Zitierweise / cite as:
Mahanama <6. Jhdt n. Chr.>: Mahavamsa : die große Chronik Sri Lankas / übersetzt und erläutert von Alois Payer. -- 20. Kapitel 20: Mahinda's vollkommenes Erlöschen. -- Fassung vom 2006-09-05. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/mahavamsa/chronik20.htm. -- [Stichwort].
Erstmals publiziert: 2001-07-17
Überarbeitungen: 2006-09-05 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-05-29 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-05-26 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-04-21 [Umstellung auf Unicode!]; 2006-03-03 [Einfügung des Palitexts]
Anlass: Lehrveranstaltung, Sommersemester 2001, 2006
©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Übersetzers.
Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Buddhismus von Tüpfli's Global Village Library
Pālitext: http://www.tipitaka.org/tipitaka/e0703n/e0703n-frm.html.-- Zugriff am 2001-06-06
Falls Sie die diakritischen Zeichen nicht dargestellt bekommen, installieren Sie eine Schrift mit Diakritika wie z.B. Tahoma.
Die Zahlreichen Zitate aus Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. sind ein Tribut an dieses großartige Werk. Das Gesamtwerk ist online zugänglich unter: http://www.palikanon.com/english/pali_names/dic_idx.html. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-08.
Alle Verse mit Ausnahme des Schlussverses sind im Versmaß vatta = siloka = Śloka abgefasst.
Das metrische Schema ist:
̽ ̽ ̽ ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
̽ ̽ ̽ ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ
̽ ̽ ̽ ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
̽ ̽ ̽ ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ
Ausführlich zu Vatta im Pāli siehe:
Warder, A. K. (Anthony Kennedy) <1924 - >: Pali metre : a contribution to the history of Indian literature. -- London : Luzac, 1967. -- XIII, 252 S. -- S. 172 - 201.
1. Aṭṭhārasamhi vassamhi,
1. Im 18. Jahr1 [der Herrschaft] des Königs Dhammasoka2 pflanzte sich der Mahābodhibaum im Mahāmeghavana-Kloster.
1 Nach Theravādatradition 247 v. Chr.
2 regierte nach Theravādatradition 264 - 227
2. Tato dvādasame vasse,
mahesī tassa rājino;
piyā Asandhīmittā sā,
2. Im 12. Jahr danach1 [236 v. Chr.] starb die diesem König liebe, dem vollkommenen Buddha ergebene Königin Asandhimittā.
1 Nach Theravādatradition 236 v. Chr.
Chief queen of Dhammāsoka. He gave for her use one of the eight loads of water brought for him from Anotatta (Mhv.v.85; two says Sp.i.42). She was a faithful follower of the Buddha's teaching and died in the thirtieth year of Asoka's reign (Mhv.xx.2). When preparations were being made to take the branch of the Bodhi-tree to Ceylon, she offered to the tree all kinds of ornaments and various sweet-scented flowers (Mbv.152).
Having learnt from the monks that the voice of the karavīka bird was like that of the Buddha, she had a karavīka given her by the king, and listened to his song. Thrilled with joy at the thought of the sweetness of the Buddha's voice, she attained to the First Fruit of the Path (DA.ii.453; MA.ii.771).
She was called Asandhimittā because the joints in her limbs were visible only when she bent or stretched them (MT.136).
In a previous birth, when Asoka was born as a honey merchant and gave honey to the Pacceka Buddha, she was the maid who pointed out the honey-store to the Pacceka Buddha. She had then wished that she might become the queen consort of the King of Jambudīpa and be possessed of a lovely form with invisible joints. Mhv.v.59-60."
[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]
3. Tato catutthe vassamhi,
3. Im vierten Jahr [233 v. Chr.] darauf machte König Asoka die falsche Tissarakkhā zur Königin.
4. Tato tu tatiye vasse,
sā bālā rūpamāninī;
mayāpi ca ayaṃ rājā,
5. Iti kodhavasaṃ gantvā,
4./5. Im dritten Jahr [230 v. Chr.] darauf geriet diese törichte Schönheit in Zorn, weil der König dem Mahābodhibaum ergebener war als ihr. Deshalb tötete sie zu ihrem eigenen Schaden den Mahābodhibaum mit einem Maṇḍu-Dorn1.
1 Maṇḍu-Dorn: es könnte Taxus baccata L., eine Eibe, gemeint sein, auf Sanskrit: Maṇḍuparṇī.
Abb.: Taxus baccata L.
"All species of yew [Taxus] contain the highly poisonous alkaloid taxine, with some variation in the exact formula of the alkaloid between the species. All parts of the tree except the arils [Samenmantel] contain the alkaloid. The arils are edible and sweet, but the seed is dangerously poisonous; unlike birds, the human stomach can break down the seed coat and release the taxine into the body. This can have fatal results if yew 'berries' are eaten without removing the seeds first. Grazing animals, particularly cattle and horses, are also sometimes found dead near yew trees after eating the leaves, though deer are able to break down the poisons and will eat yew foliage freely. In the wild, deer browsing of yews is often so extensive that wild yew trees are commonly restricted to cliffs and other steep slopes inaccessible to deer. The foliage is also eaten by the larvae of some Lepidopteran insects including Willow Beauty."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taxus. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-25]
"Taxane sind natürlich vorkommende Zytostatika, also Stoffe, die das Zellwachstum bzw. die Zellteilung hemmen. Chemisch gesehen gehören Taxane zu den Diterpenoiden (Diterpene). Seit Anfang der 1990er Jahre werden Taxane in der Krebstherapie eingesetzt.
Geschichte der Taxane
Auf der Suche nach Naturstoffen für die Krebstherapie durch das amerikanische Nationale Krebsinstitut (National Cancer Institute, NCI) wurden 1962 auch Proben von der Pazifischen Eibe (Taxus brevifola) genommen. In den Jahren 1963 – 1966 wurde am Research Triangle Institute von North Carolina (USA) entdeckt, dass Extrakte aus der Eibenrinde gegen mehrere Leukämiezellen der Maus wirksam sind. 1969 wurde schließlich der Wirkstoff der Eibenextrakte isoliert: Paclitaxel. Als erster Stoff aus der Gruppe der Taxane wurde das Paclitaxel erstamals 1983 einer klinischen Prüfung hinsichtlich seiner Einsetzbarkeit in der Krebstherapie beim Menschen unterzogen. Im Dezember 1993 erfolgte die erste Zulassung von Paclitaxel unter dem Handelsnamen Taxol in Deutschland zur Therapie des Ovarialkarzinoms.
Auf der Suche nach weiteren Taxanen kristallisierte sich das erstmals 1985 aus Baccatin (wird aus den Nadeln der Europäischen Eibe (Taxus baccata) gewonnen) synthetisierte Docetaxel heraus. Im Oktober 1995 erfolgte die erste EU-weite Zulassung des Docetaxels unter dem Handelsnamen Taxotere für die Therapie des Mammakarzinoms.
Heute werden Paclitaxel und Docetaxel zur Behandlung verschiedener Krebserkrankungen eingesetzt.Wirkungsweise von Taxanen
Taxane hemmen die Zellteilung und damit das Zellwachstum, in dem sie nach der Zellteilung die Funktion der sog. Mikrotubuli bei der Verteilung des verdoppelten Erbmaterials auf die beiden Tochterzellen unterdrücken. Damit kann der Zellteilungsvorgang nur bis zu einem bestimmten Grad erfolgen."
[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Taxane. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-25]
6. Tato catutthe vassamhi,
sattatiṃsa samā ime.
6. Im vierten Jahr darauf [227 v. Chr.] kam der ruhmreiche Dhammasoka unter die Macht der Unbeständigkeit [d.h. starb]. Dies sind insgesamt 37 Jahre [der Herrschaft].
Und so lebt Aśoka heute weiter:
7. Devānaṃpiyatisso tu,
rājā dhammaguṇe rato;
8. Thūpārāme ca navakammaṃ,
7./8. Als König Devānampiyatissa, der die Vorzüge der Buddhalehre liebte, die Bauarbeiten im Mahāvihāra, auf dem Cetiyaberg [Mihintale] und im Thūpārāma angemessen zu Ende gebracht hatte, fragte er den Thera [Mahinda], der die Insel bekehrt hatte und der die Antwort auf Fragen wusste:
9. Kārāpessam' ahaṃ bhante,
vihāre subahū idha;
kathaṃ lacchāma dhātuyo.
9. "Ehrwürden, ich werde hier sehr viele Klöster erbauen lassen. Wie bekomme ich Reliquien, um sie in den Stūpas zu platzieren?"
10. Sambuddhapattaṃ pūretvā,
ṭhapitā atthi dhātuyo.
10. "König, es gibt hier auf dem Cetiyaberg [Mihintale] Reliquien, mit denen Sumana den Almosentopf des vollkommenen Buddha gefüllt hat und die er hierher gebracht hat und hier aufbewahrt hat.1
1 siehe Mahāvaṃsa Kapitel 17, Vers 18ff.
11. Hatthikkhandhe ṭhapetvā tā,
dhātuyo idha āhara;
iti vutto sa therena,
tathā āhari dhātuyo.
11. Bringe diese Reliquien auf einem Elefanten hierher." Gemäß dieser Anweisung des Thera brachte er die Reliquien.
12. Vihāre kārayitvāna,
dhātuyo tattha thūpesu,
12. Er ließ im Abstand von jeweils einem Yojana [ca. 11 km] Klöster errichten und ließ dort die Reliquien in würdiger Form in den Stūpas aufbewahren.
13. Sambuddhabhuttapattaṃ tu,
rāja vatthughare subhe;
13. Den Almosentopf, aus dem der vollkommene Buddha gegessen hatte, bewahrte der König im schönen Schatzhaus und verehrte ihn ständig mit unterschiedlichsten Ehrungen.
14. An der Stelle, wo die fünfhundert Adeligen (issara) wohnten nach ihrem Eintritt in den Orden beim großen Thera, entstand der Issarasamanaka1.
1 Issarasamanaka: heute Issaramuniya (Issurumuniya) Vihāra
Abb.: Issaramuniya Tempel heute
(Bildquelle: Ceylonesisches Fremdenverkehrsbüro)
"Issarasamanārāma (Issarasamanavāhara, Issarasamanaka)
One of the monasteries at Anurādhapura. It was built by Devānampiyatissa on the spot where the prince Arittha dwelt with his five hundred followers after having received their ordination from Mahinda (Mhv.xx.14; xix.66). The building of this monastery was the seventh of the great tasks performed by Devānampiyatissa (Mhv.xx.20).
One of the eight saplings from the Bodhi-tree at Anurādhapura was planted at Issarasamanārāma (Mhv.xix.61; Mbv.162).
Candamukha Siva built a tank near Manikāragāmaka and gave it for the use of the vihāra (Mhv.xxxv.47), while Vasabha built in the monastery an uposatha-hall (Mhv.xxxv.87) and Vohāraka Tissa constructed a wall round it (Mhv.xxxvi.36). Kassapa I. restored the buildings and enlarged the grounds. He also bought villages which he presented to the monastery for its maintenance. He had two daughters, Bodhī and Uppalavannā, and he gave their names and his own to the vihāra. When the king wished to hand over the vihāra to the Theravāda monks they refused to accept it, fearing the reproach of the people that it was the work of a parricide. Then the king dedicated it to the image of the Buddha and the monks accepted it saying that it belonged to their Master (Cv.xxxix.10-14; see also below).
According to the Mahāvamsa Tīkā (pp. 407 and 652), the vihāra was also called Kassapagiri, probably after its restoration by Kassapa I., mentioned above.' See also Kassapagiri. See also Cv. Trs.i.43, n.7, and Ep. Zeyl. i.31ff., where the vihāra is called "Isuramenu-.Bo-Upulvan-Kasubgiri" in an inscription of Mahinda IV.
It had originally been called Issarasamana because of its association with the five hundred noblemen (issaradārakā) who joined the Order with Arittha (MT.416). The Tīkā adds (607) that Sāliya, son of Dutthagāmani, enlarged the vihāra out of the tribute brought to him by the men of his tributary villages to the south of Anurādhapura. He used to observe the uposatha on fast days at the vihāra and spend the day in the Mahindaguhā there.
In the Samantapāsādikā (i.100) the vihāra is called Issaranimmāna."
[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]
15. Pañcasatehi vessehi,
tathā Vessagiri ahu.
15. An der Stelle, wo fünfhundert Vaiśya1 wohnten nach ihrem Eintritt in den Orden beim großen Thera, entstand Vessagiri2 [Vaischyaberg].
1 Vaiśya: vessa, Angehörige des dritten Standes, des Nährstandes
Abb.: Plan von Anurādhapura (Bildquelle: Ceylon Tourist Board)
A monastery in Ceylon, near Anurādhapura. It was built by Devānampiyatissa for the five hundred vessas (merchants) who were ordained by Mahinda (Mhv.xx.15; Mhv. Trs. 137, n.3). Near the monastery was a forest, where Vattagāmanī, in his flight, hid the alms bowl of the Buddha. There he also met the Elder Kupikkala Mahātissa (Mhv.xxxiii.48f). The alms bowl was discovered and taken by a Damila to India, but was later recovered (Mhv.xxxiii.55). To the south of Vessagiri was the Pabbata vihāra, and, near it, the village of Silāsobbhakandaka. MT.616."
[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]
16. Yā yā Mahāmahindena,
therena vasitā guhā;
sapabbate vihāre sā,
sā Mahindaguhā ahu.
16. Die Höhle, in der der große There Mahinda im Bergkloster [Mihintale] wohnte, nannte man Mahindaguhā [Mahindahöhle]1.
The cave occupied by Mahinda in the Cetiyagirivihāra (Mhv.xx. 16; MT. 416). It was on the Hatthikucchipabbhāra, covered by forest, at the entrance to a deep valley. Vsm., p. 110."
17. Mahāvihāraṃ paṭhamaṃ,
Thūpārāmaṃ tu tatiyaṃ,
18. Catutthaṃ tu mahābodhi-
patiṭṭhāpanam eva ca;
pañcamaṃ pana sādhukaṃ.
patiṭṭhāpanam eva ca.
20. Issarasamaṇaṃ chaṭṭhaṃ,
Tissavāpin tu sattamaṃ;
aṭṭhamaṃ Paṭhamaṃ thūpaṃ,
21. Upāsikāvhayaṃ rammaṃ,
22. Hatthāḷhake osaritvā,
bhattasālaṃ sūpacaraṃ subham
24. Tathā bhikkhusahassassa,
pavāraṇāya dānañ ca,
anuvassakam eva ca.
25. Nāgadīpe Jambukola-
vihāraṃ tamhi paṭṭane;
Pācīnārāmam eva ca.
26. Iti etāni kammāni,
27. Paṭhame yeva vassamhi,
yāvajīvan tu 'nekāni,
Zuerst das Mahāvihāra1
zweitens das Cetiya2 genannte
drittens das schöne Thūpārāma3, das vor dem Stūpa erbaut wurde
viertens die Pflanzung des Mahābodhibaums4
fünftens die Errichtung des schönen Steinpfeilers, der die Stelle für den zu errichtenden Stūpa bezeichnete, an der Stelle des [späteren] großen Stūpa5
siebtens Tissavāpi7 [Tissa-Stausee]
achtens der erste Stūpa8
neuntens das Vessa[giri]9 genannte [Kloster]
das Upāsika[-Nonnenkloster]10 und das Hatthālhaka[-Nonnenkloster]11, diese zwei Nonnenheime, die dem was nötig ist zum Wohlbefinden der Nonnen
zur Entgegennahme des Essens durch den Mönchsorden, wenn er zum Nonnenheim Hatthālaka kommt, den schönen, leicht bedienbaren Speisesaal Mahāpāli12, ausgestattet mit allem Nötigen und mit Bedienung
ebenso eine jährliche herausragende Gabe der zum Mönchsleben nötigen Dinge13 [Kleidung, Speise, Medizin, Wohnung] an 1000 Mönche zu Pavāranā14 [Pavāranā = Rechtsakt und Zeremonie am Ende der Regenzeitsesshaftigkeit].
das Jambukola-Kloster15 im Hafen auf Nāgadîpa
All dies ließ Devānampiyatissa, der verdienstvolle und weise, das Gute liebende Herrscher Lankās, dem das Heil der Leute Lankās am Herzen lag, schon im ersten Jahr errichten. Sein ganzes Leben lang häufte er viele verdienstvolle Werke auf.
Abb.: Plan von Anurādhapura
The great monastery at Anurādhapura, for many centuries the chief seat of Buddhism in Ceylon. It was founded by Devānampiyatissa, on the counsel of Mahinda, and included the Mahāmeghavana. The Mahāmeghavanārāma henceforth came to be included in the Mahāvihāra. The boundary of the vihāra was marked out by the king ploughing a circular furrow starting from near the Gangalatittha on the Kadambanadī and ending again at the river (Mhv.xv.188ff.; MT.361; Mbv. 135, 136 says that the ford on the Kadambanadī was Pāsānatittha).
A list is given in the Mahābodhivamsa (pp. 135f) of the places through which the simā (boundary) of the Mahāvihāra passed - Pāsānatittha, Kuddavātakapāsāna, Kumbhakāraāvāta, the Mahānīpa tree, Kakudhapāli, Mahāangana tree, Khujjamātula tree, Marutta pokkharanī, the northern gate of the Vijayārāma park, Gajakumbhakapāsāna, then passing Avattimajjha, Bālakapāsāna on the Abhayavāpi, Mahāsusāna, Dīghapāsāna, the left side of Candalagāma, the Nīcasusāna to the left of Kammāradeva Sīmānigrodha, Veluvangana, round the hermitages of the Niganthas Jotiya Giri and Kumbhanda, to the right of the various hermitages of the Paribbājakas, by Hiyagalla, along the shrine of the brahmin Dīyavāsa, through Telumapāli, Tālacatukka, to the right of the stables (assamandala), on to Sasakapāsāna and Marumbatittha. It then proceeded up the river to Sīhasinānatittha, on to Pāsānatittha, ending at Kuddavātakapāsāna.
The Mahāvihāra contained thirty two Mālakas (Mhv.xv.214) and had numerous buildings attached to it, apart from sacred shrines, such as the Mahābodhi tree, Thūpārāma, Mahā Thūpa, etc. In its early period, the precincts of the Mahāvihāra contained other buildings besides those dedicated to the service of Buddhism e.g., the hermitages of the Niganthas and the Paribbājakas (as mentioned above) and the shrine of the guardian deity of Anurādhapura (Mhv.xxv.87). In the time of Vattagāmanī, the Mahāvihāra monks divided into two factions, and one party occupied Abhayagiri, built by the king (Mhv.xxxiii.97f). At first the differences between these two factions were trivial, but, as time went on, Abhayagiri grew in power and riches and proved a formidable rival to the older monastery.
From time to time various kings and nobles made additions and restorations to the Mahāvihāra. Thus Vasabha (Mhv.xxxxv.88) built a row of cells, and Bhātikatissa erected a boundary wall (Mhv.xxxvi.2), while Kanitthatissa removed the boundary wall and constructed the Kukkutagiri parivena, twelve large pāsādas, a refectory, and a road leading from Mahāvihāra to Dakkhinavihāra (Mhv.xxxvi.10f). Vohārikatissa appointed a monthly gift of a thousand to the monks of Mahāvihāra (Mhv.xxxvi.32), while Sirisanghabodhi built a salāka house (Mhv.xxxvi.74). Gothābhaya erected a stone pavilion and made a padhānabhūmi to the west of the vihāra (Mhv.xxxvi.102,106).
Towards the latter part of Gothābhaya's reign, a dispute arose between the Mahāvihāra and Abhayagiri on matters of doctrine, and sixty monks of Abhayagiri, who had adopted the Vetulyavāda, were banished. They obtained the assistance of a Cola monk, named Sanghatissa, and at a solemn assembly of the monks concerned, at Thūpārāma, Sanghamitta expounded his heretical doctrine, refuting the opposition of the Mahāvihāra monks, and succeeded in winning over the king, who was present, in spite of the efforts of his uncle, Gothābhaya Thera, to bring him round to the orthodox party. Sanghamitta became tutor to the king's sons, and when one of these, Mahāsena, became king, he prompted him to destroy the Mahāvihāra. A royal decree was issued forbidding the giving of alms to the Mahāvihāra. The monks thereupon left the monastery, and for nine years it remained deserted. Many of the buildings were destroyed, and various possessions belonging to the Mahāvihāra were removed to Abhayagiri; but the people, led by the king's minister and friend, Meghavannābhaya, revolted against the impious deeds of Mahāsena and his admirers, Sanghamitta and Sona, and the king was forced to yield. Sanghamitta and Sona were slain by one of the queens, and the king, with the help of Meghavannābhaya, rebuilt several parivenas and restored some of the possessions, which had been removed. But Mahāsena's allegiance to the Mahāvihāra teaching was not lasting; acting on the advice of a monk named Tissa, he built the Jetavanavihāra in the grounds of the Mahāvihāra, against the wish of the monks there; the latter left again for nine months as a sign of protest against the king's attempts to remove the boundary of the vihāra. This attempt, however, he was forced to abandon (Mhv.xxxvi.110f.; xxxvii.1 37).
Mahāsena's son, Sirimeghavanna, on coming to the throne, exerted himself to undo the damage which had been wrought by his father. He rebuilt the Lohapāsāda and restored all the demolished parivenas, together with their endowments (Cv.xxxvii.54ff). Mahāvihāra had, by now, become famous as a seat of learning; it was the centre of Theravāda Buddhism, and was the repository of various Commentaries, of which the chief were the Sīhalatthakathā on the Pāli Canon. Thither, therefore, came scholars from various countries, among them Buddhaghosa (q.,v.), who resided in the Ganthākara parivena and compiled his Pāli Commentaries (Cv.xxxvii.215ff).
When Dhātusena became king he had the walls of the Mahāvihāra painted with various ornamental designs (Cv.xxxviii.43). The Dhammarucikas seem to have been favourites of this king and to have occupied the Mahāvihāra, later moving to Ambatthala vihāra (Cv.xxxviii.75). Mahānāga instituted a permanent distribution of soup to the inhabitants of the Mahāvihāra (Cv.xli.99) and Jetthatissa III. planted another Bodhi tree there, called the Mahāmetta (Cv.xliv.96).
Udaya I. built a new salāka hall (Cv.xlix.14). Aggabodhi IX. discontinued the habit of the monks of the smaller vihāras surrounding Anurādhapura from coming to Mahāvihāra for their supply of medicines and made other arrangements for their distribution (Cv.xlix.88). Sena I. and his queen Sanghā erected and endowed the Sanghasena parivena (Cv.l.70), while Kassapa IV. built the Samuddagiri parivena and gave it for the use of the Pamsukūlikas, while for the forest dwelling monks of Mahāvihāra he built forest dwellings (Cv.lii.21f.; Cv. Trs.i.163, n.8). Kassapa's kinsman, the general Rakkha, built a vihāra in the village of Savāraka and gave it to the incumbents of Mahāvihāra, to be used as a padhānaghara, while Mahālekhasena built, in Mahāvihāra itself, the Mahālekhapabbata (Cv.lii.31ff). Udaya IV. gave a diadem of jewels to the Buddha image in Mahāvihāra, while his wife Vidurā added to it a network of rays made of precious stones (Cv.liii.49ff).
During the invasions of the Colas and the Pandus from South India, and owing to the consequent confusion prevailing in the country, the Mahāvihāra seems to have been neglected. Many of the buildings were destroyed and their priceless possessions plundered. Discipline among the monks became slack and there were many dissensions. Later, when Parakkamabāhu I. had restored peace, he wished to purify the religion, but met with great opposition, and it was only after strenuous efforts that he brought about a reconciliation between the different parties (Cv.lxxviii.11ff).
It is said (Cv.lxxviii.25) that the king could not find one single pure member of the Order. He, therefore, held a special ordination ceremony, admitting many monks into the Order.
After the removal of the capital from Anurādhapura to Pulatthipura, Mahāvihāra lost its importance; the centre of activity was now at Pulatthipura, and later, at other capitals, and the Mahāvihāra fell into neglect and decay, from which it has never recovered."
2 Cetiya-vihāra in Cetiyagiri = Mihintale. siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 16; Siehe auch Exkurs zu Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 14
Also called Cetiyagiri. The later name of the Missaka mountain given on account of its many shrines. Devānampiyatissa built a vihāra there - the second vihāra in Ceylon - for Mahinda and those ordained under him (Mhv.xvi.12-17). The relics, obtained by Sumanasāmanera from Asoka and from Sakka, were deposited there until they were needed. According to the Mahāvamsa (Mhv.xxii.23ff) this fact was the occasion for the name. One of the eight saplings of the Sacred Bodhi-tree at Anurādhapura was planted in the drama on Cetiyagiri (Mhv.xix.62). Mahinda spent the last years of his life on Cetiyagiri and died there, and there his relics were enshrined (Mhv.xx.32, 45). Near the mountain was the village of Dvāramandala (Mhv.xxiii.23). Kutakannatissa built an uposatha-hall on the mountain and planted a Bodhi-tree, while Bhāti-kābhaya supplied food daily to one thousand monks dwelling there (Mhv.xxxiv.30f, 64), and Lañjakatissa had the vihāra paved at a cost of one hundred thousand (Mhv.xxxiii.25). Mahādāthikamahānāga made four gateways and a road round the mountain, and held the Giribhandapūjā with great pomp and ceremony; it is said that in order that the people might approach the mountain with clean feet he spread carpets right up to it from the Kadamba River (Mhv.xxxiv.75ff). Kanirajānutissa had sixty monks of Cetiyapabbata put to death as traitors by flinging them into the cave called Kanira (Mhv.xxxv.11). Vasabha provided four thousand lamps to be lighted on Cetiyagiri (Mhv.xxxv.80), while Jetthatissa gave to the vihāra the income derived from the Kālamattika Tank. (Mhv.xxxvi.130; see also Dpv.xv.69; xvii.90; xix.13, and Sp.i.82ff).
In the time of Kakusandha, Cetiyagiri was known as Devakūta, in that of Konāgamana as Suvannakūta, and in that of Kassapa as Subhakūta (Sp.i.86f). The Dhammarucikas once occupied the Ambatthalavihāra on Cetiyapabbata, it having been given to them by Dhātusena (Cv.xxxviii.75). Aggabodhi supplied a permanent supply of water for the bathing-tank called Nāgasondi, on the top of Cetiyagiri (Cv.xlii.28; see Cv. Trs.i.68, n.8), while Aggabodhi III. gave to the vihāra the village of Ambillapadara (Cv.xliv.122). Aggabodhi V. restored the ruined buildings of Cetiyapabbata at a cost of one hundred and twenty thousand pieces (Cv.xlviii.7), while the queen of Udaya I, built there the Kanthakacetiya, and her husband decorated the mountain with brightly coloured flags and streamers (Cv.xlix.23, 27). Sena I, gave to the monastery the income from the Kānavāpi (Cv.l.72), and Sena II. Provided a hospital for the use of the monks there (Cv.li.73). Kassapa VI. built the Hadayunha Parivena and gifted it to the Dhammarucikas (Cv.lii.18). Parakkamabāhu I restored all the old buildings which had been destroyed and built sixty-four thūpas (Cv.lxxviii.108).
The Commentaries relate several anecdotes connected with Cetiyapabbata. Maliyadeva Thera recited there the Chachakka Sutta, and sixty listening bhikkhus became arahants (MA.ii.1064). Lomasanāga Theca lived in the Padhānaghara in the Piyanguguhā there and overcame the cold he felt by meditating on the Lokantarikaniraya (MA.i.65). Cetiyapabbata was the residence of Kālabuddharakkhita, and King Saddhātissa spent some time there (MA.i.469f. See also Vsm.20, 64; DhSA.194, 200; AA.i.44). At the time that Fa Hsien came to Ceylon there were two thousand monks in Cetiyagiri, including a monk of great fame, called Dharmagupta (Giles: p.72)."
3 Thūpārāma: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 15, Vers 86
Abb.: Thūparāma als Briefmarkenmotiv
A monastery near the southern wall of Anurādhapura, erected by Devānampiyatissa. The spot was consecrated by the Buddha having sat there in meditation (Mhv.i.82) and also by former Buddhas doing likewise (Mhv.xv.86). The thūpa there was the first of its kind in Ceylon and enshrined the Buddha's collar-bone. Miracles, said to have been ordained by the Buddha himself, attended its enshrinement (Mhv.xvii.30, 50). The monastery was built later than the thūpa, hence its name (Mhv.xvii.62). One of the eight saplings of the Bodhi-tree at Anurādhapura was planted in the grounds and exists to this day (Mhv.xix.61). The Cittasālā was to the east of the Thūpārāma, and on that site Sanghamittā was cremated (Mhv.xx.52). It was the monks of Thūpārāma who helped Thūlatthana to become king (Mhv.xxxiii.17).
Lañjatissa levelled the ground between the Thūpārāma and the Mahā Thūpa (about four hundred yards away), made a stone mantling for the thūpa, and built a smaller thūpa to the east of it, near which he built the Lañjakāsana-hall (Mhv.xxxiii.23f). Amandagāmani added an inner verandah to the uposatha-hall in the monastery (Mhv.xxxv.3), while Vasabha placed lamps round the thūpa and built a new uposatha-house (Mhv.xxxv.80, 87, 91). Bhātika-Tissa erected another assembly-hall, while Gothābhaya made certain restorations (Mhv.xxxvi.4, 106). The Sanghapāla-parivena probably formed part of the monastery (Mhv.xxxvi.114).
Jetthatissa removed from the Thūpārāma the stone image placed there by Devānampiyatissa and set it up in Pācīnatissapabbata (Mhv.xxxvi.128).
The renegade monk Sanghamitta once threatened to destroy the Thūpārāma but was killed in the attempt (Mhv.xxxvii.27). Mahānāma provided a gold casing for the finial of the thūpa (Cv.xxxvii.207) and Dhātusena restored the thūpa (Mhv.xxxviii.70), while Aggabodhi II. effected extensive repairs, almost rebuilding the whole structure (Mhv.xlii.51ff). Dāthopatissa I. did the monastery great damage, as did Kassapa II., though he afterwards made amends (Mhv.xliv.133, 138, 148). Dāthopatissa II. gave the village of Punnali to the Thūpārāma (Mhv.xlv.28), and Mānavamma built a pāsāda (Mhv.xlvii.66). Aggabodhi VII. repaired the doors and transposed the pillars of the structure round the cetiya (Cv.xlviii.65). Mahinda II. placed a casing of gold and silver plates in the cetiya (Cv.xlviii.140), while Dappula II. covered the thūpaghara with golden bricks (Cv.xlix.81); both plates and bricks were later plundered by the Pandu king (Cv.l.35). The golden plates were restored by Udaya II. (Cv.li.128), and Sena Ilanga provided a building for the monks to the west of the Thūpārāma (Cv.lii.16). Rakkha Ilanga did likewise (Cv.liii.11). Mahinda IV. covered the cetiya with strips of gold and silver, provided a golden door for the vihāra and instituted a great festival (Cv.liv.42f). Vijayabāhu I., Parakkamabāhu I., and Vijayabāhu IV., successively, restored the buildings and effected necessary repairs (Cv.lx.56; lxxviii.107; lxxxviii.80). The road into Anurādhapura passed by the southern gate of the Thūpārāma, eastwards and then northwards (UdA.238; VibhA.449). From the Kadambanadī to the Thūpārāma the road lay through the gate of the Rājamātuvihāra (DA.ii.572).
Behind the Thūpārāma was the Mahejjāvatthu. It is said (Sp.i.86) that, at the time of Devānampiyatissa, there was in the Thūpārāma a shrine dedicated to the three Buddhas previous to Gotama."
4 Pflanzung des Mahābodhibaums: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 18 und Kapitel 19
5 schönen Steinpfeilers, der die Stelle für den zu errichtenden Stūpa bezeichnete, an der Stelle des [späteren] großen Stūpa: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 15, Vers 51 - 173 (Erwähnung der Säule in Vers 173)
The great Thūpa in Anurādhapura, built by Dutthagāmani. The site on which it was erected was consecrated by the visit of all the four Buddhas of this kappa and was at the upper end of the Kakudhavāpi. It was one of the spots at which Mahinda scattered campaka flowers by way of homage, and the earth trembled. When Mahinda informed Devānampiyatissa of the great sanctity of the spot and of its suitability for a Thūpa, Tissa immediately wished to build the Thūpa himself, but Mahinda bade him desist, telling him that the work would be carried out in the future by Dutthagāmani. Tissa recorded this prophecy on a pillar of stone (Mhv.xv.51ff., 167ff). When Dutthagāmani had won his victory over the Damilas and had brought peace to the country, he saw the prophecy inscribed on the stone pillar, but was unwilling to start the work as the people were too crippled with regard to money to be able to support such an immense undertaking. But the devas read his thoughts and provided him with all the necessaries for the building of the Thūpa. Prepared bricks were found on the banks of the Gambhīranadī, copper near Tambapittha, silver in the Ambatthakolalena, pearls at Uruvelā, and gems in a cave near Pelivāpigāma. The building was started on the full moon day of Visākha. The foundation stone was laid on the fourteenth day of the bright half of the month of Asālha. Great celebrations marked the event, arrangements for which were in the hands of the ministers Visākha and Sirideva. Monks were present not only from all over Ceylon but from many other places: eighty thousand under Indagutta from Rājagaha, twelve thousand under Dhammasena from Isipatana, sixty thousand under Piyadassī from Jetavanārāma, eighteen thousand under Mahā Buddharakkhita from Mahāvana in Vesāli, thirty thousand under Mahā Dhammarakkhita from Ghositārāma in Kosambī, forty thousand under Mahā Sangharakkhita from Dakkhināgiri in Ujjeni, one hundred and sixty thousand under Mittinna Asokārāma in Pātaliputta, two hundred and eighty thousand under Uttinna from Kasmīra, four hundred and sixty thousand under Mahādeva from Pallabhogga, thirty thousand under Yonamahā Dhammarakkhita from Alasandā, sixty thousand under Uttara from Viñjhātavī, thirty thousand under Cittagutta from Bodhimanda vihāra, eighty thousand under Candagutta from Vanavāsa, and ninety six thousand under Suriyagutta from Kelāsa vihāra. Of arahants alone ninety six crores were present.
As the king stepped into the space left open for him, he expressed the desire that, if his worship were to have a happy result, theras bearing the names of the Buddha, his Dhamma and his Sangha, should take their places on the east, south, and west sides respectively, and a thera bearing the name of Ananda on the north side, each thera to be surrounded by a group bearing the same name. The king's wish was fulfilled; the theras in question and their companions were called Mahā Buddharakkhita, Mahā Dhammarakkhita, Mahā Sangharakkhita and Mahānanda. As the king was about to mark the space to be covered by the cetiya, the Thera Siddhattha, looking into the future, told him to define only a moderate space for the Thūpa. This the king did; then, looking at the theras immediately around him, he inquired their names and rejoiced to find them so auspicious, they being Siddhattha, Mangala, Sumam, Paduma, Sīvalī, Candagutta, Suriyagutta, Indagutta, Sāgara, Mittasena, Jayasena, and Acala. He then laid the first foundation stone on the east side on sweet smelling clay prepared by Mittasena and sprinkled with water by Jayasena; Mahāsumana placed jasmine flowers on the stone. Immediately the earth trembled in wonder. The minister who helped the king to mark out the area of the cetiya was Suppatitthitabrahmā, son of Nandisena and Sumanadevī. At the end of the ceremony, Piyadassī preached to the assembled populace, and many attained to various fruits of the Path.
The Thūpa was like a water bubble in shape; its architect was Sirivaddha and his assistant Acala. Orders were given that no unpaid work should be done in the construction of the cetiya. Arahants caused the three terraces of flower offerings to the Thūpa (pupphādhānā) to sink nine times into the earth, in order, as they explained, to strengthen the foundations. The cetiya was one hundred and twenty cubits high, and for the ten flower terraces alone ten crores of bricks were used.
The Relic Chamber was of unparalleled magnificence, and consisted of four medavannapāsānā, each eighty cubits in length and in breadth and eight inches thick. These were brought from Uttarakura by two sāmaneras, Uttara and Sumana. In the Chamber were placed sculptural representations of the chief events connected with the Buddha's life as well as pictures of several Jātakas, including the Vessantara.
For list see Mhv.xxx.71ff.; the MT (549ff.) contains a long disquisition to prove that there is no reason to doubt the account given of the contents of the Relic Chamber, for in its construction the power (iddhi) of the king, of devas, and of arahants came into play.
The work of the Relic Chamber was under the personal supervision of Indagutta Thera, of great iddhi power. When the Chamber was ready for the enshrining of the Relics, Sonuttara of Pūjā parivena was entrusted with the task of obtaining them. In a previous birth, as Nanduttara, he had vowed to have the power of doing this, and now was his opportunity. He went to Mañjerika Nāga bhavana, where the Relics, washed away from the Thūpa at Rāmagāma, were in the custody of the Nāga Mahākāla, and by a display of iddhi power obtained them from the Nāga against his desire. They represented one dona of the Buddha's Relics, and the Buddha had predicted that they would ultimately be placed in the Mahā Thūpa. These Relics were enshrined on the fifteenth uposatha day in the light half of the month of āsālha, under the constellation of Uttarāsālha. Many devas and brahmas and nāgas were present as on the day of the Buddha's Enlightenment, and ninety six crores of arahants attended the ceremony. As the king, after passing three times round the cetiya, ascended it on the east side, and was about to descend into the Relic Chamber, bearing on his head the Casket of Relics, the casket opened and the Relics rose out of it, and taking on the form of the Buddha, performed the Twin Miracle, as at the foot of the Gandamba. When the Relics were placed on the couch prepared for them they assumed, as the king had desired, the form of the Buddha as he lay on his death bed. For a whole week the celebrations lasted, and during this period the king offered to the Relics the dominion of Ceylon, and Indagutta decreed that the people of Ceylon, wherever they might be, should be able immediately to visit the Thūpa should they desire to do so. At the end of the seven days, the two sāmaneras, Uttara and Sumana, closed the Chamber with the medavannapāsānā set apart for the purpose, while arahants pronounced that flowers offered in the Relic Chamber should not wither, nor scents dry up; the lamps should not be extinguished nor anything whatever perish.
The building of the Māha Thūpa is described in Mhv. chaps xxviii-xxx.; MT. 514 83; Dpv.xix.1ff.; also Thūpavamsa (pp. 66ff.).
The treasures enshrined in the Mahā Thūpa were worth twenty crores, the rest cost one thousand crores (Mhv.xxxii.18).
Before the parasol of the Mahā Thūpa and the plaster work could be completed, Dutthagāmani fell ill, and his brother, Saddhātissa, summoned from Dīghavāpi, contrived with great skill to make the Thūpa look complete, that the king might see it before he died. After the king's obsequies had been performed, in a place within sight of the Mahā Thūpa (Mhv.xxxii.58), Saddhātissa finished the work yet remaining and established celebrations to be performed three times daily at the Mahā Thūpa (Mhv.xxxii.60; Mhv.xxxiii.5). Lañjatissa levelled the ground between the Mahā Thūpa and the Thūpārāma and built three stone terraces at the cost of three hundred thousand (Mhv.xxxiii.22f). Khallātanāga made the courtyard of sand, surrounded by a wall (Mhv.xxxiii.31). Bhātika constructed two vedikā round the courtyard (Mhv.xxxiv.39). It is said (MT. 553f) that Bhātika was taken by the arahants into the Relic Chamber, and he held great celebrations in its honour (see Bhātikābhaya). Mahādāthika Mahānāga converted the sand courtyard into a wide court laid out with kiñcakkha stones on plaster (Mhv.xxxiv.69), while Amandagāmani erected a parasol over the cetiya (Mhv.xxxv.2) and Ilanāga made the Lambakannas construct a roadway leading up to the Mahā, Thūpa (Mhv.xxxiv.17). Sirināga had the whole Thūpa gilded and crowned with a new parasol (Mhv.xxxvi.24), this work being undertaken again later by Sanghatissa (Mhv.xxxvi.65), while Sanghabodhi made rain to pour down by means of prostrating himself in the courtyard (Mhv.xxxvi.75). Jetthatissa offered two precious gems to the Thūpa (Mhv.xxxvi.126), while Aggabodhi I. placed on the Thūpa a golden umbrella (Cv.xlii.32), From this time onward the country passed through very troublous times and the Mahā Thūpa was neglected. But it was restored by Parakkamabāhu I. (Cv.lxxiv.10; lxxvi.106f; lxxviii.97) and again by Kittinissanka (Cv.lxxx.20); it was later pillaged by Māgha (Cv.lxxx.68), and remained neglected till the time of Parakkamabāhu II., who started the work of reconstruction (Cv.lxxxvii.66), which was completed by his son Vijayabāhu IV. Cv.lxxxviii.83; after this, the cetiya once more fell into disrepair and has so continued till recently, when an attempt is being made to rebuild it.
The Mahā Thūpa has been a place of pilgrimage for Buddhists from the time of its building down to the present day, even when the place was deserted and its courtyards overgrown with creepers (e.g., Vibhā.446). There seems to have been a hall for pilgrims to the west of the cetiya (Vibhā.446). When the Buddha's sāsana disappears, all the Relics of the Buddha deposited in various cetiyas all over Ceylon will gather together at the Mahācetiya, and from there will go to the Rajāyatana cetiya in Nāgadīpa, thence to the, Mahābodhipallanka, where all the Relics, assembled from everywhere, will take the form of the Buddha seated at the foot of the Bodhi tree. Then they will be consumed by self generated flames (Vibhā.433).
The Mahā Thūpa is known by other names: Mahācetiya, Ratanavāluka (Cv.lxxvi.106), Ratanavāli (Cv.lxxx.68), Sonnamāli (Mhv.xxvii.3) (Hemamāli), and Hemavāluka (Cv.li.82)."
6 Issarasamana: siehe oben, zu Vers 14
7 Tissavāpi [Tissa-Stausee]
[Bildquelle: anjz. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/anjula/70734254/. -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-29]
A tank near Anurādhapura, probably built by Devānampiyatissa (Mhv.xx.20). It seems to have been customary for the king to take a ceremonial bath in the Tissavāpi, after his coronation festival (E.g., Mhv.xxvi.7; xxxv.38; MT.645), and, on this occasion, the Lambakannas formed the king's bodyguard (See, e.g., Mhv.xxxv.16, 38). The road from Mahiyangama to Anurādhapura lay along the edge of the Tissavāpi (Mhv.xxxvi.59)."
"Nicht ein Tropfen Wasser soll ins Meer fließen, der nicht zuvor den Menschen zugute gekommen ist"
König Parakramabahu I. von Ceylon (12. Jhdt. n. Chr.)
Die vāpi (Singhalesisch: wäwa/wewa; Englisch: tanks) waren Bestandteil der großartigen Bewässerungsanlagen im lankischen Trockengebiet. Die Geographin Angelika Sievers schreibt in ihrer auch heute noch unersetzten Landeskunde dazu treffend:
"Die Bewässerungslandschaften („Tanklandschaften")
Als die Briten vor rund 150 Jahren ins trockene Binnenland von Nuwarakalawiya und von der Ostküste aus ins Hinterland vordrangen, fanden sie ein fast verlassenes, malariaverseuchtes, vom Dschungel überwuchertes Land vor. Gelegentliche Stauteiche, primitiv ausgebessert und eine kümmerliche Bevölkerung nur dürftig ernährend, manches Chenaland im Dschungel und hin und wieder Backsteinruinen aus dem Grün des undurchdringlichen Dschungelkleides herausragend, machten stutzig. Veranlassung zu einer systematischen Erfassung der Stauteichruinen bot jedoch erst die vorbildlich durchgeführte Landesaufnahme, eines der ganz großen Verdienste der Briten in Ceylon. Dem ceylonesischen Vermessungsingenieur Brohier schließlich verdanken wir die Beschreibung und kartographische Wiedergabe aller wiederentdeckten Bewässerungswerke der Frühzeit und des Mittelalters, die uns eine Vorstellung von der Größe und technischen Vollendung für damalige Verhältnisse und von dem Reichtum der damaligen singhalesischen Kulturlandschaft zu geben vermögen. Zu den geschichtlichen Bewässerungsanlagen kommen neue moderne Anlagen dieses Jahrhunderts hinzu und die Planungen, die seit der staatlichen Unabhängigkeit im Gange und teilweise schon vollendet sind, zumeist Groß- und Vielzweckvorhaben, die einen größeren Raum erschließen sollen.
Karte 5 hält nicht nur die verschiedenen Bewässerungsanlagen und Zeitabschnitte auseinander, sondern gibt auch zur Vervollständigung der historischen Kulturlandschaft die nicht wiederhergestellten Anlagen an. Dabei darf nicht vergessen werden, dass zahllos viele, gerade kleine dörfliche Stauteiche auch heute noch unter dem Dschungel begraben liegen. Im Vergleich zum südostindischen Tamilnad [தமிழ் நாடு], besonders zur Tanklandschaft um Madurai [மதுரை], fällt freilich die geringe Tankdichte auf. In Tamilnad liegen kleine Tanks dicht nebeneinander, nicht nur aufgrund eines zweifellos engmaschigeren Gewässernetzes aus den nahen Ghats, sondern auch in Kettenanordnung. Ein jedes kleine Tälchen wird in Abständen mittels Erddamm aufgestaut. Hinzu kommt eine reiche Brunnenbewässerung auf dem High Land, wobei Farmer allerdings darauf hingewiesen hat, dass es sich immer nur um Gangoda-Bedingungen handelt."
[Quelle: Sievers, Angelika: Ceylon : Gesellschaft und Lebensraum in den orientalischen Tropen. Eine sozialgeographische Landeskunde. -- Wiesbaden : F. Steiner, 1964. -- XXXII, 398 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- (Bibliothek geographischer Handbücher). -- S. 317.]
Grundlegend zu den Tanks:
Brohier, R. L. (Richard Leslie de Boer) <1892 - 1980>: Ancient irrigation works in Ceylon / by R.L. Brohier, superintendent of surveys. Written on the orders of D.S. Senanayake, minister of agriculture and lands, and under the direction of G.K. Thornhill, surveyor-general. -- Colombo : Ceylon Govt. Press, 1934-35. -- 3 Bde. : Ill. ; 33 cm.
8 erste Stūpa: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 14, Vers 44f.
A cetiya built by Devānampiyatissa, on the spot where Mahinda alighted on his first visit to Anurādhapura and the king's palace. Mhv.xiv.45; xx.20; Sp.i.79. One of the eight Bodhi saplings was planted there. Mhv.xix.61."
9 Vessagiri: siehe oben, zu Vers 15
10 Upāsika-Nonnenkloster: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 18, Vers 12; Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 19, Vers 68
A nunnery in Anurādhapura, built by Devānampiyatissa, for the accommodation of Anulā and her followers, pending the arrival of Sanghamittā (Mhv.xviii.12). Later, Sanghamittā took up her residence there and it was enlarged by the addition of twelve buildings, three of which gained peculiar sanctity because in these were set up the mast, the rudder and the helm of the ship that had brought the Bodhi-tree to Ceylon, and these buildings were called, respectively, the Kupayatthithapita-ghara, the Piyathapita-ghara and the Arittathapita-ghara. Even when other sects arose, these twelve buildings were occupied by the Hatthālhaka (or orthodox) nuns. Mhv.xix.68ff; the Tikā (p.408) says the houses were originally called Cūlaganā-gāra, Mahāganāgāra and Sirivaddhāgāra. "
11 Hatthāḷhaka-Nonnenkloster: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 19, Vers 71
A nunnery built by Devānampiyatissa for the use of Sanghamittā. It was called Hatthālhaka because it was built near the spot where the king's state elephant was fettered. Sanghamittā's following came to be called Hatthalhakā from living in the vihāra.
Later, they occupied also all the twelve buildings attached to the Upāsikā-vihāra, even when other sects arose (Mhv.xix.71, 83; xx.21f, 49). The vihāra was originally within the city wall of Anurādhapura; but later, when Kutikanna-Tissa and Vasabha raised the boundary wall, part of the vihāra grounds lay outside. The original boundary included the Kadambanadī. MT. 611."
12 Speisesaal Mahāpāli
A refectory built by Devānampiyatissa Anurādhapura, for the use of the monks (Mhv.xx.23). Various kings provided special food to be distributed there - e.g., Upatissa II., who sent food prepared for him in the palace (Cv.xxxvii.181; so did King Silākāla, Cv.xli.28), and himself ate of the food left over after the distribution (Cv.xxxvii.203).
Mahānāma enlarged the building (Cv.xxxvii.211), as did Silāmeghavana (Cv.xliv.65) and Udaya II (Cv.li.132).
Dhātusena instituted distribution of rice (Cv.xxxviii.41), while Aggabodhi II. added to the hall and set up a stone canoe (bhattanāvam) for the distribution of rice (Cv.xlii.67; Aggabodhi I. had already given a canoe of bronze, Cv.xlii.33).
After his victory, Kassapa II., by way of celebration, held a special almsgiving at the Mahāpāli (Cv.xlv.1). Dāthopatissa II. distributed there clothing, rice, sour milk, milk and milk rice on uposatha days (Cv.xlv.25). Mahinda I. gave ten cartloads of food (Cv.xlviii.34), and Aggabodhi IX. distributed daily an amount of rice equal in weight to his own body (Cv.lxix.78). The Coliyans burnt down the building, and the last we hear of it is its restoration by Mahinda IV. (Cv.liv.45)."
13 der zum Mönchsleben nötigen Dinge: Kleidung, Speise, Medizin, Wohnung
14 Pavāraṇā: Rechtsakt und Zeremonie am Ende der Regenzeitsesshaftigkeit
15 Jambukola-Kloster im Hafen auf Nāgadîpa: heutiges Kankesanturai auf Nāgadīpa, der Jaffna-[யாழ்ப்பாணம-]Halbinsel
A sea-port in Nāgadīpa in the north of Ceylon. Here Mahārittha and his companions embarked on their journey as envoys to Dhammāsoka (Mhv.xi.23). Here also arrived the ship conveying Sanghamittā and the branch of the sacred Bodhi-tree, welcomed by Devānampiyatissa, who awaited her arrival in the Samuddapannasālā (Mhv.xix.25f). A sapling from the Bodhi-tree was afterwards planted on the spot where it had stood after landing (Mhv.vs.59; Sp.i.100; Mbv.145-62, passim) and Devānampiyatissa built a vihāra there called the Jambukolavihāra (Mhv.xx.25). From Jambukola to Tāmalitti by sea was a seven days' voyage (Mhv.xi.23), and it appears to have taken five days to get to Anurādhapura from Jambukola (Mhv.vs.38). It was the seaport of Anurādhapura (E.g., VibhA.446).
Geiger thinks (Cv. Trs.i.293, n.1; see Cv.lxx.72; lxxii.136) that, besides the seaport, there was another locality in the interior of Ceylon bearing the same name, which he identifies with the modern Dambulla."
A province of Ceylon, identified with the modern Jaffna peninsula and the north west of Ceylon.
The Buddha's second visit to Ceylon was to Nāgadīpa, to settle a dispute between two Nāgas, Mahodara and Cūlodara (Mhv.i.47).
Jambukola (q.v.) was a harbour in Nāgadīpa, and there a vihāra was built by Devānampiyatissa (Ibid., xx.25) and later restored by Kanitthatissa (Ibid., xxxvi.9). This vihāra was probably called Tissa vihāra (See ibid.,36).
Another vihāra, called Sālipabbata, was built by Mahallaka Nāga (Ibid.,xxxv.124). The Unnalomaghara, the Rājāyatana dhātucetiya and the Amalacetiya were probably all places of worship in Nāgadīpa (Cv.xlii.62).
The Valāhassa Jātaka (J.ii.128) says that the coast of Ceylon, from the river Kalyānī to Nāgadīpa, was once infested by yakkhinis. Once (J.iii.187) Nāgadīpa was known as Serumadīpa, and near by was Karadīpa, earlier known as Ahidīpa (J.iv.238).
An old story, given in the Commentaries (E.g., VibhA.444), speaks of a king called Dīparāgā, who reigned over Nāgadīpa in great splendour. Nāgadīpa was once an important centre of Buddhism in Ceylon (E.g., ibid., 446, 467; AA.i.422. MA.i.545; see also J.R.A.S., vol. xxvi) and contained many places of pilgrimage. There is a legend (DA.iii.899; VibhA.433) which relates that, when the Buddha's sāsana comes to an end, all the Buddha's relics in Ceylon will gather together at the Mahācetiya and travel to the Rājāyatanacetiya in Nāgadīpa, and then from there to the Mahābodhi tree at Gayā.
According to the Rasavāhinī (ii.19) the place was so called because it was given as gift to the woman named Nagā. See Nāgā (7)."
16 Tissa-Großkloster = Mahāmeghavana: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 15, Vers 8f., 24ff., 203ff.
A park to the south of Anurādhapura. Between the park and the city lay Nandana or Jotivana. The park was laid out by Mutasīva, and was so called because at the time the spot was chosen for a garden, a great cloud, gathering at an unusual time, poured forth rain (Mhv.xi.2f). Devānampiyatissa gave the park to Mahinda for the use of the Order (Mhv.xv.8, 24; Dpv.xviii.18; Sp.i.81) and within its boundaries there came into being later the Mahā-Vihāra and its surrounding buildings. The fifteenth chapter of the Mahāvamsa (Mhv.xv.27ff) gives a list of the chief spots associated with the religion, which came into existence there. Chief among these are the sites of the Bodhi tree, the thirty two mālakas, the Catussālā, the Mahā Thūpa, the Thūpārāma, the Lohapāsāda, and various parivenas connected with Mahinda: Sunhāta, Dīghacankamana, Phalagga, Therāpassaya, Marugana and Dīghasandasenāpati. Later, the Abhayagīri vihāra and the Jetavanārāma were also erected there.
The Mahāmeghavana was visited by Gotama Buddha (Mhv.i.80; Dpv.ii.61, 64), and also by the three Buddhas previous to him. In the time of Kakusandha it was known as Mahātittha, in that of Konagamana as Mahānoma, and in that of Kassapa as Mahāsāgara (Mhv.xv.58, 92, 126).
The Mahāmeghavana was also called the Tissārāma, and on the day it was gifted to the Sangha, Mahinda scattered flowers on eight spots contained in it, destined for future buildings, and the earth quaked eight times (Mhv.xv.174). This was on the day of Mahinda's arrival in Anurādhapura. The first building to be erected in the Mahāmeghavana was the Kālapāsāda parivena (q.v.) for the use of Mahinda. In order to hurry on the work, bricks used in the building were dried with torches (Mhv.xv.203). The boundary of the Mahāmeghavana probably coincided with the sīmā of the Mahāvihāra, but it was later altered by Kanitthatissa, when he built the Dakkhina vihāra. Mhv.xxxvi.12. For a deposition of the various spots of the Mahāmeghavana see Mbv.137."
17 Ostkloster: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 19, Vers 33f.
A monastery to the east of Anurādhapura, built by Devānampiyatissa in the first year of his reign (Mhv.xx.25). Its site was one of the resting places of the Bodhi tree on the way from Jambukola to Anurādhapura. There Mahinda and the monks were given a morning meal, and Mahinda preached on the subduing of the Nāgas by the Buddha. Ibid.,xix.34f."
28. Ayaṃ dīpo ahū phīto,
vijite tassa rājino;
vassāni cattālīsaṃ so,
rājā rajjam akārayi.
28. Unter der Herrschaft dieses Königs gedieh diese Insel. Der König regierte 40 Jahre [247 - 207 v. Chr.].
Abb.: Die Ebene von Anurādhapura, vor 1965
[Bildquelle: Royal Ceylon Air Force]
Abb.: Nord-Süd-Profil Sri Lankas mit Lage Anurādhapuras
[Quelle der Abb.: Sievers, Angelika: Ceylon : Gesellschaft und Lebensraum in den orientalischen Tropen. Eine sozialgeographische Landeskunde. -- Wiesbaden : F. Steiner, 1964. -- XXXII, 398 S. : Ill. ; 25 cm. -- (Bibliothek geographischer Handbücher). -- S. 25.]
D. T. Devendra gibt in der Encyclopaedia of Buddhism eine hervorragende Beschreibung:
This city was the first capital of note in the annals of Ceylon. It is important in Buddhist history as having been the home of the Mahāvihāra which exerted such a profound influence on the history and development of Theravāda Buddhism. Until the city fell from its political position in the tenth century A. C. it was the acknowledged centre of religious studies. For a period of one thousand and three hundred years scholars from foreign lands seeking guidance on the doctrines of Theravāda had been drawn to Anurādhapura.
The city contains the most extensive remains of Buddhist works in ancient Ceylon and these rank high among their kind anywhere. The three most stupendous thūpas, great baths faced with stone, the earliest massive freestanding stone Buddha images, monastic buildings, these are some of that handiwork of a past generation, which seldom fail to win the admiration of those who see the glory that had been, before the forest covered the city one thousand years ago. The city is also considered the repository of the earliest, the purest and the best in the art and architecture of the Sinhalese Buddhists.
A settlement has been mentioned as far back as the time of Vijaya, the reputed founder of the Sinhalese race. According to tradition he came to the island with seven hundred followers, probably from the region around Bombay, in the year of the Parinibbāna (Buddhist Era). Near the Malvatu Oya of today (Kadamba-nadī) one of Vijaya's ministers founded a village by the name of Anurādhagāma. In the reign of Paṇḍuvāsudeva who came to the throne thirty-nine years after Vijaya, prince Anurādha, a brother-in-law of the king, is also mentioned as having established a settlement in the same place. The prince constructed a tank and took up his residence in a palace which he had built to the south of it. When, however, his great nephew Paṇḍukābhaya had made himself king, the uncle gave up the palace to the young king. When Paṇḍukābhaya wished to build a capital he consulted a soothsayer, as tradition demanded, and built the city of Anurādhapura, doubtless upon his advice. The origin of the name is traced to the twofold circumstance that two Anurādhas had first resided in the place, and also because the king founded the city under the constellation of the name of Anurādha. The first name probably was Anurādhagāma and is supported, too, by the form Anurogrammon in which it appears in the map of Ceylon drawn later on material supplied by the Geographia of Ptolemy (second century A. C).
From this time on until the armies of Rājarāja, the Coḷa emperor (985-1014 A. C.) invaded it in the tenth century and Ceylon was ruled for half a century as a Coḷa province, Anurādhapura, which was now formally established as the seat of government continued to hold the pre-eminent position among the cities of the Island. It was only interrupted by a few short intervals in the fifth, seventh and the eighth centuries, when Sīhagiri (Sīgiriya) and Pulatthipura (Polonnaruva) sporadically became the king's seat.
As the years progressed, Anurādhapura was seen tc be too easily accessible to invaders from India ; its insecurity was evident from the disturbances caused by their periodical attacks. It is during these periods that its noblest edifices and even holy shrines were despoiled. Finally, it had to be abandoned and Polonnaruva became the capital in the eleventh century.
The history of Anurādhapura as gathered from most sources is the history of its religious foundations, of a people's piety inspired by their monarchs. Glimpses of these works will appear in their respective places as the present narrative progresses. Apart from such endowments there is little information to be gleaned on everyday matters or the life of the ordinary folk. Although the perspective is of Buddhism, the brief references of an occasional foreign visitor of ancient times who has left on record his impressions of other matters are, therefore, invested with especial interest.
After the abandonment of the city, Vijayabāhu I (1056-1111 A. C.) who made his capital in Polonnaruva yet held his consecration at the earlier city— called ' Nurupura ' in a contemporary copper-plate grant. In the next century Parākramabāhu I (1153-86 A.C.) had some of the more important structures (Mahā Thūpa, the thūpas of Abhayagiri and Jetavana and also Lohapāsāda) repaired as his special contribution to the ancient city. So the sentimental associations with the older capital lingered on for a century or two after political associations had ceased to be; these, too, were centred on the religion. The last evidence, from epigraphs, of these connections shows the gift of a piece of land in the thirteenth century by the heir-apparent Bhuvanaikabāhu to a pirivena constructed by, and named after, him. (EZ. Ill, pp. 286-8)
The city thereafter passed into virtual oblivion until the last century. In between, however, we know it was not totally unremembered for we get some indications from outside sources of its state, as for instance, in the seventeenth century. Probably the first European to visit the city, certainly the first to note the ruins, was the Italian Friar Negraõ of the Franciscan Order. When he went there about the year 1630 he was so interested in what he saw that he even measured and counted some of the stone pillars. (The actual number of 1,600 of the latter is mentioned by him, and this was the number at the restoration of Lohapāsāda by Parākramabāhu I and to be counted in position to this day.) That the shrines were visited in his time is disclosed from the instructions issued by the Portuguese to an officer to "prevent the pilgrimages to Anu-Raja-Pure, whither Pagans and Christians resort on the pretence of visiting those antiquities, etc., etc. "
Robert Knox, a prisoner of the king of the central mountain region of Kandy, mentioned this city in his brief account of his escape to the western coast. In 1679 he passed through the Nuvaravāva area and left a sketch of his impressions with more details.
"At the North end of this King's Dominions is one of those Ruinous Cities, called Anurodgburro .... Near by is a River, by which we came when we made our escape ; all along which is abundance of hewed stones, some long for Pillars, some broad for paving. Over this River there have been three Stone Bridges built upon Stone Pillars, but now are fallen down ; and the Country all desolate without Inhabitants. At this City of Anurodgburro is a Watch kept, beyond which are no more people that yield obedience to the King of Candy. This place is above Ninety miles to the Northward of the City of Candy. "
"To Anarodgburro therefore we came, called also Neur Waug. Which is not so much a particular single Town, as a Territory. It is a vast great Plain, the like I never saw in all that Island : in the midst whereof is a Lake, which may be a mile over, not natural, but made by art, as other Ponds in the Country, to serve them to water their Corn Grounds. This Plain is encompassed round with Woods, and small Towns among them on every side, etc., etc. "
What Knox has written here is quite accurate ; in fact some of the ruined bridges are still in the same condition as he described three hundred years ago.
In this century, too, (the pretender) Nikapiṭiyē Baṇḍāra, a political refugee, sought sanctuary in Anurādhapura. The unity of the kingdom had been impaired some four centuries before and, from the same century, the royal mantle of the ancient line of Anurādhapura fell upon the kings of Kandy. The Kandy kings kept up the links with the city. To the officer designated Disāvē of Nuvara Kalāviya they entrusted the duty of keeping in repair the thūpas, watch-houses, etc.' The last king of the Sinhalese race who went as pilgrim was Narendrasiṃha (1706-39 A.C.). Kīrti Śrī Rājasiṃha (1747-80 A.C.) of the south Indian race received a report that wild elephants had destroyed the enclosing wall of the Bodhi Tree and deputed Ilipengomuvē Sāmaṇera Unnānse to erect one anew, giving over the charge of the shrine to him. (The present wall is said to be the same.) Śrī Vikrama Rājasiṃha (1798-1815 A. C), the last king, is said to have got the wall of the upper terrace of the sacred tree built through the officer styled Vanni Unnähē.
When the administration of the island passed from the Ceylon kings into the hands of the British in 1815 and occasional government officers visited the city in the first few decades, glimpses are obtained of the conditions which prevailed in their time. The early years of the last century also saw Sinhalese Buddhists taking upon themselves tasks which their lost line of rulers had performed. Bhikkhus from the Seven Kōralēs, for instance, occupied the ancient sites—even identifying them as they interpreted chronicles and traditions; the specific case of one is mentioned—-the restoration of Thūpārāma, about 1828 A. C, by Pailagama Revata Svāmi, the chief bhikkhu of the province. 10 In 1832 a British army officer, engaged in road-making, in describing his impressions expressed it as his opinion that less was known about Anurādhapura than of the (then) most recently discovered lake in Central Africa ; to him it seemed that the policy of the people of the area was to keep their sacred city as inaccessible as possible to Europeans.
"My astonishment, therefore, was the greater, when I reached the place, to find extensive ruins, large dagobas, magnificent tanks of colossal dimensions, and instead of the ' mountainous country' represented in the, so-called, maps, I found a thickly-populated district, with the evidence of its having been, at some remote date, the granary of the country." And, " Even the Chandrawankalang or Great North and South Street of this city, in which I reside, is a forest, and is only defined by the wells which, centuries ago, supplied the houses with water. Some of them are very perfect."
Two years later he noted one day that the road from Kandy to Anurādhapura through Matale and Daihbulla " was crowded with pilgrims on their way to the sacred Bo-tree........ When we reached the ruins of the old city it was perfectly alive with people, the cause of whose presence there in such large numbers it was not easy to divine, as it might just as well have been for a reasonable purpose as for a religious pilgrimage."
It may bo added that at this time there were even villages in the bed of Tisāväva (Tissavāpi), the waters of whose surface cover today an area of 396 acres. A little over a century ago, Sir James Emerson Tennent noted,
"Here the air is heavy and unwholesome, vegetation is rank, and malaria broods over the waters, as they escape from the broken tanks...... The solitary city has shrunk into a few scattered huts that scarcely merit the designation of a village. The humble dwelling of a government officer, the pansala of the officiating priests, a wretched bazzar, and the houses of native headmen, are all that now remains of the metropolis of Anurādha........"
Choked by the forest which covered the whole region from coast to coast and north to south, with the great irrigation works reduced to festering pools, the scourge of malaria almost decimated the population ; the miserable remainder was sapped of all vitality.
The government gradually took charge of the situation. It began to open up the area. In the ensuing decades the city, once scarcely worth the name of village, slowly grew into a sizeable township, the forest immediately surrounding it having been cleared. Today Anurādhapura is the capital city of the North Central Province and had a population of 18,390 at the latest census count. This has been no little due to the efforts of pious Buddhists who were attracted to it with the provision of facilities, as also by its hallowed memories. Eighty years ago the zealous bhikkhu Nāranviṭa Sumaṇāsāra devoted his time particularly to the repair of the Mahā Thūpa. His self-sacrificing labours inspired Buddhist organisations and individuals to take up like tasks and in the succeeding years Anurādhapura rapidly came to be a place of importance.
The shrines of major religious importance are now administered, on behalf of the Buddhist public, by the Aṭamasthāna Committee (for the eight sacred places), comprising bhikkhus and laymen. They are also protected monuments and come within the purview of the Archaeological Commissioner of the Ceylon Archaeological Survey (instituted in 1890), in whom the authority is vested by the Antiquities Ordinance (No. 9 of 1940). The other ancient remains, which cover a far more extensive area, are directly in the charge of this government officer who conducts his research, the results of which are published by the government.
The earliest technical study of the greater structural works was made by James G. Smither, Fellow of the Royal Institute of British Architects, and was published under the title The Architectural Remains of Anurādhapura (1891). Interest in the history and culture of the island and of Buddhism which converged on Anurādhapura was chiefly stimulated by George Turnour's translation (1836-7) into English of the Pali Chronicle, the Mahāvaṃsa. (The Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon comprising the Mahāvaṃsa, Rājaratnākaraya and Rājāvaliya had been edited earlier, in 1833, but uncritically, by Edward Upham.) These necessarily led to other researches.
Anurādhapura has developed so fast in recent times that the government, realising the probable dangers to its archaeological treasures from indiscriminate occupation, built a new city. This it has separated from the old. The ancient city is being expeditiously isolated in order to make it the exclusive field of a ogical studies by personnel trained to study the ancient Buddhist culture of Ceylon which stemmed from Anurādhapura.
City: When Paṇḍukābhaya assumed kingship he solemnised his consecration with the water of a natural pond, after he had purified therein the state parasol which was the emblem of sovereignty. This pond he had subsequently deepened and filled abundantly with water. Because he had used its water in the hour of his victorious achievement it was named Jayavāpi (Lake of Victory). The Mahāvaṃsa has thus described how he planned the city.
" He laid out also four suburbs as well as the Abhaya-tank, the common cemetery, the place of execution, and the chapel of the Queens of the West, the banyan-tree of Vessavaṇa and the Palmyra-palm of the Demon of Maladies, the ground set apart for the Yonas and the house of the Great Sacrifice; all these he laid out near the west gate. He set five hundred caṇḍālas to the work of cleaning the (streets of the) town, two hundred caṇḍālas to the work of cleaning the sewers, one hundred and fifty caṇḍālas he employed to bear the dead and as many caṇḍālas to be watchers in the cemetery. For these he built a village north-west of the cemetery and they continually carried out their duty as it was appointed.
" Toward the north-east of the caṇḍāla-village he made the cemetery, called the Lower cemetery, for the caṇḍāla folk. North of this cemetery between (it and) the Pāsāṇa-mountain, the line of huts for the huntsmen were built thenceforth. Northward from thence, as far as the Gāmaṇī-tank, a hermitage was made for many ascetics ; eastward of that same cemetery the ruler built a house for the nigaṇṭha Jotiya. In that same region dwelt the nigaṇṭha named Giri and many ascetics of various heretical sects. And there the lord of the land built also a chapel for the nigaṇha Kumbhaṇḍa ; it was named after him. Toward the west from thence and eastward of the street of the huntsmen lived five hundred families of heretical beliefs. On the further side of Jotiya's house and on this side of the Gāmaṇī-tank he likewise built a monastery for wandering mendicant monks, and a dwelling for the ājīvakas and a residence for the brāhmaṇs, and in this place and that he built a lying-in shelter and a hall for those recovering from sickness."
The Abhaya-tank has been identified with the modern Basavakkuḷam ; it was at the lower end of this tank that he settled the yakkha Cittarāja. The other places have not been determined from archaeological or other researches. On the east of the city the king settled the yakkha Kalāḷavela. (In later years Mahāsena built a thupa on this spot.) Conscious of the need for permanent security he appointed Abhaya, the eldest of his uncles, to the post of guardian of the city (nagara-guttika). The government was handed over to the new officer ' for the night time'. It is stated that from that time on there were nagara-guttikas in the capital.
Anurādhapura now began to develop with the years and is described as a splendid city in the time of Muṭasiva, his son and successor. Muṭasiva it was who laid out the Mahāmeghavana (Grove of the Great Rain Cloud). It included the so-called ' Vessagiriya' in the south. The Mahāvihāra and its adjuncts, the Bodhi Tree and other places with the foremost religious associations duly came to be sited in the grove, away from the royal, or political, or inner, city.
From different sources we obtain better defined outlines, particularly from the time of Devānampiya Tissa (third century B. C), when Buddhism was officially accepted in the island. It is the location of religious buildings which stands out far more prominently, the ancient writers being less concerned with matters of everyday life of the general citizen. Precise descriptions are wanting and the confusion caused often in the effort to identify places cannot be dispelled. But it is possible to trace a few with some degree of accuracy. See map on p. 756 [siehe oben!].
The city had a gateway opening to each of the four principal directions. The traditionally auspicious one amongst them was that on the east which, as stated below, has now been located. On bis first visit to the city, it was presumably at this point that Mahinda entered. Opposite the south gate and toward the east was Nandana-park, known also as Joti-park, where Mahinda preached to citizens after he had taken his meals in the palace. Thereafter he rested until next morning in Mahāmegha further south. In the first century B. C. one Tissa built a bathing-tank in this park. A city wall seven cubits high (about lift.) was constructed by Kuṭakaṇṇa Tissa (first century B. C.) who also laid out a trench. In the first century A. C. Vasabha further raised the walls by eleven cubits and constructed fortress-towers at the gates.
Precisely when the inner city came into existence is not specified but this demarcation is noticed (probably for the first time) with Iḷanāga (33—43 A. C. ) when the Aggipīṭhaka-pāsāda is mentioned as having existed in it.
The inner town with the palace within it is again specified in the reign of Siri Meghavaṇṇa (301-28 A. C. ). This king brought there to a pavilion near the palace an image of Mahinda which bad been exposed for some time at the Bodhi Tree. Fa-hsien, who visited Anurādhapura about a hundred years after this king, has briefly described the city.
" In the city there are many Vaiśya elders and Sabaean merchants, whose houses are stately and beautiful. The lanes and passages are kept in good order. At the heads of the four principal streets there have been built preaching halls, where, on the eighth, fourteenth, and fifteenth days of the month, they spread carpets, and set forth a pulpit, while the monks and commonalty from all quarters come together to hear the Law. The people say that in the kingdom there may be altogether sixty thousand monks, who get their food from their common stores. The king, besides, prepares elsewhere in the city a common supply of food for five or six thousand more. When any want, they take their great bowls and go (to the place of distribution), and take as much as the vessels will hold, all returning with them full. "
The city described by the Chinese pilgrim was probably the inner city. In a previous passage he had noted, " In the city there has been reared also the vihāra of Buddha's tooth ", and this, as will be mentioned below, was close to the palace. On the other hand, it was not the tradition for merchants and others to reside in the inner city. So, perhaps, Fa-hsien was not making a nice distinction between the two cities.
Palace: The location of the residence of the king and members of his family cannot be clearly determined. The earliest indications occur with the time of Devānampiya Tissa; but they are vague. In this king's reign there appears to have been a royal residence in Mahāmegha before the park was donated to the Saṅgha. (Whether the secular buildings were moved to a separate area thereafter has not been specified ; they probably were.) The palace itself was behind the back entrance to Mahābodhighara which was apparently to the north of the Bodhi Tree and faced Goḍhagaṅgā. To the south of whatever dwelling was in the park stood a picula tree ( ); this was the site of the terrace (mālaka) for performing the acts of the Saṅgha. North of the dwelling was the bathing tank Marutta, in due course converted into a jantdghara (one with the room for warm baths). It was to the east of Kālapāsāda-pariveṇa. Close to the gateway (probably the eastern one) of this residence, the Bodhi Tree (which still survives) was planted by Devānampiya Tissa. Within the royal enclosure was the Kakudha-pond, the upper end of which was later on selected for the site of the Mahā Thūpa.
There are, on the contrary, reasons which justify the locating of the palace of this king elsewhere, too. For the present the question has to remain open.
It is also quite clear that there was no fixed traditional site for the royal palace. On the other hand, references in literature (and epigraphs of the twelfth century A. C.) rather suggest that the siting was largely a matter of personal inclination circumscribed by the usual auspices. One king's residence was the village of Sitthagāma ; it was later turned into a pariveṇa and was probably close to Anurādhapura.
The palace of prince Sāliya (second century B. C.) was in the western quarter of the city and possibly not far from that gate.
In the literature that is extant we have no exact description of any single palace. A curious tenth century feature of one of them is once mentioned, namely, an underground passage from the palace. By its means Mahinda V eluded the mercenaries who were storming at the palace-gates demanding their dues.
Within the area of the inner city of our map, some years ago a building was revealed which has been identified as a palace of the latest phase, that of Vijayabāhu I. S. Paranavitana was responsible for the archaeological excavations and the identification which are described in the official publication. From this it appears that the plan of this palace was similar to that known in the twelfth century from the palaces at Polonnaruva and Paṇḍuvasnuvara (Parākramapura—so identified, too, by him). Broadly speaking, the main building was a central storeyed block with halls and rooms. The windows were of the French type. Around it and separated by a narrow open courtyard were ranges of rooms. From the outside the complex would have appeared somewhat like a fortress, that is to say, with only a large doorway or two. The walls of the main block were covered with a thick plaster which had been used for the floor, too. In one of the three halls were found traces of colour washing in red, yellow and black.
Ponds and parks are mentioned within the palace grounds. The Lotus Pond (Paduma-pokkharaṇī, later Padumaghara) is mentioned among the former.
Other city dwellings: It was not royalty alone that resided in the (inner) city. The residences of bhikkhunīs were within it. One such nunnery known from an inscription was Mihind Aram Meheṇavara. The boundary of the Hatthaḷhaka nunnery, which was originally made in connection with Kadamba-nadī, however, lay outside the city wall after the latter was completed by Kuṭakaṇa Tissa and Vasabha. There were also two hospitals, one by Kassapa V (914 - 23 A.C.) and the other by general Sena. The Tooth Relic, which was brought in the fourth century A.C, was housed close to the palace. The remains of this shrine were identified by E. R. Ayrton who described them. Adjacent to the shrine was the Mahāpāli alms hall (also identified) which was supplied with food from the palace.
Residences outside: There are one or two notices of private dwellings outside the inner city. These, however, cannot be located. In the tenth century A.C. the Paṇḍu king, who came to the island to seek the aid of king Dappula IV, was given a dwelling-house outside the town. In the same reign the commander-in-chief Rakkhaka Ilaṅga had built a dwelling not far from Thūpārāma. It may have been on the lines of a building the remains of which archaeologists recently found to the north of Basavakkuḷam. The planning of the latter is described as having been on a sumptuous scale and the building, ascribed to a period anterior to Vijayabāhu I, as the residence of a high dignitary, not improbably of the heir-apparent of the time.
Streets: Of the four principal streets, as mentioned by the Chinese traveller and others, probably the most important was the High Street of the inner city. In an epigraph it is called Maṅgul Maha Veya. According to some sources the main street ran from Thūpārāma from where was the chief entrance to the city. On the High Street were hospitals for bhikkhunīs, as well as refuges, probably for travellers. As the nunneries were in the inner city, the hospitals would have been sited in it, too. There might have been also a principal street, the extension of the former, which, issuing from the inner city, ran past the Mahā Thpa to the Bodhi Tree ; a via sacra it might have been regarded by the devout ; actually it is now called the Sacred Road.
The three other streets were known in the Sinhalese books as Mahaväli, Chandravaṅka and Siṅguruvak. The main eastward road was joined at some point by a road which went in the same direction from the north of the city.
Suburbs, villages: Suburbs are mentioned as having existed in early times. An inscription datable to 303 A.C. mentions the market-town named Kaḷahumana in the north of the area included within the city. Kolambālaka (Kolambahālaka) was also near this gate and is mentioned in the first century B. C. On the east was Mahatubaka. It was likely that there were corresponding villages or townships on the south and west, and that these were the dvāragāmas (doorway villages) of the chronicles. The village named Sāli (Helloligama, Hellola, or Helloliya) was probably sited near the western gate. It was this village which was the home of the ravishing Asokamālā of lowly birth for whose charms Duṭṭhagāmaṇī's son renounced the throne. The village was within sight of the embankment of Tissa-tank. The village Cetāvī was in the south of the city. Eḷāra fell before Duṭṭhagāmaṇī in the south of the city and east of Elaḷārapatimāghara. To the east of the spot where he met his death was a potters' village.
Parks: Apart from the open gardens which have been mentioned, there were others in and around the city where not only the ruler but the ordinary people ' took the air' and generally enjoyed themselves. Fish-tanks, hot and cold bath-houses, aqueducts, subterranean canals and other features were found in some of them. Landscape-gardening, grafting, etc., which ideas one tends to consider modern, had been in vogue in those ancient days. A vivid account of them, as well as of care-takers and their duties and of the floral and other decorative devices, has been given by S. Paranavitana.
Tanks: One of the most important services rendered by the ancient rulers of Ceylon was that of irrigation. For this purpose they constructed tanks, actually extensive artificial lakes, which are a pleasant and recurring feature of the dry zone. In Anurādhapura there are extant two large tanks. There are also several small ones, themselves the remains of larger tanks, as well as traces of others which had been abandoned long ago. One informed writer considered that these sheets of water had been so sited as also to form a defence line in military strategy. Tissa-tank dates from the time of Devānampiya Tissa. Today its use has been restricted for drinking purposes of the city. In historical times the tank was the venue for water-festivals and similar enjoyment, particularly during victory celebrations. Some kings, e.g., Buddhadāsa (fourth century A.C.), used to bathe in it. The largest tank today is Nuvara-vāva (city tank) which is used for bathing in. It is close to the new city. There is no clue to its founding, but it might be taken as the Nakaravävi mentioned in an inscription of the second century A. C. Gāmaṇīvpi (by Gajabāhukagāmaṇī), still another tank, has not been located ; it has been variantly identified with the present day Bulankuḷam and Perimiyankuḷam. It is interesting to know that all the tanks of the city are being fed by the Kālavāpi (Kalāväva) which was constructed by Dhātusena (fourth century A. C.) and is fifty-four miles inland fvom Anurādhapura. The supply channel, known as Jaya-gaṅgā (river of victory), during the course of the first seventeen miles takes a gradient which cannot be laid out today without accurate levelling instruments.
Religious Buildings: North : As the shrines and similar sites will be dealt with under their own names they are mentioned here only in so far as their locations may contribute towards topographical information. On the north, outside the northern gate there was the nigaṇṭha (Jain) religious establishment known as Titthārāma from the time of Paṇḍukābhaya. In the first century B.C. Vaṭṭagāmaṇī demolished it and founded Abhayagiri Vihāra on it. Kappūra-pariveṇa (Kapārārāma), mentioned in the seventh and ninth centuries A.C., has also been identified as such from an epigraph of the tenth century. Built on land claimed by the Mahāvih|ra it was, however, an institution of Abhayagiri, close to which and to the Twin Ponds (Kuṭṭam Pokuṇa) its remains were discovered. Somewhere on the north, probably not very far away from here, was Vessagiri vihāra where lived the five hundred vessas whom Mahinda admitted to the Saṅgha. This location is suggested in the route taken when Vaṭṭagāmaṇī, after being defeated by invaders near Kolambahālaka, was fleeing northward and hid in the Vessagiri forest where he was given food by Mahātissa thera of Kupikkala vihāra. One is thus constrained to doubt the genuineness of the name " Vessagiriya " as popularly current. It is probable that the actual Vessagiriya was on the modern Galgiriyāva range ten miles south of Sässeruva (C. W. Nicholas in JCBRAS. New Series, Vol. V, Pt. 2, p. 150).
East : The Paṭhama-cetiya was built not far from the east gate to mark the spot where Mahinda rested close to the city on his first visit. Near it and also by the river was built the Nivatta-cetiya where he was persuaded to abandon his return to Mihintale. The remains of the gate were examined by the Archaeological Survey of Ceylon but most of what was then found showed that the old gate had been thoroughly destroyed. A pillar-edict of circa 935 A.C. was found apparently in position close by. It stated that a plot of land outside this gate had been granted to a hospital at Maṇḍalagiri; this find fixed the location of the east gate. Siri Meghavaṇṇa erected Sotthiyākara near the east gate. Hatthikkhanda, Goṇṇagirika vihāras as well as one of the two Nagaraṅga vihāras were also in this area. The largest of the shrines on the east and not far from the city gate is that of Jetavana, founded by Mahāsena in the fourth century A.C. in opposition to Mahāvihāra to which it became a formidable rival. His son was responsible for the Pācīna-tissa-pabbata vihāra which is some distance eastward below the bund of Nuvaraväva and on the road to Mihintale. A short inscription helped to identify it.
South: Next to the two well-known parks and the Bodhi Tree the most prominent of the southern thūpas is that of the ancient Dakkhiṇa vihāra, founded by Uttiya, the general of Vaṭṭagāmaṇī. The work of the Ceylon Archaeological survey at the monument disclosed several pavement slabs, with a more or less continuous inscription palaeographically datable to the third century A. C. The epigraph revealed the identity of the thūpa as " Tisa-maha-ceta of Dakiṇi vihara " (Tissa-mahā-cetiya of Dakkhiṇa vihāra). This is again supported by another inscription found engraved on the face of a boulder close to the thūpa. The epigraph records a benefaction to " Digama-parivana in Dakaṇa vihara " (Dakkhiṇa vihāra) and can be dated to the year 643 A.C.47 Mūlavokāsa vihāra was east of it and close by, but has not been identified. A tank by the name of Mahāgāmeṇḍi was constructed for the former, early in the first century A. C, and might have been not too far away. Further south of Dakkhiṇa vihāra and one mile south-west of the Bodhi Tree is Issarasamaṇaka vihāra, where one of the eight saplings of the Bodhi Tree was planted soon after the latter was brought to the city. It was also known as Kassapagiri vihāra. Though the popular name of Vessagiriya has been given to it, its identity is revealed in rock-inscriptions of about the first century A. C. which refer to it as ' Isiramaṇa", a name which may be interpreted as Hermits' Delight and from which the form Issarasamaṇa of the chronicles is a learned but inaccurate restoration to Pali and the modern Isurumuṇi a natural development. To the south of it Goṭhābhaya (third century A. C.) built a vihāra on the spot where the remains of Sirisaṅghabodhi were cremated. There was also a Nagaraṅgana vihāra in the south.
West: Curiously enough, hardly any foundation is mentioned in this direction. The west was the quarter of the dead and perhaps not very popular. The only remains, and very prominent as well, are those of meditation halls called today Western Monasteries.
No confusion exists in regard to Thūpārāma, Maricavaṭṭi (Mirisavaṭiya), Mahā Thūpa (Ruvanväli) and Jetavana, which are landmarks today as they were in their heyday. The Mahā Thūpa is aligned south-west of Thūpārāma ; the ground between the two was levelled by Lañjatissa (119 B. C— 110 B. C.) and is even now slightly irregular. Thūpārāma is prominent by the daintily sculptured capitals of the pillars which encircle it. Maricavaṭṭi, with its unfinished restoration of recent times, has some of the earliest sculptured vāhalkaḍas (frontispieces). The Mahā Thūpa after its latest restorations during World War II overlooks the city by its enormous size ; it is now the most venerated of shrines both by its associations with a national hero and for the tradition that it enshrines the largest collection of Buddha relics. Jetavana, built in the fourth century by Mahāsena, is the largest completed thūpa probably in the entire Buddhist world. In its splendour it must have been a staggering construction. Close to it was its lofty image-house which must have been a splendid temple. It is, nevertheless, curious that Fa-hsien has not mentioned it; it must have been patronised well at the time he resided in the city, which was only about one hundred years after the founding of the vihāra. Equally inexplicable is why he was silent about the Mahā Thūpa, Thūpārāma and Marica-vaṭṭi, too.
Nowhere in the country are found works of the past upon which, according to the chronicles, such enormous expenditure has been lavished in the past, as here in Anurādhapura. As against those which have been identified and named, there are others whose identity still remains to be known. Modern labels like Asokārāma (Paṅkuliya), Kuṭṭam Pokuṇa, Laṅkārma, Toluvila, Mayura Piriveṇa, Queen's Pavilion, Isurumuṇiya, Kiribat Vehera, and a host of others have been freely applied to prominent works whose original names are at present obscured. When the ancient city has been completely given over to the archaeologist we may await a more hopeful day for identifying them.
From the chronicles and epigraphs we sometimes obtain an idea of the large costs expended on building the great thūpas and the like. There is little, however, to help us form an idea of the size of the ancient city. The Pūjāvaliya (thirteenth century A. C.) states that the city rampart was sixteen yojanas, that there was a gate on each side at every fourth yojana. The Rājāvaliya (of uncertain date) gives it a radius of one yojana on every side. These measurements are manifestly exaggerated, for they would give the city a circuit of thirty-five to fifty miles and a huge population which cannot be conceived of. If Fa-hsien's figure of five thousand bhikkhus for the two largest establishments be added to by the number of residents of the other numerous monasteries and this be related to the lay numbers, we should reach a density warranted by the exaggerated size. It is very doubtful if the supposition could be upheld, for from such a hypothesis would result an impossible figure for the entire country. The greatest distance north and south may have been about five miles, that is from Puliyaṅkuḷama (ancient Pubbārāma) to 'Vessagiri' (ancient Issarasamaṇaka). The extent east to west is not so easily determined. Even the area so computed would be the Greater Anurādhapura, so to say, as it takes into account the numerous vihāras which according to the Vinaya rules, would have been away from the secular city.
It has been remarked earlier, too, that the chroniclers were not concerned with such utilitarian matters as we are, upon values which we have imposed on ourselves in our own times. It is well, therefore, to understand the reason, from one who had deeply probed into the depths of Pali traditon, with a sympathy given to but few among Western scholars of Buddhism.
"For there, in that beautiful land, the most fruitful of any in India or its confines in continuous and successful literary work and effort, there have never been wanting, from Asoka's time to our own, the requisite number of earnest and devoted teachers and students to keep alive, and to hand down to their successors and to us, that invaluable literature which has taught us so much of the history of religion, not only in Ceylon, but also in India itself.
"The Chroniclers were not, therefore, very far wrong in emphasizing this side of the life of Anurādhapura. To it the city owed the most magnificent and the most abiding of its monuments, surpassed in historical value only by its intellectual achievements. "
Great baths, forests of pillars, the jungle-clad domes of thūpas, sculptured stones, remains of secluded vihāras, these are among the memorials of a habitation that was once the great Anurādhapura. But, per chance, more than all these memorials, however arresting they be, is this fact : the voices of pilgrims continuously echo in the lonely glades or are raised high in the crowded marts with the intensity and devotion which first called them two thousand three hundred years ago."
[Quelle: D. T. Devendra. -- In: Encyclopaedia of Buddhism. -- Vol. I. -- Fascicle 4. -- Colombo : Government of Sri Lanka, 1965. -- S. 754 - 765.]
29. Tassaccaye taṃkaniṭṭho,
Uttiyo iti vissuto;
rājaputto aputtaṃ taṃ,
rajjaṃ kāresi sādhukaṃ.
29. Nach seinem [Devānampiyatissa's] Tod regierte, da keinen Sohn hatte, sein jüngerer Bruder, Prinz Uttiya1 gut.
1 Uttiya: regierte von 207 - 197 v. Chr.
King of Ceylon for ten years (207-197 B.C.) (Dpv.xii.75; Mhv.xx.57). He was the fourth son of Mutasīva and succeeded Devānampiyatissa. In the eighth year of his reign died Mahinda (Mhv.xx.33), and in the ninth, Sanghamittā (Mhv.xx.49). He held great celebrations in honour of these two illustrious dead and built thūpas in various places over their ashes. The Mahāvamsa Tīkā (p.253) adds that Uttiya built a cetiya at the Somanassamālaka."
30. Mahāmahindatthero tu,
paṭivedhañ ca sādhukaṃ.
31. Laṃkādīpamhi dīpetvā,
Laṃkāya satthukappo so,
katvā lokahitaṃ bahuṃ.
32. Tassa Uttiyarājassa,
saṭṭhivasso vasaṃ vasī.
33. Assayujassa māsassa,
dinaṃ tannāmakaṃ ahu.
30./31./32./33. Der große Thera Mahinda erlöschte vollständig am 8. Tag der hellen Hälfte des Monats Assayuja1 in der 60. Regenszeit seines Ordenslebens2, im achten glorreichen Jahr Uttiya's3 während er die Regenzeit auf dem Cetiyaberg [Mihintale] verbrachte. Deswegen erhielt dieser Tag seinen [Mahinda's] Namen. Mahinda hatte die unübertreffliche Religion des Eroberers, das Studium, die Praxis und die Durchdringung4 auf der Insel leuchten lassen. Er war die Leuchte / rettende Insel Lankā's, der große Scharführer, er hat gleichsam als der Lehrer [Buddha] für Lankā großes Heil für die Leute bewirkt.
1 Assayuja: 7. indischer Monat, entspricht August/September bzw. September/Oktober
2 d.h. im 80. Lebensjahr, da er mit 20 Mönch wurde
3 d.h. 200 v. Chr.
4 In allen Theravādaländern unterscheidet man folgende Stufen des Heilsweges, die ein Mönch durchlaufen sollte:
- pariyatti (pariyāpti) - "Lernen, Studium"
- paṭipatti (pratipatti) - "Praxis, Meditation"
- paivedha (prativedhanā) - "Verwirklichung"
34. Taṃ sutvā Uttiyo rājā,
gantvāna theraṃ vanditvā
kanditvā bahudhā bahuṃ.
34. Als König Uttiya vom Erlöschen des Mahinda hörte ging er, vom Pfeil des Kummers getroffen, zum Thera und grüßte und beweinte ihn immer wieder.
taṃ doṇiṃ sādhu phussitaṃ.
35./36a. Er ließ den Leib des Thera schnell in einen goldenen Trog, der mit Duftöl besprengt war legen. Den gut verschlossenen Trog ließ er in einen geschmückten Spitzkatafalk1 stellen.
1 d.h. einen Katafalk mit Giebeldach oder Spitzdach
37. Mahatā ca janoghena,
āgatena tato tato;
mahatā ca baloghena,
38. Alaṅkatena maggena,
39. Mahāvihāraṃ ānetvā,
sattāhaṃ so mahīpati.
36b./37./38./39. Er ließ den Leichnam mit dem Katafalk hochheben, ließ gute Unterhaltung veranstalten und ließ von den großen Volksmassen, die von überall her kamen, sowie von einer großen Heeresmasse protokollgemäß verehren und ließ ihn auf dem geschmückten Weg in die sehr geschmückte Stadt [Anurādhapura] überführen. In der Stadt ließ er ihn auf der Hauptstraße herumführen und brachte ihn dann zum Mahāvihāra. Dort ließ der König den Katafalk auf der Pañhamba-Terrasse1 für sieben Tage aufstellen.
1 Pañhamba-Terrasse: vgl. Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 15, Vers 38ff.
A place in Anurādhapura, where Devānampiyatissa offered Mahinda a mango, which he ate on the spot, and caused the seed to be planted. Immediately there sprouted from it a tall tree, bearing mangoes. This place later became the centre of distribution of various gifts to the monks (Mhv.xv.38).
After Mahinda's death, the bier containing his body was placed here for a week, and many honours were shown to it prior to its cremation (Ibid., xx.39). This is probably the same as Pañcambamālaka (q.v.)."
vihārañ ca samantā ca,
41. Ahu rājānubhāvena,
dīpan tu sakalaṃ pana;
40./41. Aufgrund königlicher Gewalt war das Kloster und ein Umkreis von drei Yojana [ca. 33 km] mit Triumphbögen, Fahnen, Blüten und mit Töpfen voll Duftstoffen geschmückt. Die ganze Insel aber war aufgrund der Macht der Götter ebenso geschmückt.
42. Nānāpūjā kārayitvā,
taṃ sattāhaṃ mahīpati;
43. Kāretvā gandhacitakaṃ,
karonto tattha netvā taṃ,
44. Citakamhi ṭhapāpetvā,
sakkāraṃ antimaṃ akā;
42./43./44a. Der König ließ währen dieser sieben Tage verschiedene Ehrungen vollziehen. Er ließ im Osten, auf der Bandha-Terrasse der Thera's einen duftenden Scheiterhaufen aufrichten. Er ließ den entzückenden Katafalk im Uhrzeigersinn (padakkhina) um den (späteren) Großen Thūpa dorthin [zum Scheiterhaufen] bringen, ließ ihn auf den Scheiterhaufen setzen und erwies ihm die letzte Ehre [d.h. die Zeremonie der Verbrennung].
Abb.: Leichenverbrennung eines hohen Mönchs, Myanmar, 2006
[Bildquelle: RMNL. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/rmnl/99356997/. -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-29]
cetiyañ cettha kāresi,
44b. Er ließ die Reliquien sammeln und ließ dort einen Cetiya errichten.
45. Upaḍḍhadhātuṃ gāhetvā,
Cetiyapabbate pi ca;
sabbesu ca vihāresu,
thūpe kāresi khattiyo.
45. Die Hälfte der Reliquien nahm der Fürst und ließ für sie auf dem Cetiyaberg [Mihintale = Mahinda's Platz] und in allen Klöstern Stūpas erbauen.
46. Isino dehanikkhepa-
kataṭṭhānañ hi tassa taṃ;
46. Der Ort, wo der Leib des Weisen (isi) niedergelgt wurde wird ehrfurchtsvoll Isibhūmaṅgana [Platz des Weisen] genannt.
47. Tato pabhuti ariyānaṃ,
tamhi desamhi ḍayhati.
47. Seit damals bringt man die Leichname von Edlen [d.h. Heiligen, Erlösten] aus einem Umkreis von drei Yojana [ca. 33 km] an diese Stelle und verbrennt sie hier.
48. Saṅghamittā mahātherī,
tathā lokahitaṃ bahuṃ.
48. Die große Therî Sanghamittā, die die übernatürlichen Kräfte besaß, die überaus großmütige und weise, verrichtete ihre religiösen Aufgaben und bewirkte viel Heilsames für die Leute.
49. Ekūnasaṭṭhivassā sā,
vassamhi navame kheme,
50. Vasantī parinibbāyī,
rājā tassāpi kārayi;
therassa viya sattāhaṃ,
49./50. Im neunten Jahr des Königs Uttiya [199 v. Chr.], in ihrem 59. Ordensjahr erlöschte sie vollkommen als sie im Hatthālhaka-Nonnenheim weilte. Der König ließ auch für sie wie für den Thera höchste Ehrungszeremonien vollziehen.
51. Sabbā alaṅkatā Laṃkā,
therassa viya āsi ca;
52. Nikkhāmetvāna nagaraṃ,
53. Theriyā vuṭṭhaṭhānamhi,
thūpañca tattha kāresi,
Uttiyo so mahāmati.
51./52./53. Wie für den Thera war ganz Lankā geschmückt. Der Leib in einem Spitzkatafalk aufgebahrte Leib der Therî wurde nach sieben Tagen aus der Stadt herausgebracht. Der König ließ die Verbrennung vornehmen auf dem von der Therî gewählten Ort östlich des Thūpārāma in der Nähe des Cittasālā im Angesicht des Mahābodhibaums. Auch dort ließ der großmütige Uttiya einen Stūpa errichten.
54. Pañcāpi te mahātherā,
therāriṭṭhādayo pi ca;
bhikkhū khīṇāsavā pi ca.
tā ca dvādasatheriyo;
sahassāni bahūni ca.
56. Bahussutā mahāpaññā,
54./55./56. Auch die fünf großen Theras [die mit Mahinda gekommen waren] sowie die von Arittha angeführten  Theras1 sowie viele tausend Mönche, deren karmaschaffenden Einflüsse geschwunden waren [d.h. die vollkommen erlöst waren] und ebenso Sanghamittā und die elf Nonnen2 sowie viele tausend Nonnen, deren karmaschaffenden Einflüsse geschwunden waren, gelehrte und sehr weise Personen erklärten die Überlieferung des Eroberers, den Vinaya usw., und kamen zu ihrem Zeitpunkt unter die Macht der Unbeständigkeit [d.h. starben].
1 siehe Mahāvāṃsa, Kapitel 19, Vers 66
2 siehe Mahāvāṃsa, Kapitel 19, Vers 5
57. Dasavassāni so rājā,
rajjaṃ kāresi Uttiyo;
evaṃ aniccatā esā,
57. König Uttiya herrschte zehn Jahre lang. So vernichtet die Unbeständigkeit die ganze Welt.
58. Taṃ etaṃ atisāhasaṃ atibalaṃ nāvāriyaṃ
jānanto pi aniccataṃ bhavagate nibbindate neva ca;
nibbiṇṇo viratiṃ ratiṃ na kurute pāpehi puññehi ca;
tassesā atimohajālabalatā jānam pi sammuyhatī
58. Ein Mann, der diese überwältigende, übermächtige, unentrinnbare Unbeständigkeit erkennt und nicht überdrüssig des zu Existenz Führenden überdrüssig wird oder überdrüssig nicht an Bösem keinen Gefallen und an Gutem nicht Gefallen findet, so jemand ist trotz seiner Erkenntnis verblendet. Das ist Macht des Netzes der Überverblendung.
(19 Silben; 6.6.7.; Schema: ma sa ja sa ta ta ga: rasartvaśvair yadi maḥ sajau satatagāḥ Śārdūlavikrīḍitam: "Ein Śārdūlavikrīḍita liegt vor bei ma sa ja sa ta ta ga mit Zäsur nach 6 Silben (rasa), 6 Silben (ṛtu), 7 Silben (aśva)." [6 = rasa (Geschmack): kaṭu (ätzend), amla (sauer), madhura (süß), lavaṇa (salzig), tikta (bitter), kaṣāya (scharf); 6 = ṛtu: śiśira (kühle Jahreszeit) vasanta (Frühling) grīṣma (heiße Jahreszeit) varṣa (Regenzeit) śarad (Herbst) hima (Winter); 7 = aśva = Pferde der Sonne]
Sujanappasādasaṃvegatthāya kate Mahāvaṃse
Theraparinibbānaṃ nāma vīsatimo paricchedo.
Dies ist das zwanzigste Kapitel des Mahāvamsa, der zum Vertrauen und zur Erschütterung der guten Menschen verfasst wurde. Der Titel dieses Kapitels ist "Mahinda's vollkommenes Erlöschen".
"In the reign of king Meghavanna [309 - 322 n. Chr.] (during whose reign the Tooth-relic was brought to Ceylon), a new festival was inaugurated in honour of the Thera Mahinda. He had a life-size image of the Thera made of gold and took it to Mihintale where a great alms-giving was organized in honour of the occasion. From Anuradhapura to Mihintale the road was beautifully decorated. Two days after that, in a mammoth procession of monks and laymen led by the king himself, the image was taken to a Vihara built by the king in Sotthiyakara near the eastern gate of the city which was beautifully decorated for the occasion. For three days the image was kept there and then taken in procession through the city to the Mahavihara and was exhibited in the courtyard of the Maha-Bodhi for three days in order to be venerated by the masses. Ultimately, the image was lodged in a house specially "built near the royal palace. Endowments were made for the maintenance of the place and the keeping of the festival, which the king decreed should be held annually by all succeeding kings. In the course of time it appears that this festival did not receive much attention but it has recently been revived. Along with it a Sangamitta festival too lias been revived and is now held annually."
[de Silva, L. A.: Buddhism : beliefs and practices in Sri Lanka. -- Colombo : Selbstverlag, 1974. -- S. 161]
Zu Kapitel 21: Die fünf Könige