upulvan belonged to a group of "four great gods", and each of these four gods was the patron of a certain part of the Island. We can trace these tutelary gods in many Sinhala inscriptions and literary works. While Upulvan was the first of these gods, the god of Kataragama was second in rank. Since the 14th century we can trace the identification of the god of Kataragama with the Indian god Skandakumara or Subrahmanya. Kataragama was the holiest place of worship of this god, and the name of this place has become the name of the god himself."

[Quelle: Bechert, Heinz <1928 - >: Skandakumara and Kataragama : An Aspect of the Relation of Hinduism and Buddhism in Sri Lanka. -- In: Proceedings of the Third International Conference Seminar. -- Paris: International Association of Tamil Research, 1970. -- S. 199f. -- Online: -- Zugriff  am 2006-04-30]

Ausführlich zu Uppalavaṇṇa in Sri Lanka:

Abb.: Einbandtitel

Holt, John Clifford <1948 - >: The Buddhist Viṣṇu : religious transformation, politics, and culture. -- New York : Columbia University Press, 2004. -- XII, 441 S. : Ill. ; 24 cm.  -- ISBN 0231133235 (pbk.). -- {Wenn Sie HIER klicken, können Sie dieses Buch  bei bestellen}

"John Holt's groundbreaking study examines the assimilation, transformation, and subordination of the Hindu deity Viṣṇu within the contexts of Sri Lankan history and Sinhala Buddhist religious culture. Holt argues that political agendas and social forces, as much as doctrinal concerns, have shaped the shifting patterns of the veneration of Viṣṇu in Sri Lanka.

Holt begins with a comparative look at the assimilation of the Buddha in Hinduism. He then explores the role and rationale of medieval Sinhala kings in assimilating Viṣṇu into Sinhala Buddhism. Offering analyses of texts, many of which have never before been translated into English, Holt considers the development of Viṣṇu in Buddhist literature and the changing practices of deity veneration. Shifting to the present, Holt describes the efforts of contemporary Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka to discourage the veneration of Viṣṇu, suggesting that many are motivated by a reactionary fear that their culture and society will soon be overrun by the influences and practices of Hindus, Muslims, and Christians."

[Quelle: Rückentitel]

6. Sakkena vuttamatto so,
Laṅkām āgamma sajjukaṃ;
rukkhamūle upāvisi.

a Burm.: rukkhamūlam

6. Sofort nachdem Sakka ihn beauftragt hatte ging Uppalavaṇṇa schnellstens nach Lankā und setzte sich in der Gestalt eines Wanderasketen an den Fuß eines Baumes.

7. Vijayasammukhā sabbe,
taṃ upacca apucchisuṃ;
ayaṃ bho ko nu dīpo ti,
Laṃkādīpo ti so bravi.

7. Von Vijaya angeführt kamen alle zu Uppalavaṇṇa und fragten ihn, welche Insel das sei. Er antwortete ihnen, dass es die Insel Lankā sei.

8. Na santi manujā ettha,
na ca hessati vo bhayaṃ;
iti vatvā kuṇḍikāya,
te jalena nisiñciya.
9. Suttañ ca tesaṃ hatthesu,
lagetvā nabhasāgamā;
dassesi soṇirūpena,

8./9.  "Hier gibt es keine Menschen und es wird euch keine Gefahr drohen." Nach diesen Worten besprengte er sie mit Wasser aus einem Topf, band eine Schnur um ihre Hände1 und verschwand in der Luft. Eine Yakkhinī2-Dienerin erschien in Gestalt einer Hündin.


1 band eine Schnur um ihre Hände: als Amulett; eine bis heute in ganz Süd- und Südostasien verbreitete Form des magischen Schutzes, in Indien Rakṣaṇa-bandha, in Thailand:  สายสิญจน์

2 Yakkhinī = weiblicher Yakkha. Zu den Yakkha siehe Kapitel 1

10. Eko taṃ vāriyanto pi,
rājaputtena anvagā;
gāmamhi vijjamānamhi,
bhavanti sunakhā iti.

10. Obwohl es ihm der Prinz verboten hatte, ging einer aus Vijayas Gefolge hinter ihr her, da er dachte, dass es Hunde nur gibt, wo es ein Dorf gibt.

11. Tassā ca sāmīnī tattha,
Kuvaṇṇāa nāma yakkhinī;
nisīdi rukkhamūlamhi,
kantantī tāpasī viya.

a Burm.: Kuveṇī

11. Die Herrin dieser Hündin -- eine Yakkhinī namens Kuvaṇṇā -- saß dort, wohin der Mann der Hündin folgte, am Fuße eines Baumes und spann wie eine Asketin.

12. Disvāna so pokkharaṇī,
nisinnaṃ tañca tāpasiṃ;
tattha nhātvā pivitvā ca,
ādāya ca muḷāliyo.
13. Vāriñ ca pokkhareh' eva,
vuṭṭhāsi sā tam abravi;
bhakkho ’si mama tiṭṭhā ti,
aṭṭhā baddho 'vaso naro.

12./13. Als der Mann einen Lotusteich sah und die dort sitzende Asketin, badete er dort, trank und kam mit mit Lotusstengeln und Wasser in Lotusblättern heraus. Sie sprach zu ihm: "Du bist meine Beute, bleib stehen!" Der Mann blieb wie gebannt stehen.

Abb.: Lotusteich, Bangalore (ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು), Indien
mattlogelin. -- -- Zugriff am 200-05-27]

14. Parittasuttatejena,
bhakkhituṃ sā na sakkuṇī;
yāciyanto pi taṃ suttaṃ,
nādā yakkhiṇiyā naro.

14. Wegen der Macht des Schutzamuletts1 konnte sie ihn nicht verzehren. Obwohl die Yakkhinī die Schnur forderte, gab der Mann ihr diese nicht.


1 d.i. der um die Hand gebundenen Schnur

15. Taṃ gahetvā suruṅgāyaṃ,
ravantaṃ yakkhiṇī khipi;
evaṃ ekekaso tattha,
khipī satta satāni ca.

a Burm.: rudantaṃ

15. Die Yakhinī ergriff den Mann, der schrie, und warf ihn in ein Loch1. Auf die gleiche Weise warf sie alle Siebenhundert einzeln dort hinein.


1 suruṅgā: Lehnwort aus dem Griechischen: συριγξ: "jede Röhre, jeder röhrenartig ausgehöhlte Körper"

16. Anāyantesu sabbesu,
Vijayo bhayasaṃkito;
naddhapañcāyudho gantvā,
disvā pokkharaṇiṃ subhaṃ.
17. Apassam uttiṇṇapadaṃ,
passaṃ tañ ceva tāpasiṃ;
“imāya khalu bhaccā me,
gahitā nu ti cintiya.

16./17.  Als alle nicht zurückkehrten bekam Vijaya Angst. Er band sich die fünf Waffen1 um, ging und sah den schönen Lotusteich. Da er keine Spur von jemandem sah, der aus dem Teich herausgestiegen war und gleichzeitig diese Asketin sah, dachte er, dass diese seine Mannen sich gegriffen hatte. 


1 fünf Waffen: Schwert, Bogen, Axt, Speer, Schild

18. Kiṃ na passasi bhacce me,
bhoti tvaṃ iti āha taṃ;
kiṃ rājaputta bhaccehi,
piva nahāyā ti āha sā.

18. Er fragte sie, ob sie nicht seine Mannen gesehen habe. Sie sprach: "Prinz, was hast du von deinen Mannen? Bade und trinke!"

19. Yakkhinī tāva jānāti,
mama jātin ti nicchito;
sīghaṃ sanāmaṃ sāvetvā,
dhanuṃ sandhāy’ upāgato.

19. Er war sich sicher, dass sie eine Yakkhinī war, da sie seinen Stand1 erkannt hatte. Schnell nannte er seinen Namen, spannte seinen Bogen und griff sie an.


1 näml. mit der Anrede "Prinz"

20. Yakkhiṃ ādāya gīvāya,
nārācavalayena so;
vāmahatthena kesesu,
gahetvā dakkhiṇena tu.
21. Ukkhipitvā asiṃ āha,
bhacce me dehi dāsi taṃ;
māremī ti bhayaṭṭā sā,
jīvitaṃ yāci yakkhinī.

20./21.  Er fasste die Yakkhinī im Nacken mit einem Fanghaken1, mit der Linken nahm er sie am Haar, mit der Rechten zog er sein Schwert und forderte, dass sie ihm seine Mannen gebe, andernfalls er sie töten würde. Voll Todesfurcht bat die Yakkhinī um ihr Leben:


1 Fanghaken: hier wohl ein geeigneter Ast wie er auch für das Fangen von Schlangen verwendet wird: man drückt damit (oder fasst) die Schlange hinter dem Kopf, sodass man sie im Genick packen kann, damit sie nicht zubeißen kann.

Abb.: Auch ein Pickel kann als Fanghaken dienen, Afrika
[Bildquelle: amalthya. -- -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-27]

"Snake trapping

Despite the existence of snake charmers, there have also been professional snake catchers. The tribals of "Irulas" from Andhra Pradesh and Tamil Nadu in India have been practicising this art for generations. They generally don't use gimmicks and with the help of a simple stick catch the snakes from the fields or houses. They are also known to eat some of the snakes they catch and are very useful in rat extermination in the villages. Their knowledge of snakes and their behaviour is uncanny. Modern day snake trapping involves a herpetologist using a long stick with a "V" shaped end. Some like Steve Irwin prefer to catch them using bare hands."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2006-05-25]

22. Jīvitaṃ dehi me sāmi,
rajjaṃ dassāmi te ahaṃ;
karissam’ ittikiccañ ca,
kiccaṃ caññaṃ yathicchitaṃ.

22. "Herr, schenke mir mein Leben, ich werde dir dafür ein Königreich geben. Ich werde für dich die Pflichten einer Gattin erfüllen und alle anderen Pflichten, die Du wünschst."

23. Adubbhātthāya sapathaṃ,
so taṃ yakkhiṃ akārayi;
ānehi bhacce sīghan ti,
vuttamattā va sānayi.

23. Um nicht überlistet zu werden, ließ er die Yakhhinī einen Eid leisten. Kaum hatte er ihr befohlen, seine Mannen schnell herbeizubringen, brachte sie diese auch schon.

24. Ime chātā ti vuttā sā,
taṇḍulādīni niddisi;
bhakkhitānaṃ vāṇijānaṃ,
nāvaṭṭhaṃ vividhaṃ bahuṃ.

24. Er sagte ihr, dass seine Mannen hungrig sind. Sie zeigte ihnen Reis und andere Speisen und vielerlei Gut aus den Schiffen der Kaufleute1, die sie verzehrt hatte.


1 Sri Lanka ist heute noch unter Tauchern berühmt wegen der vielen Schiffswracks vor seinen Küsten.

25. Bhaccā te sādhayitvāna,
bhattāni byañjanāni ca;
rājaputtaṃ bhojayitvā,
sabbe cāpi abhuñjisuṃ.

25. Vijaya's Mannen bereiteten Speisen und Würzen. Dann gaben sie dem Prinzen zu essen und aßen dann selbst.

26. Dāpitaṃ Vijayen' aggaṃ,
yakkhī bhuñjiya pīṇitā;
soḷasavassikaṃ rūpaṃ,
māpayitvā manoharaṃ.
27. Rājaputtam upagañchi,
māpesi rukkhamūlasmiṃ,
sayanañ ca mahārahaṃ.
28. Sāṇiyā suparikkhittaṃ,
taṃ disvā rājatanayo,
pekkhaṃ attham anāgataṃ.
29. Katvāna tāya saṃvāsaṃ,
nipajji sayane sukhaṃ;
sāṇī parikkhipitvāna,
sabbe bhaccā nipajjisuṃ.

26./27./28./29. Nachdem die Yakkhinī den ersten Biss der Speisen, die ihr Vijaya hatte geben lassen gegessen hatte, war sie zufrieden, nahm die bezaubernde Gestalt einer Sechzehnjährigen an und ging mit allem Schmuck geschmückt zum Prinzen. Am Fuße eines Baumes bereitete sie ein äußerst würdiges Lager, gut umgeben von Planen und mit einem Baldachin schön geschmückt. Als der Prinz das sah, sah er künftigen Vorteil und hatte mit ihr Geschlechtsverkehr. Dann fiel er glücklich auf sein Lager. All seine Mannen ließen sich rund um das Zelt nieder.

Abb.: "die bezaubernde Gestalt einer Sechzehnjährigen ...": Yakkhinī von Stūpazaun in Mathurā
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia]

30. Rattiṃ turiyasaddañ ca,
sutvā gītaravañ ca so;
apucchi sahasemānaṃ,
kiṃ saddo iti yakkhiniṃ.

30. Als er nachts Musik hörte und lauten Gesang fragte er die Yakkhinī, die bei ihm lag, was dies bedeute.

31. Rajjañ ca sāmino deyyaṃ,
sabbe yakkhā ca ghātiyā;
yakkhā maṃ ghātayanti hi.
32. Iti cintiya yakkhī sā,
abravi rājanandanaṃ;
Sirīsavatthu nāmetaṃ,
sāmi yakkhapuraṃ idha.

31./32. Die Yakkhinī dachte daran, dass sie ihrem Herrn das Königtum übergeben musste und sie deshalb alle Yakkha töten musste, da diese sonst sie töten würden, da sie Menschen ermöglicht, in Lankā zu siedeln. Deshalb sagte sie zum Prinzen: "Herr, hier ist eine Yakkhastadt namens Sirīsavatthu1.


1 Sirīsavatthu


A city of the Yakkhas in Ceylon (Tambapaṇṇidīpa) (See the Valāhassa Jātaka; cf. Mhv.vii.32).

According to the Mahāvamsa Tīkā (MT. 259), at the time of Vijaya's arrival in Ceylon, the chief Yakkha of the city was Mahākālasena. Jutindhara was the name of another Yakkha who lived there. MT. 289."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

33. Tattha jeṭṭhassa yakkhassa,
kumārikā idhānītā,
tassā mātā ca āgatā.

33. Die Tochter des ältesten Yakkha, die in der Hauptstadt Lankā's wohnt, wurde dorthin gebracht und auch ihre Mutter ist gekommen.

34. Āvāhamaṅgale tattha,
sattāhaṃa ussavo mahā;
vattate tattha saddo 'yaṃ,
mahā h' esa samāgamo.

a Burm.: idhāpi

34. Anlässlich ihrer Hochzeit findet dort eine Woche lang ein großes Fest statt. Deshalb dieser Lärm, denn es sind viele zusammengekommen. 

35. Ajjeva yakkhe ghātehi,
na hi sakkhā ito paraṃ;
so āhādissamāne te,
ghātessāmi kathaṃ ahaṃ.

35. Töte noch heute die Yakkha, später ist es nicht mehr möglich!" Er fragte sie, wie er die Yakkhas töten solle, die unsichtbar sind.

36. Tattha saddaṃ karissāmi,
tena saddena ghātaya;
āyudhaṃ me ’nubhāvena,
tesaṃ kāye patissati.

36. Sie antwortete: "Ich werde dort schreien, auf diesen Schrei hin schlag zu, durch meine Macht wird die Waffe ihre Körper treffen."

37. Tassā sutvā tathā katvā,
sabbe yakkhe aghātayi;
sayam pi laddhavijayo,
38. Pasādhanehi sesehi,
taṃ taṃ bhaccaṃ pasādhayi;
katipāhaṃ vasitvettha,
Tambapaṇṇim upāgami.

37./38.  Er tat, wie sie gesagt hatte, und tötete alle Yakkha. Als er gesiegt hatte, legte er selbst den Ornat des Yakkhakönigs an, die übrigen Ornate legte er seinen Mannen einzeln an.

Nachdem er an diesem Ort einige Tage geweilt hatte, ging er nach Tambapaṇṇi. 

39. Māpayitvā Tampapaṇṇi-
nagaraṃ Vijayo tahiṃ;
vasī yakkhiniyā saddhiṃ,

39. Vijaya erbaute die Hauptstadt Tambapaṇṇi und wohnte dort mit der Yakkhinī und seinen Beratern/Ministern.

40. Nāvāya bhūmim otiṇṇā,
Vijayapamukhā tadā;
kilantā pāṇinā bhūmiṃ,
ālambiya nisīdisuṃ.

40. Als die Gruppe Vijaya's vom Schiff an Land gegangen waren, haben sie sich müde auf der Erde niedergelassen, wobei sie sich mit ihren Händen am Boden abstützten.

41. Tambabhūmirajophuṭṭho,
tambapāṇi yato ahuṃ;
so deso ceva dīpo ca,
tenaa tannāmakoa ahu.

a Geiger: Tampapaṇṇi tato

41. Weil sie von der Berührung mit dem Staub des roten Bodens1 rote Hände bekamen (tambapāni), wurde diese Gegend und die ganze Insel zu Tambapaṇṇi2.


1 roter Boden = Lateritboden

Abb.: Roter Sandstrand Lankās, allerdings bei Matara an der Südspitze Sri Lankas
[Bildquelle: The Albanian. -- -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-29]

Abb.: Haeckel, Ernst <1834 - 1919>: "Die Roten Lampen von Ceylon :
Ratu Pana, Laterit-Felsen bei Belligemma. -- 1904

Zu obigem Bild -- das allerdings von der Südwestküste stammt -- schreibt Ernst Haeckel:

"Die malerische Südwestküste von Ceylon, der interessanteste und landschaftlich schönste Teil der grünen Wunder-Insel, ist reich an einsamen Buchten, deren zauberhafte Korallengärten das Entzücken des Naturforschers sind und deren felsige Küsten die üppigste Tropen-Vegetation schmückt. Die überwiegend grüne Färbung der Landschaft hebt sich von dem dunkelblauen Meere prächtig ab und wird besonders gehoben durch die roten Töne des Erdbodens. Wie in vielen Tropen-Gegenden der alten und neuen Welt, so wird auch besonders in Ceylon diese auffallende rote Färbung der Erde durch »Laterit« oder »Ziegelerde« bedingt, durch ein eigentümliches Zersetzungsprodukt des eisenschüssigen Gesteins. Die Gebirgsmassen von Ceylon bestehen aus kristallinischen Schiefern und namentlich verschiedenen Gneis-Arten. Auch diese Felsmassen sind meistens durch Eisengehalt mehr oder weniger rot gefärbt und zeigen alle Abstufungen der roten Farbskala, vom hellen Gelb, Orange, Lichtrot bis zur flammenden Feuerfarbe und dunklem Blutrot oder Braunrot, Pompejrot oder Purpurrot. Wenn diese Gneisfelsen größere nackte Flächen bieten, senkrecht abfallen und von Vegetation entblößt sind, so glaubt man aus einiger Entfernung rot bemalte Mauern und Türme einer gewaltigen Festung vor sich zu sehen. Dieser leuchtende Farbeffekt steigert sich bis zum Märchenhaften, wenn die untergehende Abendsonne ihre horizontalen Strahlen direkt auf die vertikalen Felswände wirft."

[Haeckel, Ernst <1834 - 1919>: Ernst Haeckels Wanderbilder. -- Erste und zweite Serie: Die Naturwunder der Tropenwelt : Ceylon und Insulinde : Nach eigenen Aquarellen und Ölgemälden. -- Gera-Untermhaus, 1904 [Online: -- Zugriff am 2001-06-11]

"Laterit ist ein in tropischen Gebieten häufig auftretendes Oberflächenprodukt, das durch intensive und lang anhaltende Verwitterung der zugrunde liegenden Gesteine entsteht. Diese werden unter dem Einfluss der höheren Temperaturen und Niederschläge tiefgründig zersetzt, wobei die in den Ausgangsgesteinen auftretenden Minerale weitgehend gelöst werden. Bei dieser chemischen Verwitterung wird ein hoher Anteil der leichter löslichen Elemente Natrium, Kalium, Calcium, Magnesium und Silicium (Kieselsäure) im durchsickernden Niederschlagswasser fortgeführt, wodurch es zu einer starken Rückstandsanreicherung der schwerer löslichen Elemente Eisen und Aluminium kommt. Laterite bestehen neben dem aus dem Ausgangsgestein stammenden, nur schwer löslichen Quarz vor allem aus den bei der Verwitterung neu gebildeten Mineralen Kaolinit, Goethit, Hämatit und Hydrargillit (Gibbsit).

Abb.: Typisch rostroter, zusammengebackener Laterit

Laterite sind über nahezu allen Gesteinsarten in Gebieten entstanden, die kein starkes Relief aufweisen, sodass die Verwitterungsdecken erhalten blieben und nicht der Erosion zum Opfer fielen. Laterite in heutzutage nicht-tropischen Klimagebieten sind ein Produkt früherer geologischer Epochen. Die Eisenoxide Goethit und Hämatit bedingen die meist rotbraune Farbe der Laterite, welche zumeist nur wenige Meter mächtig sind, jedoch auch wesentlich höhere Mächtigkeiten erreichen können. Lateritische Böden bilden den obersten Bereich der Lateritdecken; hierfür sind in der Bodenkunde spezielle Bezeichnungen in Gebrauch (Oxisol, Latosol u.a.). In der Geowissenschaft werden nur die mineralogisch-chemisch am stärksten veränderten Verwitterungsprodukte als Laterit bezeichnet; die schwächer verwitterten, aber häufig ganz ähnlich aussehenden und in den Tropen und Subtropen am meisten verbreiteten Oberflächenbildungen hingegen als Saprolith. Beide Verwitterungsbildungen können als Rückstands- oder Residualgesteine (siehe Sedimentgesteine) klassifiziert werden.

Laterite sind entweder weich bis bröcklig oder hart und physikalisch widerstandsfähig; sie können in Blöcken aus dem Boden gehauen und als Bausteine für einfache Häuser verwendet werden. Berühmte historische Beispiele sind die aus Lateritsteinen errichteten Tempelanlagen von Angkor. Auf diesen Gebrauch und das lateinische Wort later = Ziegelstein geht der Begriff Laterit zurück. Heutzutage werden härtere Lateritanteile vor allem im örtlichen Straßenbau (Lateritpisten) verwendet. Auch wird Lateritkies gern in Aquarien eingesetzt, wo er das Wachstum tropischer Pflanzen günstig beeinflussen soll.

Die Lateritisierung ist besonders bedeutsam für die Bildung lateritischer Lagerstätten. Bauxite sind aluminium-reiche Lateritvarietäten, die sich aus vielen Gesteinen bilden können, wenn die Drainage besonders intensiv ist. Das bewirkt eine sehr starke Entfernung von Silicium und eine entsprechend hohe Anreicherung von Aluminium insbesondere als Hydrargillit. Die Lateritisierung ultramafischer Gesteine (Serpentinit, Dunit, Peridotit mit 0,2 - 0,3 % Ni) kann zu einer bedeutenden Nickelanreicherung führen. Zwei Arten lateritischer Nickelerze sind zu unterscheiden: Ein sehr eisenreiches Ni-Limonit-Erz an der Oberfläche enthält 1 - 2 % Nickel an Goethit gebunden, der infolge weitgehender Lösung von Silicium und Magnesium stark angereichert ist. Unterhalb dieser Zone steht in manchen Vorkommen Nickel-Silikat-Erz mit häufig mehr als 2 % Ni an, das in Silikaten insbesondere Serpentin gebunden ist. Darüber hinaus ist in Taschen und auf Klüften des Serpentinits grüner Garnierit in geringer Menge, aber mit sehr hohen Nickelgehalten zumeist 20 - 40 % ausgeschieden. Hierbei handelt es sich um ein Gemenge verschiedener Ni-reicher Phyllosilikate. Das gesamte in der Silikat-Zone vorliegende Nickel wurde aus der überlagernden Goethit-Zone gelöst und deszendent verlagert. Abwesenheit der Goethit-Zone ist auf Erosion zurückzuführen."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2006-04-30]

2 Tambapaṇṇi: dies ist eine (sprachwissenschaftlich unhaltbare) eine Volksetymologie des Namens Tambapaṇṇi, in Europa (beim griechischen Geographen Ptolemäus [Κλαύδιος Πτολεμαῖος] (2.Jhd. n. Chr.) ): Taprobane (Ταπραβάνη)

Abb.: Taprobanes Insula auf einer Weltkarte nach Ptolemäus, The British Library Harley MS 7182, ff 58v-59, 15. Jhdt.
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia]

42. Sīhabāhu narindo so,
sīham ādinnavā iti;
Sīhaḷo tena sambandhā,
ete sabbe pi Sīhaḷā.

42. Weil König Sīhabāhu den Löwen [sīha] ergriffen hatte, hieß er Sīhala. Wegen der Verbindung zu ihm hießen auch alle seine Leute Sīhala1.

1 daher die Bezeichnung Singhalesen


Abb.: Staatsfahne von Sri Lanka mit dem Löwen als Ahnen der Singhalesen

Abb.: Staatswappen von Sri Lanka mit dem Löwen als Ahnen der Singhalesen und dem Rad der buddhistischen Lehre

"The Sinhalese are the main ethnic group of Sri Lanka. They speak Sinhala, an Indo-Aryan language and number approximately 15 million people with the vast majority found in Sri Lanka, while nearly 320,000 live in other countries, mainly in Southeast Asia including Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore and Western Nations.


Legendary accounts relating to the Indian epic saga, the Sanskritic Ramayana, discuss largely unverifiable events of deities battling over the fate of the ancient island of Lanka (presumably modern Sri Lanka), as the name of the island and its various peoples are often traced to the peoples and places named in the saga or some analogues that are believed to represent them. The Sinhalese derive their language from Indo-Aryan invaders from India who are believed to have invaded the island of Sri Lanka sometime around 500 BCE.

According to local legend, the Sinhalese are descended from the exiled Prince Vijaya and his party of several hundred who arrived on the island between 543 to 483 BCE after having been made to leave their native Bengal. The recorded history of the Buddhist Sinhalese can be found in two large chronicles, the Mahavamsa, written in Pāli roughly around the 4th century BCE, and the much later Chulavamsa (believed to have been penned in the 13 century CE by a Buddhist monk named Dhammakitti), which are considered unique in terms of age and longevity, and cover the histories of the powerful ancient kingdoms of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa. The name Sinhalese comes from the Indo-Aryan term Sinhala, meaning the lion people. Buddhism was an early element introduced to the island by Ashoka's son Mahendra during the 4th century BCE and so the Sinhalese identity, combining their Indo-Aryan language and Buddhist faith, has defined much of Sri Lanka's history ever since.

Sri Lanka was home to aboriginal populations including the Veddahs and later Dravidian peoples who largely merged with an invading Indo-Aryan population of indeterminate size. Race as such in Sri Lanka has little basis in either anthropology or genetics, although variations do exist between some Sinhalese upper class group such as the Kandyan in contrast with the tiny remnants of full-blooded Veddahs, but intermingling has long blurred any substantial and general variations in the population. In fact, some early genetic tests (Y-chromosome and MtDNA only) show that the majority of the Sinhalese genetically cluster with both the Tamils and other Indic populations.

Genetic and anthropological assessments

Contrary to popular opinion, in part instilled by British colonial policy of 'divide and rule', the Sinhalese are not a distinct group that is entirely or even mainly of 'Indo-Aryan' origin, which is itself a linguistic categorization and not a palpable 'racial' group. In fact, most Sinhalese, like most Indian populations show a high degree of genetic similarity that stems from a population that formed on the island roughly 12,000 years ago and has been little changed through invasions by Indo-Aryans and other groups. A 2003 Stanford study analyzing the origins of various South Asian populations (including 40 Sinhalese and over 90 Tamils from Sri Lanka) found that most of the population of the island and India in general:

Taken together, these results show that Indian tribal and caste populations derive largely from the same genetic heritage of Pleistocene southern and western Asians and have received limited gene flow from external regions since the Holocene. [5]

These findings are corroborated by numerous other studies including a 2004 Biomedical Central Study:

Gene flow from West Eurasia-Broadly, the average proportion of mtDNAs from West Eurasia among Indian caste populations is 17% (Table 2). In the western States of India and in Pakistan their share is greater, reaching over 30% in Kashmir and Gujarat, nearly 40% in Indian Punjab, and peaking, expectedly, at approximately 50% in Pakistan (Table 11, see Additional file 6, Figure 11, panel A). These frequencies demonstrate a general decline (SAA p < 0.05 Figure 4) towards the south (23%, 11% and 15% in Maharashtra, Kerala and Sri Lanka, respectively) and even more so towards the east of India (13% in Uttar Pradesh and around 7% in West Bengal and Bangladesh). The low (<3%) frequency of the western Eurasian mtDNAs in Rajasthan may be in part a statistical artifact due to the limited sample size of 35 Rajputs. [6]

Overall, the evidence supports the strong possibility that the Sinhalese are largely indigenous to Sri Lanka and adopted the Indo-Aryan language from invaders who in turn showed limited ancestry from some original Indo-Aryan invaders stemming from some Eurasian homeland. Ultimately, the genetic evidence also shows substantial genetic drift that corresponds to geography and in the case of Sri Lanka supports the notion that most Sinhalese stem from very early migrants, rather than later invaders:

Modern Pakistani, Indian, and Sinhalese donors, examined for combinations of mini- and microsatellite loci, along with a number of Y chromosome and mtDNA markers (24), show varying degrees of diversity, which is expected from their geographic position and ability to receive waves of migrants pulsing from Africa and West Asia at different times. DYS287 or Y chromosome Alu insertion polymorphism also clearly demonstrate the gradual decline in insert-positive Y chromosomes from Africa to East Asia, reaching a transition point from polymorphic levels (1 to 5%) to private polymorphism in Pakistan. [7]

Thus, not surprisingly other studies done from different perspectives and goals substantiate these findings. In a 2003 American Journal of Human Genetics study entitled The Genetic Heritage of the Earliest Settlers Persists Both in Indian Tribal and Caste Populations, the 'West Asian', presumably Indo-Aryan and other, genetic indicators show that,

Their frequency is the highest in Punjab, ∼20%, and diminishes threefold, to an average of 7%, in the rest of the caste groups in India... [8]

These findings all include sample groups from Sinhalese populations in Sri Lanka who were thus compared to other South Asian and other Eurasian groups. From an anthropological perspective, the modern Sinhalese represent a fusion of a wide variety that nonetheless is overwhelmingly indigenous to the island of Sri Lanka and the genetic variations (based on Y-chromosomes and MtDNA only) between the Sinhalese and their Tamil and Veddah neighbors appears to be largely marginal and may be restricted to a small degree of sporadic differences rather than anything universal although some genetic drift has taken place that corresponds to language barriers.

Geographic diaspora

The vast majority of the Sinhalese live in Sri Lanka (mostly in the south and west of the island), but there are significant expatriate communities in Southeast Asia, Europe (notably the UK) and in North America (in particular the United States).

Given its position at the junction of major trade routes spanning the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka inevitably has other ethnic groups in addition to the Sinhalese and the Tamils, such as Sri Lanka's small Arab, Chinese and Burgher (of mixed Dutch and Sri Lankan descent) communities.

This ongoing mingling of ethnic groups can be most obviously noticed in the Sinhalese language of (Sinhala) itself, which has a vocabulary that borrows heavily from foreign languages, particularly Portuguese as well as English.


Most of the Sinhalese are Buddhists (85-93%), and are considered the only ethnic group in South Asia who overwhelmingly adhere to the Theravada sect of Buddhism, though it should be noted that many Sinhalese Buddhists also venerate Hindu deities as well as indigenous gods.  The remainder mostly belong to the Roman Catholic church, but there are Muslim and Hindu communities as well.

The modern Sinhalese

The Sinhalese tend to identify themselves through their Sinhala language and Buddhist faith which sets them apart from the main ethnic minority of Sri Lanka, the Sri Lankan Tamils. In addition, economically, the Sinhalese also display a dominance over the island nation which has led to some discontent from other groups. Sinhalese society is highly educated in comparison to many developing countries with roughly 95% of the population being literate. In addition, due to a policy of universal healthcare, life expectancy is quite high as well reaching an apogee of 72 years. Female emancipation has led to many changes including greater parity between the sexes and prominent female polticians including former Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Chandrika Kumaratunga. The Sinhalese also have a stable birth rate and a population that has been growing at a much slower pace in comparison to India and other Asian countries.

Contemporary problems

The past thirty or so years of Sinhalese history has been marred by ongoing ethnic strife with Sri Lankan Tamils. (see Ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka)"

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2006-04-30]

"Sinhala (also Sinhalese, formerly Singhalese) is the language spoken by the Sinhalese, the largest ethnic group of Sri Lanka (formerly Ceylon). It belongs to the Indo-Aryan branch of the Indo-European family of languages. The language of the Maldives, Dhivehi, is closely related to Sinhala. There are about 13 million native speakers of Sinhala.

In legend, Prince Vijaya and his party of several hundred people brought the Sinhala language to Sri Lanka from India around 500 BC. Stone inscriptions as well as written texts (the Mahavansa, a history of the kings of Sri Lanka going back to almost the Lord Buddha's time) attest to the long history of Sinhala spoken in Sri Lanka.

Many literary works in Sinhala are strongly influenced by Buddhism, and most follow the literary trends of India—e.g. the sandesha poetry of India, the literary modes used by Kalidasa and similar Indian dramatic poets are all echoed in Sinhalese literature, as shown in the literary debates known as Kukavi Vada. The periodic invasion of Sri Lanka by Tamils from south India led to many Tamil words being added to the Sinhala language. Although Sri Lanka came under Portuguese, Dutch and British colonial rule in turn, it regained its independence in 1948; consequentially, contemporary Sinhalese contains many loanwords from Portuguese, Dutch and English.

Nationalist movements in the first half of the 20th century saw the establishment of the helabasa movement, led by the grammarian Munidasa Kumaratunga, which lent new vigour to the language. A more important influence was the rise of an important newspaper culture, led by Dinamina, a newspaper established by the Wijaywardena group. A celebrated writer, Martin Wickremasinghe, was one of the well-known and influential editors of the Dinamina. A first-class exponent of Sinhala was Radio Ceylon broadcaster, writer and lyricist Karunaratne Abeysekera.

The Sinhala script evolved from the ancient Brahmi script, which was introduced to the island in the 6th century BC. At present the Sinhala alphabet has 56 characters, with four additional characters added recently to deal with non-Sinhala sounds like f in English loanwords. The Sinhala language is characterized by a high vowel content.

The most divergent dialect of Sinhala is spoken by the Rodiya (Rodi) Caste. The language of the Veddah is closely related to Sinhala, although it has a large number of words which cannot be traced to any other language.

Sinhala is one of the constitutionally-recognised official languages of Sri Lanka, along with English and Tamil."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2006-04-30]

43. Tattha tattha ca gāme te,
tassāmaccā nivesayuṃ;
Anurādhagāmaṃ tannāmo,

43. Seine Berater/Minister gründeten hier und dort Dörfer. Anurādhagāma1 gründete ein Minister mit diesem Namen [Anurādha] in der Nähe des Kadamba-Flusses2.


1 Anurādhagāma = Anurādhadorf, später Anurādhapura = Anurādha-Stadt

Abb.: Lage von Anurādhagāma, Upatissagāma, Vijita
(©MS Encarta)


The capital of Ceylon for nearly fifteen centuries. It was built on the site of settlements started by the two Anurādhas on the bank of the Kadamba river, and was founded under the constellation Anurādha, hence the name. MT.293; Mhv.x.76; this tradition seems to have been forgotten later, for in the Mbv. (116) there is a suggestion that the city was so called because it was the dwelling of satisfied people (anurodhijana); or is this mere alliteration?

Pandukābhaya (394-307 B.C.) was the founder of the city, to which he removed the capital from Upatissagāma (Mhv.x.75-7), and there it remained up to the time of Aggabodhi IV. (A.D. 626-41). After a short period it became once more the capital, and continued to be so until the royal residence was removed elsewhere (see Cv.xlvi.34, where the new capital, Pulatthinagara, is first mentioned as a royal residence). It was finally deserted in the eleventh century.

Pandukābhaya beautified the city with the artificial lakes Jayavāpi and Abhayavāpi. It was round the last-named lake that the king laid out the city, including four suburbs, a cemetery, special villages for huntsmen and scavengers, temples to various pagan deities and residences for the engineer and other officials. Abodes were also provided for devotees of various sects, such as the Jainas, the Ajīvakas, wandering monks and brahmins. There were also hospitals and lying-in homes. Guardians of the city (Nagaraguttikā) were appointed, one for the day and another for the night. For a full description see Mhv.x.80-102.

Pandukābhaya's son and successor, Mutasiva, laid out the beautiful Mahāmegha Park with fruit and flowering trees (Mhv.xi.2); this was to the south of the city; between it and the southern wall of the city was another park called Nandana or Jotivana (Mhv.xv.2, 11).

In the reign of Piyatissa, who succeeded Mutasiva (when Buddhism had been introduced into the land), the king, together with his nobles and people, erected many noble edifices in support of the new religion. Ten of the most noted were in Anurādhapura (for list see Mhv.xx.17ff), and the Mahāmeghavana, which was given over to the Buddhist Sangha, henceforth became the centre of Buddhism in the island. In this park was also planted, by Piyatissa, the branch of the Sacred Bodhi Tree which came from Gayā (for details see Mhv.xviii. and xix).

Soon afterwards the city was taken by the Tamils but was recaptured by Dutthagāmani (101-77 B.C.), the hero of the Mahāvamsa. Many chapters of the chronicle are devoted to descriptions of the numerous buildings erected by him in Anurādhapura for the glorification of the national faith (Mhv. xxvi.-xxxvi), chief among them being the Maricavatti-vihāra, the Lohapāsāda and the Mahā Thūpa.

A few years later the Tamils once more overcame the city and held it till Vattagāmani (29-17 B.C.) drove them off. In his reign was built the mighty Abhayagiri Thūpa and the vihāra attached to it (Mhv.xxxiii.80-3).

The subsequent history of the city is a record of how succeeding kings repaired, added to, or beautified, these various monuments and the steps they took for their preservation. The only later monument of real importance is the Jetavanārāma built by King Mahāsena (Mhv.xxxvii.33f ) (A.D. 334-61). 

About this time the fame of Anurādhapura as the chief centre of Buddhist culture attracted many visitors from abroad in search of learning. The most famous of these was the great commentator Buddhaghosa (Mhv.xxxvii.215ff.; also Fa Hien). It was also during this period that Dhātusena (A.D. 460-78) reorganised the water supply of the city and built the Kālavāpi (Mhv.xxxviii.42).

From this time onward the country suffered from a series of dynastic intrigues and civil wars, each party appealing to the Tamils of South India for help and protection. As a result, the district round Anurādhapura was overrun by Tamil freebooters and became impossible to defend; the seat of government was therefore removed to Pulatthipura about the beginning of the ninth century, where it continued, except for a brief interval to the eleventh century. Finally, about A.D. 1300, at a date not exactly known, the whole district was abandoned, having become a kind of no-man's land; it then rapidly relapsed into jungle. For quite a long time, however, and even after Pulatthipura became the state capital, Anurādhapura was regarded as a centre of religious activity, and its monuments were restored from time to time (Mhv.lxxvi.106-20; lxxviii.96f.; xxxxviii.80f. 

Various scraps of information regarding Anurādhapura and its inhabitants are found scattered in the commentaries. E.g., that it had two indakhīlas (Sp.iii.299); its main street ran from Thūpārāma, where the chief entrance to the city lay (UdA.238; DA.ii.573).

It was famous throughout Jambudīpa for its virtuous monks, and men came from there to visit them. E.g., the brahmin who came from Pātaliputta to see Mahānāga Thera (AA.i.384). 

The city wall, which existed at the time the Mahāvamsa was written, had been built by King Vasabha (Mhv.xxxv.97), and was, according to the Tīkā (p. 654), eighteen cubits in height."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

2 Kadamba-Fluss: heute: Malwatu-Oya

Abb.: Karte von Anurādhapura mit Kadamba-Fluss

[Quelle der Abb.: Mahânâma <5. Jhd. n. Chr.>: The Mahavamsa or, The great chronicle of Ceylon / translated into English by Wilhelm Geiger ... assisted by Mabel Haynes Bode ... under the patronage of the government of Ceylon. -- London : Published for the Pali Text Society by H. Frowde, 1912. -- 300 S. -- (Pali Text Society, London. Translation series ; no. 3). -- S. 136.]

"Kadamba, Kadambaka

The river that flows past Anurādhapura, on the eastern side, now called the Malvatu Oya (Mhv.vii.43; and Trs.58, n.3). Near the river was the Nivatta-cetiya (Mhv.xv.10). The river ford, the Gangalatittha (MT.361), formed the beginning of the boundary line of the sīmā of the Mahāvihāra, and this line also ended at the river bank (Mhv.xv.191). The road from Anurādhapura to Cetiyagiri lay across the Kadamba-nadī, and pious kings, such as Mahā-Dāthika-Mahā-Nāga, spread carpets from the river up to the mountain so that pilgrims could wash their feet in the river and approach the mountain shrines with clean feet (Mhv.xxxiv.78).

The road from the Kadamba river to Thūpārāma passed through the Rājamātudvāra (SA.i.173). Moggallāna II. dammed up the river among the mountains and thus formed three tanks, the Pattapāsānavāpi, the Dhanavāpi, and the Garītara (Cv.xli.61), and Udaya II. built a weir for the overflow of the river (

In the time of Kakusandha Buddha, the capital of Ceylon, Abhayanagara, lay to the east of Kadambanadī (Mhv.xv.59; Dpv.xv.39; xvii.12; see also Mbv.120, 134f)."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

44. Gambhīranadīyā tīre,
Upatisso purohito;
Upatissagāmaṃ māpesi,
Anurādhassa uttare.

44. Am Ufer des Gambhīra-Flusses1, im Norden von Anurādha, gründete der Hofkaplan Upatissa2 Upatissagāma3 [Upatissadorf].


1 Gambhīra-Fluss


A river, one yojana [ca. 11 km] north of Anurādhapura; the bricks for the Mahā Thūpa and for the Thupas of the three former Buddhas were prepared on its banks (Mhv.xxviii.7; MT.508). On its bank was Upatissagāma. Mhv.vii.44."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

2 Upatissa


Purohita to Vijaya, king of Ceylon. He founded a settlement at Upatissagāma. Mhv.vii.44; Dpv.ix.32, 36."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

3 Upatissagāma

"Upatissagāma (sometimes called Upatissanagara).

The settlement founded by Vijaya's chaplain, Upatissa, on the banks of the Gambhīra-nadī, about seven miles to the north of Anurādhapura (Mhv.vii.44; Mhv.Trs.58, n.4; Dpv.ix.36; x.5).

It was the seat of government till Anurādhapura became the capital (See, e.g., Mhv.viii.4; x.48). Soon after Mahinda's arrival in Ceylon many young men joined the Order, and among them there were five hundred from Upatissagāma (Mhv.xvii.60)."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

45. Ujjeniṃ Uruvelañ ca,
Vijitaṃ nagaraṃ tathā
aññe tayo amaccā tu,
māpayiṃsu visuṃ visuṃ.

45. Drei andere Berater/Minister gründeten Ujjenī1, Uruvelā2 bzw. die Stadt Vijita3.


1 Ujjenī: wohl in Anspielung auf Ujjenī = Ujjain (heute: उज्जैन), der Hauptstadt des Königreichs Avanti (im heutigen Malwa = माळवा)


A city in Ceylon, founded by Vijaya's minister Accutagāmī (Dpv.ix.36; Mhv.vii.45)."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

2 Uruvelā: eine Hafenstadt, so genannt wohl in Anspielung auf Uruvelā (heute: बोधगया), wo Buddha Gotama die erlösende Einsicht hatte.


A township in Ceylon, founded by one of the ministers of Vijaya (Dpv.ix.35; Mhv.vii.45). According to a different tradition (Mhv.ix.9; perhaps this refers to another settlement), it was founded by a brother of Bhaddakacānā, called Uruvela. Uruvelā was evidently a port as well, because we are told that when Dutthagāmanī decided to build the Mahā-Thūpa, six wagonloads of pearls as large as myrobalan fruit, mixed with coral, appeared on dry land at the Uruvela-pattana (Mhv.xxviii.36). Near Uruvelā was the Vallī-vihāra, built by Subha (Mhv.xxxv.58).

Geiger thinks (Mhv.Trs.189, n.2) that Uruvelā was near the mouth of the modern Kalā Oya, five yojanas - i.e. about forty miles - to the west of Anurādhapura."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

3 Vijita: etwa 7 km südlich von Aukana.

"Vijita-pura, Vijītanagara.

A city founded by Vijita, minister to Vijaya. Near by was Khandāvarapiṭṭhi, where Duṭṭhagāmaṇī pitched his camp during his campaingn against the Damiḷas, and also the village of Hatthipora. The city was a stronghold of the Damiḷas, and was captured by Duṭṭhagāmaṇī after a four months' siege. For details of the siege see Mhv. XXV, 19ff."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

46. Nivāsetvā janapadaṃ,
sabbe ’maccā samecca taṃ;
avocuṃ rājatanayaṃ,
sāmi rajje 'bhisecaya.

46. Nachdem sie das Land besiedelt hatten kamen alle Berater/Minister zusammen und sprachen zum Prinzen: "Herr, lass dich zum König weihen!"

47. Iti vutto rājaputto,
na icchi abhisecanaṃ;
vinā khattiyakaññāya,
abhisekaṃ mahesiyā.

47. Der Prinz aber wollte nicht zum König geweiht werden, wenn nicht ein Fürstenmädchen (Khattiyamädchen) zur Königin geweiht würde.

48. Athāmaccā sāmino te,
abhiseke katādarā;
dukkaresu pi kiccesu,

48. Da die Berater/Minister großen Wert auf die Weihe ihres Herrn legten, überwanden sie ihre Befürchtungen bezüglich dieser Angelegenheit, obwohl die Mittel dazu sehr schwierig waren. 

Abb.: Lage von Madhurā und Mahātittha (©MS Encarta)

49. Paṇṇākāre mahāsāre,
maṇimuttādike bahū;
gāhāpayitvā pāhesuṃ,
dakkhiṇaṃ Madhuraṃ puraṃ.
50. Paṇḍurājassa dhītatthaṃ,
sāmino sāmibhattino;
aññesaṃ cāpi dhītatthaṃ,
amaccānaṃ janassa ca.

49./50. Sie sandten nach der südlichen Hauptstadt Madhurā1 Botschafter, denen sie viele wertvolle Geschenke wie Edelsteine, Perlen und ähnliches mitgaben. Diese sollten, ihrem Herrn ergeben für ihren Herrn um die Tochter des Paṇḍukönigs2 bitten sowie für die Berater/Minister und das Volk um die Töchter von anderen.


1  Madhurā: heute: Madurai

Abb.: Frauen in Madurai (மதுரை) heute
[Bildquelle: danielguip. -- -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-27]


A city in South India, in the Madras Presidency, and now known as Madura. It is generally referred to as Dakkhina-Madhurā, to distinguish it from (Uttara-)Madhura on the Yamunā. Dakkhina-Madhurā was the second capital of the Pandyan kingdom (their first being Korkai, see Vincent Smith, EHI.335ff), and there was constant intercourse between this city and Ceylon. From Madhurā came the consort of Vijaya, first king of Ceylon, and she was accompanied by many maidens of various families who settled in Ceylon (Mhv.vii.49ff). Sena II. sent an army to pillage Madhurā, and set upon the throne a Pandu prince who had begged for his support ( Later, Madhurā was attacked by Kulasekhara, and its king, Parakkama, sought the assistance of Parakkamabāhu I. of Ceylon. The latter sent an army under his general Lankāpura, but in the meantime the Pāndyan king had been slain and his capital taken. The Singhalese army, however, landed on the opposite coast and carried on a war against the Colas, and built a fortress near Rāmnād, which they called Parakkamapura. They managed to defeat Kulasekhara and restore the crown of Madhurā to the Pāndyan king's son, Vīra Pandu. The captives taken by the army were sent to Ceylon. For details see Cv.lxxvi.76ff.; lxxvii.1ff.; see also Cv.Trs.ii.100, n. 1.

Rājasīha II. is said to have obtained wives from Madhurā (Cv.xcvi.40), as did his successors Vimaladhammasūriya II., Narindasīha and Vijayarājasīha. Ibid., xcvii.2, 24; xcviii.4."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

"Madurai (மதுரை in Tamil) is situated on the banks of Vaigai River in Tamil Nadu, a southern Indian state. It is the second largest city of Tamil Nadu and has a population in excess of 1.1 million. It is well known for the Meenakshi temple situated at the heart of the town which attracts tourists as well as pilgrims. Madurai has a rich cultural heritage passed on from the great Tamil era more than 2500 years old, and has been an important commercial centre even as early as 550 AD. Madurai was the capital city of the Pandya kings of South India. Madurai is the headquarters of Madurai district


The Pandya King Kulasekaran built a temple, which would later be known as the Meenakshi Temple, and created a lotus shaped city around the temple. Legend has it that on the day the city was to be named, as Lord Shiva blessed the land and its people, divine nectar was showered on the city from his matted locks. This city was henceforth known as Madhurapuri, meaning "The Land of Divine Nectar". According to a different theory, the name Madurai is actually a transformation of the Tamil word "Marudhai" (மருதை), which means a fertile agricultural land with alluvial soil. Many natives continue to refer to the city as Marudhai. Madurai is also referred to as 'Then Madurai' or south Mathura, 'Vada Madurai' being Mathura in North India.

The city has been called the "Athens of the East" because of its great architecture and meticulous planning, comparable to that of the Greek capital. Madurai is Tamil Nadu's oldest city and one of India's oldest cities, with a history dating back to the Sangam period of the pre-Christian era. It was home to the ancient Tamil Sangam (The Academy of Tamil Learning), the literary conclave that produced the first Tamil epic Silappathikaaram and other masterpieces of Tamil literature. Megasthenes [Μεγασθενής], the ancient Greek diplomat and envoy to India in 3rd century BC, had written in glowing terms about it in Indica, his celebrated account on India. But Madurai was to reach its heights of glory in the hands of the Cholas [சோழர் குலம்], and finally the Pandyas in the 13th century. After all, the Pandyas were the ones that made the city their capital, and built the Meenakshi Temple, which has always been the greatest attraction of the city. The city flourished under Pandya rule when it was a major trading hub with trading contacts with Greece, Rome, and Middle Eastern countries.

It was a fall from eternal glory to deep abyss for Madurai when the Tamil Kingdoms disintegrated, and its wealth was plundered by the ravaging armies of Delhi's Muslim Rulers. In 1311, it was raided by Malik Kafur, the general of Alauddin Khilji of Delhi. In 1371, the Muslim rule of Madurai was put to an end by the Vijayanagar [ವಿಜಯನಗರ] Rulers who annexed the city to their Kingdom. The Vijayanagar Rulers had the practice of appointing Governors to administer their distant territories. The Governors appointed to rule Madurai were called Nayaks (or Naiks), and it was during their rule that the city regained some of its past glory. When the Vijayanagar empire collapsed in 1565, the Nayaks proclaimed themselves rulers of the territories they governed.

The Nayak Rulers, Thirumalai Nayak, in particular, gave a good boost to the architectural legacy of the city by creating new structures and expanding the existing landmarks in and around the city. The Raja Gopuram (The Main Tower) of the Meenakshi Temple, Puthu Mandapam (The New Mansion) and the Thirumalai Nayak Palace are living examples of his unparalleled contribution to the city's architecture.

On Thirumalai Nayak's death in 1659, the kingdom began to break up. His successors were weak rulers and invasions of Madurai recommenced. Shivaji Bhonsle [छत्रपती शिवाजीराजे भोसले], the great Maratha Ruler, invaded the south; and so did Chikka Deva Raya of Mysore and other Muslim Rulers, resulting in chaos and instability all around. The one redeeming feature of this period of confusion and anarchy was the regency of Rani Mangammal, who stood up against these invasions. Though her rule lasted no more than two decades, she will forever be cherished by the people of Madurai for the prudence, determination and courage she exhibited during a particularly troublesome period, with very little support from outside.

Madurai soon started slipping into the hands of the British East India Company. By 1801, the whole of Madurai district, which then was made up of Dindigul, Palani, Kodaikkanal, Ramanathapuram and Sivagangai was brought under the control of British East India Company.

Today, Madurai stands on the banks of the river Vaigai. This ancient city is surrounded by three small prominent hills which are called the Anaimalai, Pasumalai and Nagamalai from their supposed resemblance to an elephant, a cow and a snake respectively."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2006-05-01]

2 Paṇḍukönig


A nation in South India, the Pandiyas. Their country comprised the greater part of the Madura and Tinnevelly, with its capital first at Kolkai and later at Madhurā.

Ceylon was inconstant communication with this country, both peaceful and otherwise. Marauding bands of Pandūs often came to Ceylon and, having deposed the rightful sovereign, ruled over the country. Chief among these invasions were the following: (a) for fourteen years, when Vattagāmani lay in hiding; (b) for twenty seven years, after the death of Mahānāma and until Dhātusena established his authority; (c) in the time of Sena I.; (d) after the death of Mahinda V. They also came with Māgha and Candabhānu, and, later, with āryacakkavattin, who succeeded in carrying the Tooth Relic away to the Pāndyan court; this was later rescued by Parakkamabāhu III. Sometimes the Singhalese kings would make reprisals by invading the Pāndyan territory   e.g., in the reign of Sena II., and, perhaps also, under Nissanka Malla. Parakkamabāhu I. sent an army under his general Lankāpura to help the Pāndyan king Parākrama Pāndya against the Cola king, Kulasekhara. This, according to the Mahāvamsa account, brought great joy to the Singhalese.

Mention is made in the chronicles of several marriages between members of the Pāndyan and the Singhalese royal families. Vijaya himself took his consort from the Pāndyan king at Madhurā, and later, Mittā, sister of Vijayabāhu I., married a Pāndyan prince who became the grandfather of Parakkamabāhu 1. This led to the establishment of a "Pāndyan party" in Ceylon which was not always loyal to the reigning monarch   e.g., in the case of Vikkamabāhu III. Parakkama Pandu, who deposed Līlāvati, evidently belonged to this party and probably also Vijaya III. The Pāndyan kings claimed descent from the Lunar race.

Codrington, op. cit., 15. For other references, see under the names mentioned. Reference should also be made to the Index at the end of the Cūlavamsa, s.v. Pandū."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

"The Pandyan kingdom was an ancient Tamil state in South India of unknown antiquity. Pandyas were one of the three ancient Tamil kingoms (Chola [சோழர் குலம] and Chera being the other two) who ruled the Tamil country from pre-historic times until end of the 15th century. They ruled initially from Korkai, a sea port on the southern most tip of the Indian peninsula, and in later times moved to Madurai [மதுரை]. Pandyas are mentioned in Sangam Literature (c. 100 - 200 CE) as well as by Greek and Roman sources during this period. Thus, their reign spanned for nearly 2000 years over the southern Tamil country.

The early Pandyan dynasty of the Sangam literature went into obscurity during the invation of the Kalabhras. The dynasty revived under Kadungon in the early 6th century, pushed the Kalabhras out of the Tamil country and ruled from Madurai. They again went into decline with the rise of the Cholas in the 9th century and were in constant conflict with them. Pandyas allied themselves with the Sinhalese and the Kerals in harassing the Chola empire until they found an opportunity for reviving their fortunes during the late 13th century.

Pandyas entered their golden age under Jatavarman Sundara Pandya (c. 1251) who expanded their empire in to Telugu country and invaded Sri Lanka to conquer the northern half of the island. They also had extensive trade links with the Southeast Asian maritime empires of Srivijaya and their successors. During their history Pandyas were repeatedly in conflict with the Pallavas, Cholas, Hoysalas [ಹೊಯ್ಸಳ] and finally the Muslim invaders from the Delhi Sultanate [دلی سلطنت]. The Pandyan Kingdom finally became extinct after the establishment of the Madurai Sultanate in the 16th century.

The Pandyas excelled in both trade and literature. They controlled the pearl fisheries along the south Indian coast, between Sri Lanka and India, which produced one of the finest pearls known in the ancient world. Tradition holds that the legendary Sangams were held in Madurai under their patronage. Some of the Sangam poets were Pandya kings.


Sangam Literature

Various Pandya kings find mention in a number of poems in the Sangam Literature. Among them Nedunjeliyan, 'the victor of Talaiyalanganam', yet another Nedunjeliyan 'the conqueror of the Aryan army' and Mudukudimi Peruvaludi 'of several sacrifices' deserve special mention. Besides several short poems found in the Akananuru [அகநானுறு] and the Purananuru collections, there are two major works - Mathuraikkanci and the Nedunalvadai (in the collection of Pattupattu [பத்துப்பாட்டு]) give a glimpse into the society and commercial activities in the Pandyan kingdom during the Sangam age.

It is difficult to estimate the exact date of these Sangam age Pandyas. The period covered by the extant literature of the Sangam is unfortunately not easy to determine with any measure of certainty. Except the longer epics Cilappatikaram and Manimekalai, which by common consent belong to the age later than the Sangam age, the poems have reached us in the forms of systematic anthologies. Each individual poem has generally attached to it a colophon on the authorship and subject matter of the poem, the name of the king or chieftain to whom the poem relates and the occasion which called forth the eulogy are also found.

It is from these colophons and rarely from the texts of the poems themselves, that we gather the names of many kings and chieftains and the poets and poetesses patronised by them. The task of reducing these names to an ordered scheme in which the different generations of contemporaries can be marked off one another has not been easy. To add to the confusions, some historians have even denounced these colophons as later additions and untrustworthy as historical documents.

Any attempt at extracting a systematic chronology and data from these poems should be aware of the casual nature of these poems and the wide difference between the purposes of the anthologist who collected these poems and the historian’s attempts are arriving at a continuous history.


The earliest Pandya to be found in epigraph, is Nedunjeliyan figuring in the Minakshipuram record assigned from the second to the first centuries BCE. The record documents a gift of rock-cut beds, to a Jain ascetic. Punch marked coins in the Pandya country dating from around the same time have also been found.

Pandyas are also mentioned in the Pillars of Ashoka (inscribed 273 - 232 BCE). Asoka in his inscriptions refers to the peoples of south India as the Cholas, Cheras, Pandyas and Satiyaputras. These kingdoms, although not part of the Mauryan Empire, were in friendly terms with Asoka.

Foreign Sources

The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea [Periplus Maris Erythraei] (c. 60 - 100 CE) describes the riches of a 'Pandian Kingdom':

...Nelcynda is distant from Muziris by river and sea about five hundred stadia, and is of another Kingdom, the Pandian. This place also is situated on a river, about one hundred and twenty stadia from the sea....

Chinese biographer Yu Huan in his text Weilue mentions a The Kingdom of Panyue - '...The kingdom of Panyue is also called Hanyuewang. It is several thousand li to the southeast of Tianzhu (Northern India)...The inhabitants are small; they are the same height as the Chinese...'

The Roman emperor Julian received an embassy from a Pandya about 361. A Roman trading centre was located on the Pandyan coast (Alagankulam - at the mouth of the Vaigai river, southeast of Madurai).

Pandyas also had trade contacts with Ptolemaic Egypt and, through Egypt, with Rome by the first century, and with China by the 3rd century. The 1st century Greek historian Nicolaus of Damascus met, at Damascus, the ambassador sent by an Indian King "named Pandion or, according to others, Porus" to Caesar Augustus around 13 CE.


End of Pandyas

After being overshadowed by the Pallavas and Cholas for centuries, Pandyan glory was briefly revived by the much celebrated Jatavarman Sundara Pandyan in 1251 and the Pandya power extended from the Telugu countries on banks of the Godavari river to the northern half of Sri Lanka. On the death of Maaravaramban Kulasekara Pandyan I in 1308, a conflict stemming from succession disputes arose amongst his sons. Sundara Pandya and Vira Pandya fought each other for the throne. Soon Madurai fell into the hands of the invading armies of the Delhi Sultanate. Pandyas and their descendants where confined to a small region around Thirunelveli [(திருநெல்வேலி] for a few more years and after the 17th century C.E. we hear no more of them.

  • Carswell, John. 1991. "The Port of Mantai, Sri Lanka." RAI, pp. 197-203.
  • Hill, John E. 2004. The Peoples of the West from the Weilue 魏略 by Yu Huan 魚豢: A Third Century Chinese Account Composed between 239 and 265 CE. Draft annotated English translation.
  • Nagaswamy, R. Tamil Coins - a study (1981)
  • Ray, Himanshu Prabha, ed. 1996. Tradition and Archaeology: Early Maritime Contacts in the Indian Ocean. Proceedings of the International Seminar Techno-Archaeological Perspectives of Seafaring in the Indian Ocean 4th cent. B.C. – 15th cent. A.D. New Delhi, February 28 – March 4, 1994. New Delhi, and Jean-François SALLES, Lyon. First published 1996. Reprinted 1998. Manohar Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi.
  • Reddy, P. Krishna Mohan. 2001. "Maritime Trade of Early South India: New Archaeological Evidences from Motupalli, Andhra Pradesh." East and West Vol. 51 – Nos. 1-2 (June 2001), pp. 143-156.
  • Shaffer, Lynda Norene. 1996. Maritime Southeast Asia to 1500. Armonk, New York, M.E. Sharpe, Inc."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2006-05-01]

51. Sīghaṃ nāvāya gantvāna,
dūtā te Madhuraṃ puraṃ;
paṇṇākāre ca lekhañ ca,
tassa rañño adassayuṃ.

51. Schnell kamen die Botschafter mit einem Schiff zur Stadt Madhurā und sie zeigten dem König die Geschenke und das Schreiben1.


1 zum Schreiben im alten Indien siehe:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Einführung in die Exegese von Sanskrittexten : Skript.  -- Kap. 3: Textkritik und Textgeschichte. -- URL:

52. Tato rājā amaccehi,
mantayitvā sadhītaraṃ;
pāhetukāmo ’maccānaṃ,
aññesaṃ cāpi dhītaro.
53. Laddhā ūnasataṃ kaññā,
atha bheriṃ carāpayi;
Laṃkāya dhītugamanaṃ,
icchamānā narā idha.
54. Nivāsayitvā diguṇaṃ,
gharadvāresu dhītaro;
ṭhapentu tena liṅgena,
ādiyissāma tā iti.

52./53./54.  Der König beriet sich mit seinen Ratgebern/Ministern. Er war willens, seine Tochter nach Lankā zu senden, und er hatte auch von andern Beratern/Ministern Töchter zur Verfügung gestellt bekommen, beinahe 100 Mädchen. Dann ließ er eine Trommel1 schlagen und verkündete: "Männer, die wünschen, dass ihre Tochter nach Lankā geht, sollen ihre Töchter doppelt einkleiden und an die Türen ihrer Häuser stellen. Dies ist für uns das Zeichen, dass wir sie mitnehmen."


1 Trommel (bheri)

Abb.: Bheri, Ceylon, um 1850

[Quelle der Abb.: Tennent, James Emerson <1804-1869>: Ceylon: an account of the island. --  2nd ed. --  London : Longman, Green, Longman, and Roberts, 1859. --  2 Bde. : Ill. ; 23 cm. -- Bd. 1, S. 471.]

55. Evaṃ laddhā bahū kaññā,
tappayitvāna taṃkulaṃ;
dhītaraṃ sampaṭicchadaṃ.
56. Sabbā tā laddhasakkārā,
kaññāyo ca yathārahaṃ;
rājārahe ca hatthassa-
rathapessiya kārake.
57. Aṭṭhārasannaṃ seṇīnaṃ,
sahassañ ca kulāni so;
lekhaṃ datvāna pesesia,
Vijayassa jitārino.

a Geiger: pāhesi

55./56.57. So bekam er viele Mädchen. Er entschädigte ihre Familien. Dann sandte er zusammen mit einem Schreiben an den Feindebezwinger Vijaya

Abb.: ausgestattet mit allem Schmuck: Fresko Sigiriya, Sri Lanka, 5. Jhdt n. Chr.
[Bildquelle. Wikipedia]

58. Sabbo s’ otari nāvāhi,
Mahātitthe mahājano;
teneva paṭṭanaṃ tañ hi,
Mahātitthaṃ ti vuccati.

58. All diese Leute landeten mit Schiffen an einer großen Furt (mahātitthe). Deswegen heißt dieser Hafen Mahātittha1.

1 Mahātittha: heute Mantota

Abb.: Lage von Mahātittha = Mantota


A landing place on the west coast of Ceylon. The wives brought from Madhurā for Vijaya and his companions landed there, hence the name (Mhv.vii.58; see Mhv.Trs.60, n.1). There landed also in later times Bhalluka, from South India (Mhv.xxv.79), the Damilas and others who invaded Ceylon (Mhv.xxxiii.39; Cv.lviii.14; Cv.xi.37; Cv.lxxxviii.63). It was probably the chief port f or vessels plying between South India and Ceylon. Thus, it was from there that Sakkasenāpati embarked for the Pandu country (Cv.lii.73), and there that the Pandu king landed from Cola (Cv.liii.5). The expeditionary force of Vijayabāhu I. embarked there for Cola (Cv.lx.34), as did the forces of Parakkamabāhu I. under Lankāpura (Cv.lxxvi.83).

It was a convenient place for preparations to be made before advancing on the capital, or merely journeying thither (thus Cv.lxviii.81; It was a place of strategic importance, and when Māgha and Jayabāhu invaded Ceylon, they set up fortifications there. Cv.lxxxiii.16."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

Abb.: Satellitenaufnahme der Palkstraße der Adamsbrücke (Ramabrücke) und des Golfs von Mannar
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia]

Abb.: Übersichtskarte zu obiger Satellitenaufnahme
[Bildquelle: UN Cartographic Service]

59. Vijayassa sutodhītā,
tassā yakkhiniyā ahu;
rājakaññāgamaṃ sutvā,
vijayo āha Yakkhiniṃ.

59. Vijaya hatte einen Sohn und eine Tochter von der Yakkhinī. Als er von der Ankunft der Prinzessin hörte, sprach er zur Yakhhinī:

60. “Gaccha dāni tuvaṃ bhoti,
ṭhapetvā puttake duve;
manussā amanussehi,
bhāyanti hi sadā” iti.

60. "Geh nun du, meine Liebe, lass deine beiden Kinder zurück. Menschen fürchten sich nämlich immer vor nichtmenschlichen Wesen."

61. Sutvā taṃ yakkhabhayato,
bhītaṃ taṃ āha yakkhiniṃ;
mā cintayi sāhassena,
dāpayissāmi te baliṃ.

61. Als sie diese Worte hörte geriet sie in Furcht vor den Yakkha. Da sprach er zur Yakkhinī: "Mach dir keine Sorgen, ich werde dir als Opfer tausend Geldstücke darbringen."

62. Punappunaṃ taṃ yācitvā,
ubho ādāya puttake;
bhītā pi sā agatiyā,
Laṃkāpuram upāgami.

62. Sie flehte ihn immer wieder vergeblich an. Da nahm sie beide Kinder und ging nach Laṅkāpura1, obwohl sie Unheil befürchtete.


1 Laṅkāpura

"Lankānagara, Lankāpura.
One of the chief cities of the Yakkhas in Ceylon. Polamittā, wife of Mahākālasena, the chief Yakkha of Ceylon, was a princess of Lankāpura (Mhv.vii.33; MT. 260). Kuvenī herself was evidently from Lankāpura, because it was there she went when she was abandoned by Vijaya. Mhv.vii.62; MT. 265."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

63. Putte bahi nisīdetvā,
sayaṃ pāvisi taṃ puraṃ;
sañjānitvāna taṃ yakkhiṃ,
bhītā corī ti saññito.
64. Saṃkhubhiṃsu pure yakkhā,
eko sāhasiko pana;
vilayaṃ nayi yakkhiniṃ.

63./64.  Sie ließ die Kinder außerhalb der Stadt warten und ging selbst in die Stadt. Die Yakkha in der Stadt erkannten die Yakhinī, gerieten in Furcht, da sie in ihr eine Diebin sahen, und wurden erregt. Ein Gewalttäter tötete die Yakkhini mit einem einzigen Schlag seiner Hand.

65. Tassā tu mātulo yakkho,
nikkhamma nagarā bahi;
disvā te dārake pucchi,
tumhe kassa sutā iti.

65. Ein Yakkha aber, ihr Onkel mütterlicherseits, ging aus der Stadt und traf die Kinder. Er fragte sie, wessen Kinder sie seien.

66. Kuvaṇyā ’ti sutvāha,
mātā vo māritā idha;
tumhe pi disvā māreyyuṃ,
palāyatha lahuṃ iti.

66. Sie antworteten, dass sie Kuvannā's Kinder seien. Da erzählte er ihnen, dass ihre Mutter hier ermordet wurde. Auch die Kinder würde man umbringen, wenn man sie sähe. Sie sollten deshalb schnell fliehen.

Abb.: Lage des Sumanakûta (Adam's Peak) und von Malaya
(©MS Encarta)

67. Aguṃ Sumanakūṭaṃ te,
palāyitvā tato lahuṃ;
vāsaṃ kappesi jeṭṭho so,
vuḍḍho tāya kaṇiṭṭhiyā.

67. Die Kinder flohen schnell zum Sumanakûṭa1. Der ältere Bruder verkehrte, nachdem er herangewachsen war, mit seiner jüngeren Schwester sexuell.


1 Sumanakûṭa = Adam's Peak

68. Puttadhītāhi vaḍḍhitvā,
rājānuññāya te vasuṃ;
tattheva Malaye eso,
pulindānañ hi sambhavo.

68. Sie vermehrten sich durch Söhne und Töchter und wohnten mit königlicher Erlaubnis dort in Malaya1. So entstanden die Pulinda2.


1 Malaya = Bergland Sri Lankas

Abb.: Topographie Sri Lankas mit deutlich erkennbarem Bergland
[Quelle: NASA]

"Malaya. The mountainous country of Ceylon, originally the home of the Pulindā (Mhv.vii.68; see Mhv.Trs.60, n. 5). When Dutthagāmanī fled from his father's wrath, it was in Malaya that he hid (Mhv.xxiv.7). In Malaya was the Ambatthakolalena, from which Dutthagāmanī obtained silver for the Mahā Thūpa (Mhv.xxviii.20). The hill country provided protection from marauders who invaded Ceylon (E.g., in the case of Vattagāmanī; Mhv.xxxiii.62; also xxxv.26), and also from those causing danger to the rightful ruler (E.g., ibid., xxxvi.50; Cv.xli.20; l.20). When Buddhism was threatened by the activities of unbelievers who had obtained possession of Anurādhapura, it was to Malaya and to Rohana that the monks fled in order to save themselves and their teaching (E.g., Mhv.xxxvii.6). Malaya also afforded shelter to rebels against the government both during preparations for attack and, if necessary, during their flight (E.g., Cv.xli.10; xliv.62; xlviii.98; li.112f.; lvii.47, 57).

In later times Malaya was treated as a special province, and was in charge of an official called Malayarāja, who was generally the king's younger son, the elder being viceroy in charge of the Eastern Province (Pācīnadesa). The district of Dakkhinadesa was included in Malaya (See Cv.xli.33ff.; lii.68; Cv. Trs.i.54, n.4; but see Cv.xlii.6, 10; xliv.43 li.13; liii.36), but it was later separated ( The Yuvarāja himself was sometimes Malayarājā, particularly when the other provinces were in the hands of enemies (E.g., Cv.lviii.7). Mention is also made (Cv.lxix.6) of a Malayarājā who was in charge of a Damila army (probably of mercenaries). In times of war the people of Malaya usually gave a great deal of trouble as the country was difficult of access (E.g., Cv.lxx.30). Some of the villages in Malaya were composed of only one house. Sp.ii.298."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

2 Pulinda =  die Wedda oder eine Untergruppe der Wedda, s. Kapitel 1


The name given to the wild tribes of Ceylon, evidently to be identified with the present Veddas. Their ancestry is traced to Jīvahattha and Dipellā, the son and daughter of Vijaya by Kuvenī. Mhv.vii.58; MT.264, 266."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]


Abb.: Stammbaum von Vijaya und seinen Nachkommen

69. Paṇḍurājassa dūtā te,
paṇṇākāre samappayuṃ;
Vijayassa kumārassa,
rājadhītādikāa ca tā.

a Burm.: rājādhikārikā

69. Die Botschafter des Paṇḍukönigs übergaben dem Prinzen Vijaya die Geschenke sowie die Mädchen, allen voran die Tochter des Königs.

70. Katvā sakkārasammānaṃ,
dūtānaṃ Vijayo pana;
adā yāthārahaṃ kaññā,
amaccānaṃ janassa ca.

70. Vijaya erwies den Botschaftern jegliche Ehre und gab den Beratern/Ministern und dem Volk die Mädchen ihrem jeweiligen Stand entsprechend.

71. Yathāvidhi ca Vijayaṃ,
sabbe 'maccā samāgatā;
rajje samabhisiñciṃsu,
kariṃsu ca mahāchaṇaṃ.

71. Alle Berater/Minister versammelten sich und weihten Vijaya ordnungsgemäß und veranstalteten ein großes Fest.

72. Tato so Vijayo rājā,
Paṇḍurājassa dhītaraṃ;
mahatā parihārena,
mahesitte ’bhisecayi.

72. Dann weihte König Vijaya mit großer Sorgfalt die Tochter des Paṇḍukönigs zur Königsgemahlin.

73. Dhanān’ adā amaccānaṃ,
adāsi sasurassa tu;
anuvassaṃ saṅkhamuttaṃ,

73. Die Berater/Minister beschenkte er. Jährlich schenkte er seinem Schwiegervater Schnecken und Perlen im Wert von 200.000 Goldmünzen.

74. Hitvāna pubbacaritaṃ visamaṃ samena;
dhammena Laṃkam akhilaṃ anusāsamāno;
so Tambapaṇṇinagare Vijayo narindo;
rajjaṃ akārayi samā khalu aṭṭhatiṃsā


74. Vijaya, der Menschenkönig, gab sein früheres böses Verhalten auf und regierte in der Hauptstadt Tambapaṇṇi ganz Lankā in Frieden und Gerechtigkeit  38 Jahre lang1



(14 Silben: 8.6.; Schema: ta bha ja ja ga ga: uktā Vasantatilakā tabhajā jagau gaḥ)


Zur Metrik siehe:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Einführung in die Exegese von Sanskrittexten : Skript.  -- Kap. 8: Die eigentliche Exegese, Teil II: Zu einzelnen Fragestellungen synchronen Verstehens. -- Anhang B: Zur Metrik von Sanskrittexten. -- URL:

1 38 Jahre lang: d.h. von 543 bis 505 v. Chr.


Sujanapasādasaṃve gatthāya kate Mahāvaṃse
Vijayābhiseko nāma sattamo paricchedo.

Dies ist das siebte Kapitel des Mahāvamsa, der zum Vertrauen und zur Erschütterung der guten Menschen verfasst wurde. Der Titel dieses Kapitels ist "Die Weihe Vijaya's zum König".

Zur frühen Geschichte Sri Lankas

Der folgende Artikel aus der englischsprachigen Wikipedia ist teilweise mit großer Vorsicht zu "genießen". Ich stelle ihn hierher, damit auch andere - teils fantastische - Auffassungen zu Wort kommen.

"Sri Lanka possesses a written history of over 2,500 years and an unwritten history of over 125,000 years attested to by archaeological ruins and other evidence, of more than 125,000 years on the island of Heladiva ('Sri Lanka') Historical chronicles are found in stone writings ('sel lipi'), leaf writings ('Hela Atuva') and also in great Indian chronicles as Mahabharata and the Ramayana. The main historical written evidence is the Mahavamsa, also including Dipavamsa & Culavamsa . The island presently known as 'Sri Lanka' was originally known as 'Sinhale' or 'Heladiva' ('the island of the Hela (Comprising of naga, yaksha, deva & raksha tribes) people') for over 30 millennia.


During the last million years, when humans are known to have existed, Sri Lanka was connected to the sub-continent on numerous occasions. The rise and fall of sea level (due to cold/warm fluctuations in the global climate), & various tsunamis determined the periodicities of these connections, the last separation having occurred at ca. 7000 BP. There is secure evidence of settlements in Sri Lanka by 130,000 years ago, probably by 300,000 BP and possibly by 500,000 BP or earlier.

Paleolithic human settlements by 125,000 year-old people using chert and quartz tools have been discovered at excavations in several cave sites in the Western Plains region and the South-Western face of the Central Hills region. The island is estimated to have been colonised by the Balangoda people (named after the area where their remains were discovered) about 34,000 years ago. They have been identified as a group of Mesolithic hunter gatherers who lived in caves. Several of these caves including the well known Batadombalena and the Fa-Hien Rock cave) have yielded many artefacts that points to them being the first inhabitants of the island.

It is estimated that during certain pluvial episodes in South Asia, as at ca. 125,000 BP, the population density in the Dry Zone of northern, eastern and southern Sri Lanka (for ecozones v. ibid.: app. I) could have ranged between 1.5 and 0.8 individuals per square kilometre, whereas the Wet Zone in the west would have had densities of 0.1 or less.

Paleo-anthropologists have shown that burial rites and certain decorative artifacts show similarities between the first inhabitants of the island and the early Dravidian inhabitants of southern India.

The Balangoda people appear to have been responsible for creating Horton Plains, in the central hills, by burning the trees in order to catch game. However, discovery of Oats and Barley on the plains dating to about 15,000 BC suggest they may have engaged in agriculture.

"Late Quaternary Environmental history of the Horton Plains

Two peat sequences from the Horton plains, an elevated area lying at 2300m above present sea level (a.s.l.) in central Sri Lanka, are analyzed in terms of pollen content and mineral magnetic properties. Radiocarbon dates indicate that the sequences provide an almost continuous succession of vegetation, climate and land-use history since 18,000BP. A regional amelioration of the arid Late Pleistocene environments is indicated by the occurrence of herbaceous and summer forest communities. Xerophytic woodlands predominated at the termination of the Pleistoces, about 13,000BP. At the very end of the Pleistocene an increase in precipitation is identified by the predominance of a montane rain forest expansion and diversification phases suggesting an increase in precipitation, in the intervals 8000-7000and 4000-3000BP. In addition, an arid climate phase occurred from 6000 to 5000BP and a short wet phase around 600BP.

The first indications of human impact in the pollen diagram are dated to around 14,000BP and may be a result of severe deforestation, forest clearance and grazing. The area may have been one of the ancestral homelands for cereal plants. A pre-farming/ pastoral culture probably occurred from 14,000 to 10,000BP, and changes in both human subsistence strategies and the climate, with the start of agricultural land use, are reflected in the presence of the pollen of Hordeum sp. and Avena sp. from 9000 to 6500BP. Only limited agricultural activity can be identified after this time. From around 3000BP onwards the area was abandoned, until small-scale Triticum cultivation took place between approximately 800 and 200BP."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2006-05-17]

Several minute granite tools of about 4 centimeters in length, earthenware and remnants of charred timber, and clay burial pots that date back to the Stone Age Mesolithic Man who lived 8000 years ago have been discovered during recent excavations around a cave at Varana Raja Maha vihara & also in Kalatuwawa area.

Cinnamon, which is native to Sri Lanka, was in use in Ancient Egypt in about 1500 BC, suggesting that there were trading links with the island. It is possible that Biblical Tarshish [תרשיש] was located on the island (James Emerson Tennant identified it with Galle).

A large settlement appears to have been founded before 900 BC at the site of Anuradhapura and signs of an Iron Age culture have also been found. The size of the settlement was about 15 hectares at that date, but it expanded to 50 ha, to 'town' size within a couple of centuries. A similar site has been discovered at Aligala in Sigiriya.

One of the first references to the island is found in the epic Ramayana. The Ramayana tells the story of Rama (an incarnation of the Hindu god Vishnu), Rama invaded the island through the Mannar causeway with the help of Vanara Army, to save his abducted wife, Sita, from Ravana the King of Sri Lanka. Plenty of archaeological evidence of been found that are supportive of the fact that Ravana did indeed rule over the island from his capitol.

While a majority of present day Sri Lankans are of Indian origin, it is believed that many of the first inhabitants also integrated with those of Indian origin. However, it is suspected that the hunter gatherer people known as the Wanniyala-Aetto or Veddas, who still live in the North-Eastern parts of the island, are relatively direct descendants of the first inhabitants.

The earliest chronicles The Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa say that, before the migration of the Indo-Aryans, tribes of Yakkhas (demons) and Nagas (cobras) inhabited the island. These names might refer to the tribal totems of the people living in the island.

Early history

The Buddhist chronicle the Mahavamsa relates the landing of Vijaya, the first Sinhalese king, in 543 BC. The Sinhalese people are believed to have migrated from somewhere in northern India: they are not Dravidian like the peoples of neighbouring south India. The Sinhala language is related to Sanskrit, as is Hindi. The first Sri Lankan kingdom had its capital at Tambapanni, but later shifted to Upatissagama and then to Anuradhapura.

Pottery has been found at Anuradhapura, bearing Brahmi script and non-Brahmi writing, dating back to 600 BC, suggesting that the art of writing may have been re-introduced to the subcontinent via Sri Lanka.

Ancient epigraphic inscriptions found at Anuradhapura and some other places in Sri Lanka attest some important ethnic communities from north-west India like Kaboja (or Kamboja, & Kambodjin), Muridi (Muruda = Murunda), Meraya (Maurya? or else the inhabitants from Meru in Hindukush?) etc. There is also a reference to Dravidian community Dameda (Damila or Tamil). Besides, there is also reference to Jhavaka (?) and Mileka, the latter has been assumed to refer to the aborigines i.e the Veddas. Very interestingly, the ancient epigraphic inscriptions of Anuradhapura do not contain any reference to Sinhala' an appellation which was later to apply to the predominant Indo-Aryan section of Sri Lankan population. Nor do they refer to people or tribes like Anga, Vanga, Kalinga, Kosala, Kasi etc. Term Sinhala or names like Anga, Vanga, Magadha etc find mention for the first time in Dipavamsa of 4th century AD or in Mahavamsa of sixth century AD

Of these several ethnic identities, the Kaboja (or Kamboja, Kambodjin) is the one most referenced and finds mention in seven or eight ancient inscriptions, whereas term Daemeda is referenced four times, Mileka occurs twice and the Muridi, Meraya and Jhavaka occur only once. The Sihalavatthu, a Pali text of about the fourth century, also attests a group of people called the Kambojas living in Rohana. The third story of this text, called Metteyya-vatthu, reveals that the Elder named Maleyya was residing in Kamboja-gama, in the province (Janapada) of Rohana on the Island of Tambapanni (Sri Lanka).] Further, there is an ancient evidence from Mahavamsa that the Yonas or Yavanas (Greeks) had also their settlement in Pandukabhaya in Anuradhapura ). These ancient inscriptions reveal that the Kambojas were actively involved in trade since there is reference to one 'Grand Trade Guild of the Kambojas' (Kabojhiya-mahapugiyana) and one 'Sangha of the Kambojas' (Gota-Kabojhi(ya]na) in Anuradhapura. Scholars have dated these epigraphic inscriptions to atleast third century BCE (or probably earlier). This may imply that the Aryan speakers of Sri Lankan population may have materially descended from the north-western Kambojas and partly from the Saka (Murinda) and the Yavana colonists.

The ancestral home of Sinhalese, according to Mahavamsa tradition, is Sihapura (Simhapura) in the Lala Rattha (Lata Rashtra). The country is identified with the modern Gujarat, the Larika of Ptolemy. Lala is referred to as Lata-desa in Sanskrit texts.  Al Biruni calls it Lardesh. There is an epic reference to one Simhapura kingdom located on upper Indus which shared borders with Ursa, Abhisara, Bahlika, Darada and Kamboja. Seventh century Chinese pilgrim Hiun Tsang also refers to this Simhapura (Sang-ho-pu-lo) and localises it on upper Indus, in Gandhara (north--west Punjab). Scholars have identified it above Salt Range. Yet another Sinhapura is referred to in Gujarat and has been attested in the Charter of Maitraka king Dhruvasena I (525 AD-545 AD). Its modern name is 'Sihore' (Sinhore?) of Kathiawad. There is also an ancient place name 'Hingur' located 40 miles east from the apex of Indus delta which may also be a relic of ancient Sinhapura of the Sinhalese traditions (Hingur < Singur < Singhpur < Sinhapur). It has been pointed out that the republican Gramaneyas of of Sabhaparva of Mahabharata may have been the ancestors of Sinhalese. The original home of the Gramaneyas seems to have been the Sinhapura of Gandhara/Kamboja, but the people shifted to lower Indus and then, after defeat by Pandava Nakula, to Saurashtra Peninsula, centuries prior to common era. There they seem to have founded a principality and a city which they named Sinhapura probably to commemorate their past connections with Sinhapura of Gandhara/Kamboja. In all probability, Vijaya and his 700 followers, the earliest known Aryan speakers of the island either belonged to the 'Sihore' (Sinhapura) of Kathiawad or else to Hingur (Sinhapura) east off the Indus delta from where they had sailed to Sri Lanka and settled there as colonists. Thus, it is argued by scholars that the name Simhapura, the eponymous of the Sinhalese, may have been carried into Sri Lanka (via Gujarat) by these Gramaneyas, which is believed by some scholars to be a section of north-west Gandharas/Kambojas  and that the Sinhalese, in fact, may have been, in general, the Kamboja colonists themselves.

There is another piece of evidence linking Kambojas with Sri Lanka. Ravana, king of Sri Lanka and the adversary of Vedic-Aryans is stated to have been a fan of raga Kambhoji. Raga Kambhoji, as the name itself implies, is connected with the Kambojas. Per Tamil tradition, Ravana had once played this raga to praise god Siva. This south Indian tradition, though rooted in mythology, still seems to hold a clue that the Kambojas colonists had influenced the cultural and social lives of the ancient Sinhalese. This again verifies ancient links of north-west Kambojas with Sri Lanka.

The stream of Indo-Aryan colonists from north-west India was later followed by one from the north-east region.

The tradition of Vijaya and his 700 acomplices (the supposed ancestors of Sinhalese) as embodied in the Mahavamsa does contain references to Vanga, Kalinga and Magadha also. But Mahavamsa is a very belated literary text, written more than 1000 years after Vijaya and his companions landed on Tambapani in 543 BCE (or 486 BCE). The story was handed over from generation to generation till it was reduced to writing by Buddhist Monk Mahanama thero, brother of the Sri-Lankan King Dhatusena, in 6th century AD. The oral accounts are always prone to alterations and additions. Therefore, oral tradition about Vijaya and his followers may have been altered and tuned to reflect the historical, political and social realities which prevailed in India and Sri Lanka around that time (i.e. 6th century AD). Or else, the later revisions of Mahavamsa may have been subject to alterations and interpolations by the later Monks under political influence from the ruling dynasties of later generations. There are obvious contradictions in the geographical setting of the Sihabahu/Vijay story as incorporated in the Mahavamsa (Chapter VI). Moreover, the actual story is too phantastic to be trusted at its face value.. The lack of references to the north-eastern states or its people in the ancient epigraphic inscriptions of Anuradhapura (the earliest known records of the island) is a clear indication that the immigrants from north-east India were the later players in the game.

Tamil presence is noted throughout the country's written history. Its origins are not dated, but must post-date the arrival of the Dravidian language group in South India sometime in prehistory. Given the island's proximity to the Deccan Plateau, people of different ethnicities must have traveled to and from it throughout human history.

There were repeated wars between the Sinhalese and Indian invaders, and for much of the first millennium AD the island was controlled by various Tamil princes. Vijayabahu I re-established a Sinhalese dynasty in the 11th century. The "golden age" of the Sri Lankan kingdom was in the 12th century, when the Sinhalese King Parakrama Bahu I united the whole island under his rule, and even invaded India and Burma.

Anuradhapura remained Sri Lanka's royal capital until the 8th century AD, when it was replaced by Polonnaruwa."

[Quelle: -- Zugriff am 2006-05-17]

Paralleltext im Dīpavaṃsa (IX, 21 - 44)

Parinibbānasamaye sambuddhe dipaduttame,
Sīhabāhussāyaṃ putto Vijayo nāma khattiyo.
22 Laṅkādīpaṃ anuppatto jahetvā jambudīpavhayaṃ.
Byākāsī buddhaseṭṭho so rājā hessati khattiyo.
23 Tato āmantayī satthā Sakkaṃ devānam issaraṃ,
Laṅkādīpassa ussukkaṃ mā pamajjatha Kosiya.
24 Sambuddhassa vaco sutvā devarājā Sujampati,
Uppalavaṇṇassa ācikkhi dīpaṃ ārakkhakāraṇaṃ.
25 Sakkassa vacanaṃ sutvā devaputto mahiddhiko,
Laṅkādīpassa ārakkhaṃ sapariso paccupaṭṭhāti.
26 Tayo māse vasitvāna Vijayo Bhārukacchake,
Ujjhāyetvā janakāyaṃ tam eva nāvam āruhī.
27 Ārohitvā sakaṃ nāvaṃ pilavantā va sāgaraṃ,
Ukkhittāvātavegena nadīmūḷhā mahājanā.
28 Laṅkādīpam upāgamma orohitvā thale ṭhitā,
Patiṭṭhitā dharaṇītale atijigacchitā have.
29 Pipāsitā kilantā ca padasāgamanaṃ jāyati.
Ubhopāṇīhi jannūhi yogaṃ katvā puthuviyaṃ.
30 Majjhe vuṭṭhāya ṭhatvāna pāṇī passanti sobhaṇā,
Surattaṃ paṃsu bhūmibhāge hathapāṇimhi makkhite.
31 Nāmadheyyaṃ tadā āsi Tambapaṇṇiti taṃ ahu,
Paṭhamaṃ nagaraṃ Tambapaṇṇi Laṅkādīpavaruttame.
32 Vijayo tahiṃ vassanto issariyaṃ anusāsi so,
Vijayo Vijito ca so nāvaṃ anurakkhena ca.
33 Accutagāmi Upatisso paṭhamaṃ to idhāgato,
Ākiṇṇā naranārīhi bahū sabbe samāgatā.
34 Tahiṃ tahiṃ disābhāge nagaraṃ māpesi khattiyo,
Tambapaṇṇi dakkhiṇato nadītīre varuttame.
35 Vijayena māpitaṃ nagaraṃ samantāpuṭabhedanaṃ,
Vijito Vijitaṃ māpesi so Uruvelaṃ māpayi,
Nakkhattanāmako 'macco māpesi Anurādhapuraṃ.
36 Accutagāmi yo nāma Ujjeniṃ tatha māpayi,
Upatisso Upatissaṃ (nagaraṃ) suvibhattantarāpaṇaṃ.
37 Iddhaṃ phitaṃ suvitthāraṃ ramaṇīyaṃ manoramaṃ,
Laṅkādīpavhaye ramme Tambapaṇṇimhi issaro
38 Vijayo nāma nāmena paṭhamaṃ rajjama kārayī,
Āgate sattavassamhi ākiṇṇo janapado ahu.
39 Aṭṭhatiṃsati vassāni rajjaṃ kāresi khattiyo,
Sambuddhe navame māse yakkhasenaṃ vidhaṃsitaṃ.
40 Sambuddhe pañcame vasse nāgānaṃ damayī jino,
Sambuddhe aṭṭhame vasse samāpatti samappayi.
41 Imāni tīṇi ṭhānāni idhāgami tathāgato,
Sambuddhe pacchime vasse Vijayo idham āgato
42 Manussāvāsaṃ akārayī sambuddho dipaduttamo,
Anupādisesāya saṃbuddho nibbuto upadhisaṅkhaye.
43 Parinibbutamhi sambuddhe dhammarāje pabhaṅkare,
Aṭṭhatiṃsati vassāni rajjaṃ kāresi khattiyo.
44Dūtaṃ pāhesi Sīhapuraṃ Sumittavhassa santike,
Lahuṃ āgacchatu 'mheko Laṅkādīpavaruttamaṃ.
45 Natthi koci maṃ' accaye rajjānusāsako,
Niyyādemi imaṃ dīpaṃ mamaṃ kataparakkamaṃ.

Navamo paricchedo.


21. 22. At the time, when Sambuddha, highest of men, attained Parinibbāna, that son of Sīhabāhu, the prince called Vijaya, having left the land called Jambudīpa, landed on Laṅkādīpa. It had been foretold by the most excellent Buddha, that that prince one day would be (its) king. 23. The Teacher at that time had addressed Sakka, the chief of gods: „Do not neglect, Kosiya, the care of Laṅkādīpa." 24. Sujampati the king of gods, having heard the Sambuddha's command, committed to Uppalavaṇṇa the business of guarding the island. 25. Having heard the command of Sakka that powerful Devaputta with his attendant demons kept guard over the island.

26. Vijaya, having stopped three months at Bhārukaccha and exasperated the inhabitants, went again on board his ship. 27. That crowd of men having gone on board their ship, sailing over the sea, were driven away by the violence of the wind, and lost their bearings. 28. They came to Laṅkādīpa, where they disembarked and went on shore. Standing on dry ground, being exhausted by great hunger, thirst and fatigue, they were unable (?) to walk on foot. 29. They crawled about on the ground with both hands and knees; afterwards, when they rose and stood upright, they saw that their hands were resplendent (copper-coloured). 30. The red-coloured dust of the ground covered their arms and hands; hence the name of that place was called Tambapaṇṇi (copper-palmed). 31. Tambapaṇṇi was the first town in the most excellent Laṅkādīpa; there Vijaya resided and governed his kingdom. 32. Vijaya and Vijita together with Anurādhanakkhatta, Accutagāmi, and Upatissa are those who came first to this country. 33. Many people, crowds of men and women, came together; (hence each) prince founded a town in the different parts. 34. The town of Tambapaṇṇi surrounded by suburbs was built by Vijaya in the south on the most lovely bank of the river. 35. Vijita founded Vijita(pura), the same founded Uruvela. The minister who was called after the asterism (Anurādha) founded Anurādhapura. 36. He who was called Accutagāmi then founded Ujjenī, Upatissa founded Upatissanagara which had well arranged markets, which was prosperous, opulent, large, charming, and lovely. 37. The king called Vijaya by name was the first ruler who reigned in Tambapaṇṇi over the delightful island of Lanka. 38. When seven years (of his reign) had passed, the land was crowded with people. That prince reigned thirty-eight years.

39. In the ninth month after (Gotama) had become Buddha, the host of Yakkhas was destroyed; in the fifth year after his attaining Buddhaship the Jina conquered the Nāgas; in the eighth year after his attaining Buddhaship he completed the Samāpatti meditations (in Laṅkā). 40. On these three occasions the Tathagata came hither. In the last year of the Buddha Vijaya came hither. 41. The Sambuddha, the most excellent of men, made (the island fit for) the residence of men; the Sambuddha (afterwards) reached complete Nibbāna by the entire annihilation of the substrata of existence.

42. Prince (Vijaya) reigned thirty-eight years after the Parinibbāna of the Sambuddha, the light-giving king of Truth. 43. He despatched a messenger to Sīhapura to the (prince) called Sumitta, (with this message): „Come one (of you) quickly to us, to the most excellent island of Laṅkā; — 44. there is nobody to govern this kingdom after my death. I hand over to you this island which I have acquired by my exertions.""

[Quelle: Dipavamsa : an ancient historical record / ed. and translated by Hermann Oldenberg [1854 - 1920]. -- 1879. -- S. 161ff.]

Vergleich von Mahāvaṃsa, Extended Mahāvaṃsa und Mahāvaṃsa-Tīkā zu Kapitel 7

M = Mahāvaṃsa; EM = Extended Mahāvaṃsa; MT = Mahāvaṃsa Ṭīkā.

VII., 1-9.—The Buddha, before his death, asks Sakka to protect Laṅkā and Vijaya. Sakka commands the deva Uppalavaṇṇa to look after them.


VII., 1-9.—Same as in M.

VII., 10-38a6.—Vijaya subdues Kuveṇī, makes her his wife and with her assistance he kills the Yakkhas assembled at Sirīsavatthu. VII., 10-39.—Very similar to M. but with a few more details.
VII., 38cd-47.—The reason for the names Tambapaṇṇi and Sīhala. Founding of cities in Ceylon by Vijaya and his followers. VII., 10-30.—Same as in M.
VII., 48-73.—Vijaya obtains a daughter of the Paṇḍu king of Madhurā for wife. He gets also wives for his followers from Madhurā. Kuveṇī leaves him and takes her children with her. She is slain by the Yakkhas. Her children escape to the hill-country (Malaya) and become the ancestors of the Pulindas. Vijaya pays yearly tribute to the Paṇḍu king. VII., 51-79.—Similar to M. but with a few additional particulars.
The additional particulars given by EM. are also found in MT. Thus the name of Kuveṇī's maid is Sīsapātī (EM. 10, MT. 255.23) ; the Yakkha chieftain of Laṅkāpura is Kālasena (EM. 34, Mahākālasena MT. 259.35); his daughter is Polamittā (EM. 34, MT. 260. 1) ; MT. (260.3) gives the name of his wife, too, Goṇḍā, but not EM. EM., but not MT., says (40 cd) that Vijaya carried out another slaughter of the Yakkhas at Tambapaṇṇi. Both EM. (62) and MT. (264.21) give the names of Kuveṇī's children, Jīvahattha and Dhisallā (MT. Dipellā)."
[Quelle: G. P. Malalasekera (1899 - 1973). -- In: Extended Mahāvaṃsa / ed. by G. P. Malalasekera. -- Colombo : Times of Ceylon, 1934. -- LVIII, 380 S. -- (Aluvihāra Series ; III). -- Reprint: Oxford : Pali Text Society, 1988. -- ISBN 0-86013-285-4. -- S. XXIII.]

Zu Kapitel 8: Die Weihe Paṇḍuvāsudeva's zum König