Alle Verse mit Ausnahme des Schlussverses sind im Versmaß vatta = siloka = Śloka abgefasst.

Das metrische Schema ist:

 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ
 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ

1 Ekacchattaṃ karitvāna Laṅkaṃ rājā mahāyaso
Ṭhānantaraṃ saṃvidahi yodhānaṃ so yathārahaṃ.

1.

Als der ruhmreiche König (Duṭṭhagāmaṇī) ganz Laṅkā unter einen Schirm gebracht hatte, verteilte er unter seinen Kriegern ihrer Würdigkeit entsprechend die anderen Posten¹.

Kommentar:

¹ Posten: Stellen mit entsprechenden Ländereien als Pfründen (in etwa dem europäischen frühmittelalterlichen Vasallen entsprechend)

2 Theraputtābhayo yodho dīyamānaṃ na icchi taṃ
Pucchito ca kimatthaṃ ti yuddham atthī ti abravi.

2.

Der Krieger Theraputtābhaya¹ wollte den Posten, der ihm gegeben wurde, nicht. Als er gefragt wurde, zu welchem Zweck er verzichte, antwortete er: "Kampf".

¹ Theraputtābhaya: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 23, Vers 55ff.

"Theraputtābhaya One of the ten chief warriors of Dutthagāmani. His personal name was Abhaya. His father was the headman of the village Kitti in Rohana, and Theraputtābhaya, when sixteen, wielded a club thirty-eight inches round and sixteen cubits long. He was therefore sent to Kākavannatissa's court. Abhaya's father was a supporter of Mahāsumma and, having heard a discourse from him, became a Sotāpanna, entered the Order and soon afterwards became an arahant. His son, thereupon, came to be called Theraputtābhaya (Mhv.xxiii.2, 63ff). At the end of Dutthagāmani's campaigns, Abhaya took leave of the king and joined the Order, became an arahant, and lived with five hundred other arahants (Mhv.xxvi.2). When Dutthagāmani lay on his deathbed Abhaya visited him and gladdened his heart by reminding him of the works of great merit he had done (Mhv.xxxii.48ff). In a previous birth he had given milk-rice to monks, hence his great strength (MT.453)." [Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

3 Ekarajje kate yuddhaṃ kin nāma ti ca pucchito
Yuddhaṃ kilesacorehi karissāmi sudujjayaṃ

3.

Er wurde gefragt, was es in einem vereinigten Königreich für einen Kampf gebe, antwortete er: "Ich werde mit den Räubern "schlechte Charaktereigenschaften" (kilesa)¹ den schwer zu gewinnenden Kampf aufnehmen."

Kommentar:

¹ kilesa: "Befleckungen": schlechte Charaktereigenschaften

Upakkilesa m. -- Befleckungen

1. lobha m. -- Habgier
2. dosa m. -- Hass
3. kodha m. -- Zorn
4. upanāha m. -- Feindseligkeit
5. makkha m. -- Überheblichkeit
6. palāsa m. -- Unbarmherzigkeit, Hartherzigkeit
7. issā f. -- Neid
8. macchariya n. -- Geiz
9. māyā f. -- Betrug
10. sāṭheyya n. -- Verschlagenheit, Hinterlist
11. thambha m. -- Sturheit
12. sārambha m. -- Aufdringlichkeit
13. māna m. -- Einbildung
14. atimāna m. -- Verachtung
15. mada m. -- Rausch
16. pamāda m. -- Nachlässigkeit

(Dhammadāyādasutta : Majjhimanikāya I, 15-16; Vatthasutta : Majjhimanikāya I, 36-37)

4 Iccevam āha taṃ rājā punappunaṃ nisedhayi.
Punappunaṃ so yācitvā rājānuññāya pabbaji.

4.

So sprach er. Der König hielt ihn immer wieder ab. Als er immer wieder darum gebeten hatte, gab der König der Erlaubnis und er wurde Novize.

5 Pabbajitvā ca kālena arahattam apāpuṇi
Pañcakhīṇāsavasataparivāro ahosi ca.

5.

Nachdem er Novize geworden war, erreichte er, als die Zeit gekommen war, Arhantschaft. Seine Begleitung bestand aus 500 Arhants.

6 Chattamaṅgalasattāhe gate gatabhayo 'bhayo
Rājā katābhiseko so mahatā vibhavena so
7 Tissavāpim agā kīḷāvidhinā samalaṅkataṃ
kīḷituṃ abhisittānaṃ cārittañ cānurakkhituṃ.

6.

Als die sieben Tage des Schirm-Festes¹ vorbei war, ist der furchtlose König Abhaya² ("Furchtlosigkeit"), der unter großer Machtdemonstration zum König geweiht worden war, zum Tissa-Teich³ gegangen, der festlich geschmückt war, um dort fröhlich zu feiern und die Tradition für geweihte Könige einzuhalten.

Kommentar:

¹ Schirmfest: der Schirm ist eines der Insignien königlicher Macht, das Schirmfest ist also die Weihe zum König ganz Laṅkās.

"CHATTRA (Pali chatta) : parasol or umbrella. In Buddhist iconography this object has assumed a significant symbolical character from the earliest period of Buddhist art. A perusal of Buddhist art would show that all schools of Indian Buddhist sculpture, e.g., Mathurā, Amarāvati and Gandhara have used the chattra with symbolic significance. The chattra as a symbol of power and authority appears even in pre-Buddhistic art. In Asia, and particularly in India, the chattra has been a symbol of sovereignty, authority and power from pre-Buddhistic times. The chattra, especially in the form of a white umbrella (setacchatta), was one of the five insignia regis (J.I, pp. 177, 267; DhpA. I, p.167, III, p.120). Buddhist literature (e.g., J. III, p. 407; DhpA. III, p. 307 ; VvA. p. 66) refers to the coronation festival as a chatta-maṅgala. The king was seated on a fine chair of fig-wood (udumbara-bhadda pīṭhaka) and was sprinkled with auspicious water from a conch with spirals turned clockwise. Then the white umbrella with its festoons was uplifted (Ratilal Metha, Pre-Buddhist India, p. 106). In the Mahāsīlava Jātaka (J. I, p. 267) the king is said to be seated in majesty and splendour beneath a white canopy of sovereignty upon a throne of gold. The Mahā-Ummagga Jātaka (J. VI, p. 329 ff.) refers to an interesting incident of a deity who is said to have dwelt in the royal parasol of King Videha of Mithilā. This deity, no longer hearing the discourses of Mahosadha determined to bring the sage back, and one night appeared through a hole in the circuit of the parasol and asked four questions from the king which only Mahosadha could answer and threatened to kill him (the king) if he failed to find the answers for them. The Buddha in one of his discourses where he recalled his early life as a prince is reported to have said : "Monks, I was delicately nurtured... by night and day a white umbrella (setacchattam) was held over me, lest cold or heat, dust or chaff or dew, should touch me... " (A. I, p- 145). The Nidāna-kathā of the Jātaka commentary (J. I, p. 72) states that Mahābrahma himself held a white parasol over the Buddha as he sat under the Bodhi tree on the day of his enlightenment (Mahābrahmā setacchatta dhārayamāno aṭṭhāsi...). Originally perhaps, the purpose it served was to offer protection from "cold or heat, dust or chaff or dew " (cf. A. 1, p. 145) but gradually in the form of the white umbrella, perhaps bejewelled, held over the king as he sat on his throne it assumed its symbolical character of authority, power and sovereignty. Incidentally it is noteworthy that a bas relief from Jaggayyapeta, assigned to the first century B.C., representing a universal monarch with his ' jewel ' shows him underneath a chattra (cf. The Way of the Buddha, Govt, of India, 1956, p. 144, fig. 37 and p. 310). Jeannine Auboyer ('The Symbolism of Sovereignty in India According to Iconography (parasols-thrones)' in Indian Arts and Letters, Vol. XII. pp. 26 ff.) refers to a legend about King Asoka who expressed his intention of sheltering the entire world beneath his parasol which may be interpreted as that he desired to possess the whole world. Numerous inscriptions of tho epoch of the Guptas state that the white parasol of the king covers the utmost limits of the earth (cf. CII. III, p. 207). It is opportune here to examine the importance attached to the chattra in ancient and mediaeval times in Sri Lanka. The Mahāvaṃsa (Mhv. xi, v. 28) records that a chattra was one of the presents sent by King Asoka of India to King Devānampiya Tissa (cir. 250 A.C.) for his coronation ceremony. In festive assemblies the umbrella was held over the king's head by an official of high rank whose title was chattaggāhaka, i.e., parasol-bearer (op. Mhv. lix. v. 16). Even in battle, the king riding on the elephant was recognised by the white umbrella. W. Geiger (Culture of Ceylon in Mediaeval Times, Wiesbaden, 1960, p. 44 f.) points out that in Sri Lanka in mediaeval times the umbrella was apparently an attribute of rank and dignity. They may have been different in form and colour according to the social position of the owner. The Sinhalese nobles when they appeared in public were always attended by some of their domestics carrying over them an umbrella. In festival processions umbrellas, fans, fly-wisks and other emblems made of gold and silver and studded with pearls and jewels were carried and these were intended to show the high rank of their owners. It is obviously a mark of honour and respect and symbolic dedication of royalty and sovereignty to hold the royal parasol over the Buddha himself or an object venerated by the Buddhists. The Dhammapada commentary (DhpA. HI, p. 226) states that Mahā Brahmā held a parasol over the Buddha as he descended from the heaven to the city of Saṅkassa after the preaching of the Abhidhamma. The Mahāvaṃsa (Mhv. xix, v. 59) records that King Devānampiya Tissa himself dedicated the white umbrella to the eight-shoots of the Sacred Bodhi tree to honour them like kings and bestowed the royal consecration upon them. The former of these incidents is depicted in a mediaeval painting from Sri Lanka (cf. D. B. Dhanapala, Story of Sinhalese Painting, Ceylon, 1957, pp. 33, 34), a bas-relief from Borobudur and a painting from Tibet (The Way of the Buddha, Govt, of India, p. 95, fig. 34) in all of which the chattra is prominently shown. The chattra has been very widely used as a symbol of sovereignty as well as of high esteem in Buddhist art, both secular and religious, from earliest times. In secular Buddhist art it is held over a royal personage, either male or female and in religious Buddhist art it is held over the Buddha, shown either in person or by a symbol, or over an object of veneration. It is also significant that the chattra by itself is never depicted as a symbol representing the Buddha. Thus in a bas-relief from Amarāvatī where King Suddhodana's visit to Māvā is shown a chattra is held over the king by an attendant (The Way of the Buddha, p. 35, fig. 18). The same incident depicted at Borobudur also has a chattra with a longer staff (ibid. p. 36, fig. 19). Another bas-relief from Borobudur showing queen Māyā proceeding to the Lumbini garden has a chattra in front and behind the charriot (PL XXIX, Fig. 1). A beautiful and prominent illustration of a chattra is seen in a bas-relief from Nāgarjunikoṇḍa depicting the birth of prince Siddhārtha where the chattra appears over the head of queen Māyā (PL XXIX, Fig.2). A wall-painting from Ajaṇṭā also shows the infant and the mother sheltered by an umbrella (ibid. Pt. II, PL I). Some of the other bas-reliefs and paintings in which the chattra takes a prominent place to denote the royalty of a lay person are those showing the archery contest of prince Siddhārtha (Borobudur: ibid. pp. 46-7, fig. 39), prince Siddhārtha proceeding to the pleasure garden (Borobudur: ibid. p. 50, figs. 45,46), the Great Departure, from Amarāvatī, Nāgarjumkoṇḍa and Gandhara (ibid, pp. 55-7 figs. 51,52,53). King Bimbisāra's visit to the Buddha (Borobudur : ibid. pp. 60-1, fig. 60), King Suddhodana paying homage to the Buddha (Sañcī: ibid. p. 88. fig. 19), the War of the relics (Sāñcī: ibid . p. 115, fig. 75), King Asoka's visit to the Bodhi tree, (Sāñcī), the Vessantara Jātaka, beautifully illustrated in bas-relief at Sāñcī and Goli (ibid. pp. 132-3, 142, 158, figs. 16, 35, 62, 63) and also in a wall-painting at Ajaṇṭā, a palace scene, and the march of the royal army which are two paintings from Ajaṇṭā, In all these instances it is the chntlra that distinguishes the royal personage from the others in the scene. Instances where the Buddha himself, appearing in person or represented by a symbol is shown overshadowed by a chattra are equally numerous in Buddhist. art. Of them the symbolic representation of the Buddha like at Sāñcī belongs to the earlier period of Buddhist art when it was considered improper to portray the Buddha in human form. Of such representations, for instance, a bas-relief from Sāñcī which shows the renunciation of prince Siddhārtha has a chattra over the prince on horse-back in human form but finally, after renunciation a chattra over the footprints. Another bas-relief from the same site shows the Bodhimaṇḍa and the Bodhi tree overshadowed by a chattra from which two garlands hang on either side This sculpture depicts the enlightenment of the Buddha. A bas-relief from Bhārhut also shows the Bodhi-tree with superimposed chattra in the middle of the Bodhi-tree amidst its foliage. A bas-relief from Amarāvatī also depicting the enlightenment of the Buddha shows the Bodhi-tree, the Vajrāsana and the sacred footprints overshadowed by three chattras. In a bas-relief from Sāñcī showing the Buddha receiving homage from animals in the forest the Buddha is represented by the Bodhi tree which is overshadowed by a chattra (The Way of the Buddha, p. 99. fig. 42). In another scene from Sāñci, showing the worship of the Buddha's head dress, the head dress is overshdowed by a chattra (ibid. p. 129, fig. 12). It was referred above to the descent of the Buddha to Saṅkassa. which incident is portrayed in bas-relief and in painting with a large chattra held over the Buddha, who in these instances is shown in human form. In another bas-relief from Borobudur (The Way of the Buddha, p. 82. fig 7) showing the Buddha's journey to Benares, a person is holding a chattra over the Buddha, from behind. In an Ajaṇṭā painting from cave No. XVIII, identified as showing the Buddha's appearance before Yasodharā and Rāhula a sky figure holds a parasol for the Buddha. In these bas-reliefs and paintings of the chattra two types of ceremonial umbrellas are shown, viz., the large, domed chattra and the usual wheel-shaped chattra (See A.H. Longhurst, op. cit. frontispice). Longhurst (op cit.) observes that these two types ol ceremonial umbrellas are still in use in India and are normally very large, measuring from 4-6 feet in diameter with a staff about eight feet long and made of wood und covered with coloured cloth or silk, ornamented with a fringe and surmounted by a brass or gilt-copper finial. The chattra was then a symbol of sovereignity, both secular and religious, and it was the reverence and honour thnt the kings had shown to the Buddha that probably connected it with the religion. This would also lead to the surmise that the chattra not merely represented the sovereignty of the Buddha but more probably also symbolized the fact that the Buddha, wherever he was received the protection, reverence, honour and patronage of the sovereign While thus the chattra occupies a significant position in Buddhist sculpture and painting, in the sphere of Buddhist architecture the chattra was the crowning member of the early Buddhist stūpas. For the symbolic significance of the chattra in the stūpa, see STŪPA." [Quelle: H. R. Perera. -- In: In: Encyclopaedia of Buddhism. -- Colombo : Government of Sri Lanka. -- Band 4: Causality - Dveṣa. --1979 - 1989. -- S. 139ff.]

² Abhaya: Duṭṭthagāmaṇī Abhaya. Wortspiel mit bhaya: abhaya = gata-bhaya "Einer, dessen Furcht verschwunden ist"

³ Tissa-Teich (Tissa-vāpi): heutiger Tissa-wæwa. Lage siehe unten auf Karte zu Vers 8.

Abb.: Blick auf Tissa-Vāpi, 2006
[Bildquelle: fotofreund. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/fotofreund/157308771/. -- Creative Commons Lizenz (Namensnennung, keine Bearbeitung, keine kommerzielle Nutzung). -- Zugriff am 2006-07-08

"Tissavāpi. A tank near Anurādhapura, probably built by Devānampiyatissa (Mhv.xx.20). It seems to have been customary for the king to take a ceremonial bath in the Tissavāpi, after his coronation festival (E.g., Mhv.xxvi.7; xxxv.38; MT.645), and, on this occasion, the Lambakannas formed the king's bodyguard (See, e.g., Mhv.xxxv.16, 38). The road from Mahiyangama to Anurādhapura lay along the edge of the Tissavāpi (Mhv.xxxvi.59)." [Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

8 Rañño paricchadaṃ sabbaṃ upāyanasatāni ca
Maricavaṭṭivihārassa ṭhānamhi ṭhapayiṃsu ca.

8.

Alle Requisiten für den König und Hunderte von Geschenken legte man an die Stelle des späteren Maricavaṭṭi-Klosters¹.

Kommentar:

¹ Maricavaṭṭi: heutige Miriswæti-Dagoba, sürdwestlich von Anurādhapura, nördlich von Tissavāpi (Tissawæwa)

Abb.: Maricavaṭṭi-Cetiya
[Bildquelle: Archaeological Survey of Ceylon]

Abb.: Plan von Anurādhapura mit Maricavaṭṭi-Kloster, Tissa-Teich und Abhaya-Teich

[Bildquelle: Mahānāma <5. Jhd. n. Chr.>: The Mahavamsa or, The great chronicle of Ceylon / translated into English by Wilhelm Geiger ... assisted by Mabel Haynes Bode...under the patronage of the government of Ceylon. -- London : Published for the Pali Text Society by H. Frowde, 1912. -- 300 S. -- (Pali Text Society, London. Translation series ; no. 3). -- Vor S. 137.]

"Maricavaṭṭi A cetiya in Anurādhapura and a monastic building attached to it. The cetiya was built by Dutthagāmanī on the spot where the king's spear, containing the Buddha's relic given to him by the monks (Mhv.xxv.1), was planted, when Dutthagāmanī went to the Tissavāpī for his ceremonial bathing after his consecration. When the king's men attempted to remove the spear they found it impossible, and the king, after consultation with the monks, decided to build a cetiya enclosing the spot with a vihāra attached. The work was completed in three years and a great ceremony of dedication was held, the building and the ceremony costing nineteen crores. The vihāra was called Maricavatti because it was intended by the king as expiation for having once eaten a pepper pod (maricavatti) without sharing it with the monks, thus violating the vow of his childhood. For the building of the vihāra, see Mhv.xxvi.1ff.; the vow is mentioned at Mhv.xxii.80; the Dpv. makes no mention of Maricavatti. Vohārika Tissa renovated the vihāra (Mhv.xxxvi.33, 36), while Gothābhaya built an uposatha hall (Mhv.xxxvi.107) and Vasabha provided a mantling for the thūpa (Mhv.xxxv.121). Kassapa II. built a pāsāda in the vihāra and gave it to the Thera who, at one time, lived in Nāgasālā (Cv.xliv.149). Kassapa IV. entrusted the care of the Bodhi tree at Maricavatti to the bhikkhunīs at the Tissārāma, which he built for them (Cv.lii.24), while Kassapa V. restored the whole vihāra, gave it to the Theravādins and granted five hundred maintenance villages (Cv.lii.45). Devā, mother of Sakkasenāpati, provided a diadem jewel for the Buddha image in the vihāra, also a halo, an umbrella and a garment (Cv.lii.65). Dappula III. gave a maintenance village to the vihāra (Cv.liii.2), while Mahinda IV. started to build in it a pāsāda called Candana, which does not seem to have been completed (Cv.liv.40). Parakkamabāhu I. found the thūpa destroyed by the Damilas and rebuilt it to the height of eighty cubits (Cv.lxxviii.99)." [Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

9 Tattheva thūpaṭṭhānamhi sadhātuṃ kuntam uttamaṃ
Ṭhapesuṃ kuntadharakā ujukaṃ rājamānusā.

9.

Dort, an der Stelle, wo heute der Stūpa steht, stellten die königlichen Speerträger den höchsten Speer mit der Reliquie¹ senkrecht auf.

Kommentar:

¹ höchsten Speer mit der Reliquie: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 25, Vers 1. Der Speer dient als Standarte, die vor dem König getragen wird. Der bigotte Menschenschlächter Duṭṭhagāmaṇī hatte in seinen Speer eines Reliquie platzieren lassen.

10 Sahorodho mahārājā kīḷitvā salile divā
Sāyam āha gamissāma, kuntaṃ vaḍḍhetha bho iti.

10.

Nachdem sich der König den Tag über mit seinem Harem im Wasser vergnügt hatte, sprach er am Abend: "Gehen wir, tragt den Speer voran!"

11 Cāletuṃ taṃ na sakkhiṃsu kuntaṃ tadadhikārikā.
Gandhamālāhi pūjesuṃ rājasenā samāgatā.

11.

Die damit Beauftragten konnten den Speer nicht bewegen. Das königliche Heer kam zusammen und verehrte den Speer mit duftenden Blumenkränzen.

12 Rājā mahantaṃ accheraṃ disvā taṃ haṭṭhamānaso
Vidhāya tattha ārakkhaṃ pavisitvā puraṃ tato.

12.

Als der König frohen Herzens dieses große Wunder sah, stellte er dort Wachen auf und ging in die Stadt.

13 Kuntaṃ parakkhipāpetvā cetiyaṃ tattha kārayi;
Thūpaṃ parikkhipāpetvā vihārañ ca ca akārayi.

13.

Er ließ um den Speer herum ein Cetiya bauen und um den Stūpa herum ein Kloster.

14 Tīhi vassehi niṭṭhāsi vihāro so narissaro
So saṅghaṃ sannipātesi vihāramahakāraṇā.

14.

Nach drei Jahren stand das Kloster. Der König ließ die Mönchsgemeinde zum Klosterfest zusammenkommen.

15 Bhikkhūnaṃ satasahassaaṃ tadā bhikkhuniyo pana
Navutī ca sahassāni abhaviṃsu samāgatā.

15.

Damals kamen 100.000 Mönche und 90.000 Nonnen zusammen.

16 Tasmiṃ samāgame saṅghaṃ idam āha mahīpati
Saṅghaṃ bhante vissaritvā bhuñjiṃ maricavaṭṭikaṃ,
17 Tassetaṃ daṇḍakammaṃ me bhavatu ti akārayiṃ
Sacetiyaṃ Maricavaṭṭivihāraṃ sumanoharaṃ;

16. - 17.

Bei dieser Zusammenkunft sprach der König zur Ordensgemeinschaft: "Ehrwürdige, ich habe ein Pfefferkorn gegessen und dabei die Ordensgemeinschaft vergessen¹. Ich habe das wunderschöne Maricavaṭṭi-Kloster (Pfefferkorn-Kloster) samt dem Cetiya als meine Strafe dafür erbaut.

Kommentar:

¹ siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 25, Vers 114f.

18 Patigaṇhātu taṃ saṅgho iti so dakkhiṇodakaṃ
Pātetvā bhikkhusaṅghassa vihāraṃ sumano adā

18.

Die Ordensgemeinschaft möge es annehmen." Mit diesen Worten goss Schenkungswasser¹ und übergab frohen Herzens das Kloster der Mönchsgemeinde.

Kommentar:

¹ Wasser über die Hand gießen mit den Schenkungsworten, gehört zum Schenkungsakt.

Abb.: Verdienstschenkung an Tote, Sri Lanka, 1970er-Jahre
(Photo: ©Isamu Maruyama)

19 Vihāre taṃsamantā ca mahantaṃ maṇḍapaṃ subhaṃ
Kāretvā tattha saṅghassa mahādānaṃ pavattayi.

19.

Er ließ im Kloster und angrenzend daran einen großen schönen Pavillon errichten. Dort veranstaltete er für die Ordensgemeinschaft eine große Almosenschenkung.

20 Pāde patiṭṭhapetvā pi jale Abhayavāpiyā
Kato so maṇḍapo āsi sesokāse kathā va kā

20.

Der Pavillon war so konstruiert, dass sogar im Abhaya-Teich dafür Stützen standen. Was braucht man da über den Rest des Raumes sagen!

Kommentar:

¹ Abhayavāpi: heutiges Basawak-Kulam, Lage siehe im Plan bei Vers 8

"Abhayavāpi A tank in Anurādhapura built by King Pandukābhaya (Mhv.x.88). At its lower end was the settlement of the yakkha Cittarāja (Mhv.x.84).   In the hot weather it ran dry, and on one occasion Devānampiyatissa used its mud for building a temporary structure in which to deposit the relics brought from Jambudīpa (Mhv.xvii.35).   The hall which Dutthagāmani built round the Maricavatti Vihāra extended into a part of the Abhaya tank (Mhv.xxvi.20).   In the reign of Bhātikābhaya water was taken from the tank, by means of machines, up to the top of the Mahā Thūpa, for the sprinkling of the flowers offered there (Mhv.xxxiv.45).   The tank is generally identified with the modern Basavakkulam (Geiger, Mhv. trans. 74, n.3)." [Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

21 Sattāhaṃ annapānādiṃ datvāna manujādhipo
Adā sāmaṇakaṃ sabbaṃ parikkhāraṃ mahārahaṃ.

21.

Sieben Tage lang spendete der König Speise, Trank und anderes. Dann spendete er alles für Asketen nötige¹ in hohem Wert.

Kommentar:

¹ für Asketen nötige = Parikkhāra = Mönchsutensilien

"Parikkhāra The 'necessaries' or 'requisites' of the monks are known as Parikkhāra. (Parikkhārenā ti kappiyabhaṇḍena.—Kv. (M) p. 310; Cf. Sumangalavilāsinī (M), p. 185). Usually eight articles are regarded as the Parikkhāras of a Bhikkhu practising penances. These are : Three robes (Ticīvara), an alms-bowl (Patta), a razor (Vāsī), a needle (Sūci), a girdle (Kāyabandhana) and a water strainer (Parissāvana). (Kv. p. 184; Abhidhānappadīpikā, Gāthā No. 439). But ordinarily for the monks, even the small articles were also regarded as the Parikkhnra. In the Khuddasikkhā [(M), pp. 90-92] some pages are devoted to the Parikkhāras in which a good number of petty articles such as umbrella, cīvaraganthi, pāsaka, key, lighter, walking-stick, pillow etc, are mentined as the Parikkhāras of the monks. (Cf. Pārā, p. 190)." [Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

22 Ahu satasahassaggho parikkhāro sa ādito;
Ante sahassagghanako sabbasaṅgho ca taṃ labhi.

22.

Die Mönchs- und Nonnenutensilien hatten jeweils einen Wert zwischen 100.000 und 1000 [Kahāpaṇa]¹. Die ganze Ordensgemeinschaft erhielt dies.

Kommentar:

¹ Kahāpaṇa: Sanskrit: Karṣāpaṇa: Silbermünze mit ca. 3,3 g reinem Silber, 1000 Kahāpaṇa entsprechen also über 3 Kg Silber, 100.000 Kahāpaṇa entsprechen gar 33 kg Silber! So lässt sich leicht in die "Heimlosigkeit" gehen.

23 Yuddhe dāne ca sūrena sūrinā ratanantaye
Pasannāmalacittena sāsanujjotanatthinā
24 Raññā kataññunā tena thūpakārāpanādito
Vihāramahantāni pūjetuṃ ratanattayaṃ
25 Pariccattadhanān' ettha anagghāni vimuñciya
Sesāni honti ekāya ūnavīsatikoṭiyo.

23. - 25.

Der dankbare weise König, der Held im Kampf und in Freigebigkeit, dessen reines Herz an die drei Juwelen glaubte, der als Ziel hatte, die Religion zum Leuchten zu bringen, hat, um die drei Juwelen zu verehren, hat hier für den Bau des Stūpa und so fort bis zur Einweihungsfeier des Klosters 190.000.000 [Kahāpaṇa]¹ ausgegeben. Dabei sind nicht eingerechnet die übrigen unschätzbaren Geschenke.

Kommentar:

¹ Kahāpaṇa: Sanskrit: Karṣāpaṇa: Silbermünze mit ca. 3,3 g reinem Silber. 19 Koṭi = 19 x 10⁷ = 190 Millionen Kahāpaṇa entspräche 627.000 Kg Silber! Sri Lanka besitzt keine nennenswerten eigenen Silber- oder Goldvorkommen.

26 Bhogā dasaddhavidhadosavidūsitā pi
Paññāvisesasahitehi janehi pattā
Hont' eva pañcaguṇayogagahītasārā
Iccassa sāragahaṇe matimā yateyyā

ti.

26.

Selbst Güter, die durch die fünf Fehler¹ verdorben sind, werden zu Wertgegenständen, die die fünf Vorzüge² tragen, wenn sie von Menschen erworben werden, die besondere Weisheit besitzen. Deshalb soll ein Weiser danach beim Erwerb von Wertgegenständen streben.

Kommentar:

Versmaß:

Vasantatilakā
(14 Silben: 8.6.; Schema: ta bha ja ja ga ga: uktā Vasantatilakā tabhajā jagau gaḥ)

ˉˉ˘ˉ˘˘˘ˉ˘˘ˉ˘ˉˉ
ˉˉ˘ˉ˘˘˘ˉ˘˘ˉ˘ˉˉ
ˉˉ˘ˉ˘˘˘ˉ˘˘ˉ˘ˉˉ
ˉˉ˘ˉ˘˘˘ˉ˘˘ˉ˘ˉˉ

¹ fünf Nachteile: die Gefahren, die einem, wenn man Reichtum hat, drohen von:

• Feuer,
• Wasser,
• vom König,
• von Räubern oder
• einem unlieben Erben

² fünf Vorzüge = Die Vorzüge der Freigebigkeit (dāne ānisaṃsā):

• A. Vorzüge der Freigebigkeit im gegenwärtigen Leben:
  • der Geber ist vielen Menschen lieb und angenehm
  • mit einem Geber suchen gute Menschen Umgang
  • der Geber hat einen guten Ruf
  • der Geber tritt in der Versammlung voll Sicherheit auf, ohne Befangenheit
• B. Vorzüge der Freigebigkeit in künftigen Leben:
  • ein Geber wird nach dem Tod in einem guten Zustand, einer himmlischen Welt wiedergeboren

(Sîhasutta A III,38-41)

s.a.

Nâgârjuna: Le traité de la grande vertu de sagesse (Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra) / [übersetzt von] Étienne Lamotte. -Tome II, p. 658-769 (dāna)

bhogānaṃ ādiya m. -- Wie man seinen Reichtum verwenden soll:

1. man macht damit sich selbst, seine Eltern, seine Frau und Kinder und sein Gesinde und seine Dienstleistenden glücklich und froh und sorgt sich um ihr rechtes Wohl
2. man macht damit seine Freunde und Gefährten glücklich und froh und sorgt sich um ihr rechtes Wohl
3. man wehrt sich damit gegen Missgeschick, das einem durch Feuer, Wasser, vom König, von Räubern oder einem unlieben Erben entstehen könnte, und schafft sich so Wohlergehen (Versicherungsfunktion des Reichtums)
4. man macht damit fünferlei Opfer (bali): 
   1. ñāti-bali -- Opfer an die Verwandten
   2. atithi-bali -- Opfer an Gäste
   3. pubbe-peta-bali -- Opfer an die Verstorbenen
   4. rāja-bali -- Opfer an den König
   5. deva-bali -- Opfer an Götter
5. man macht damit Geschenke an würdige Asketen und Brahmanen. Solche Geschenke bringen hohe Früchte und bringen den Geber in einen Himmel.

(Âdiyasutta : Aṅguttaranikāya III, 206; Vgl. Pattakammasutta : Aṅguttaranikāya II, 66-67)

Sujanappasādasaṃvegatthāya kate Mahāvaṃse
Maricavaṭṭikavihāramaho nāma chabbīsatimo paricchedo.

Zu Kapitel 27: Einweihung des Lohapāsāda