Mahavamsa : die große Chronik Sri Lankas

4. Kapitel 4: Das zweite Konzil

verfasst von Mahanama

übersetzt und erläutert von Alois Payer


Zitierweise / cite as:

Mahanama <6. Jhdt n. Chr.>: Mahavamsa : die große Chronik Sri Lankas / übersetzt und erläutert von Alois Payer. -- 4. Kapitel 4: Das zweite Konzil. -- Fassung vom 2006-06-02. -- URL: -- [Stichwort].

Erstmals publiziert: 2006-04-07

Überarbeitungen: 2006-06-02 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-04-24 [Ergänzungen]; 2006-04-21 [Umstellung auf Unicode!]; 2006-04-09 [Ergänzungen]

Anlass: Lehrveranstaltungen, Sommersemester 2001, 2006

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Die Zahlreichen Zitate aus Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. sind ein Tribut an dieses großartige Werk. Das Gesamtwerk ist online zugänglich unter: -- Zugriff am 2006-05-08.

Catuttha pariccheda

Dutiya saṃgīti

Viertes Kapitel

Das zweite Konzil

Alle Verse mit Ausnahme des Schlussverses sind im Versmaß vatta = siloka = Śloka abgefasst.

Das metrische Schema ist:

 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ

 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
 ̽  ̽  ̽  ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ

Ausführlich zu Vatta im Pāli siehe:

Warder, A. K. (Anthony Kennedy) <1924 - >: Pali metre : a contribution to the history of Indian literature. -- London : Luzac, 1967. --  XIII, 252 S. -- S. 172 - 201.


Der Hauptzweck der drei Kapitel zu den ersten drei Konzilen ist, zu zeigen, dass der Theravâdabuddhismus Lankâs der Bewahrer der reinen Buddhalehre ist.

Zum ersten und zweiten Konzil siehe:

Lamotte, Étienne <1903 - 1983>: Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien des origines á l'ére Śaka. -- Louvain : Publications Universitaires, 1958. -- (Bibliothèque du Musèon ; vol. 43). -- S. 136 - 154.

Englische Übersetzung:

Lamotte, Étienne <1903 - 1983>:History of Indian Buddhism from the origins to the Śaka era / translated from the French by Sara Webb-Boin. -- Louvain-la-Neuve: Institute Orientaliste, 1988. -- (Publications de l'Institute Orientaliste de Louvain ; 36). -- S. 124 - 140.

1. Ajātasattuputto taṃ,
ghātetvā 'dāyibhaddakoa;
rajjaṃ soḷasavassāni,
kāresi mittadūbhiko.

a Geiger: 'dayabhaddako
b Geiger: mittadubbhiko


Udāyibhaddaka1, der Sohn Ajātasattu's2, ein Bedroher seiner Freunde, tötete seinen Vater und regierte3 dann sechzehn Jahre.


1 Udayabhaddaka

"Udāyibhadda (Udāyibhaddaka)

Son of Ajātasattu. When Ajātasattu, after the death of his father, paid his first visit to the Buddha and saw the Buddha seated amidst the monks in a scene of perfect calm and silence, his first thought was: "Would that my son, Udāyibhadda, might have such calm as this."  

Buddhaghosa explains this thought by saying that Ajātasattu feared that his son might follow his own example and kill him as he had killed his own father. His fears were justified, for he was killed by his son Udāyibhadda, who reigned for sixteen years.  

The latter, in his turn, was killed by his son Anuruddhaka.  

It was in Udāyibhadda's eighth year that Vijaya, king of Ceylon, died, and in his fifteenth year that Panduvasudeva came to the throne . The Dīpavamsa  calls him Udaya and the Mahābodhivamsa, Udayabhadda. See also s.v. Kālāsoka."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v. -- Dort Quellennachweise.]

2 Ajātasattu

"Ajātasattu.—Son of Bimbisāra, King of Magadha, and therefore half-brother to Abhayarājakumāra. He succeeded his father to the throne. His mother was a daughter of Mahākosala, and he married Vajirā, Pasenadi's daughter, by whom he had a son Udāyibhadda.

Ajātasattu grew up to be a noble and handsome youth. Devadatta was, at this time, looking for ways and means of taking revenge on the Buddha, and seeing in the prince a very desirable weapon, he exerted all his strength to win him to his side. Ajātasattu was greatly impressed by Devadatta's powers of iddhi and became his devoted follower. He built for him a monastery at Gayāsīsa and waited upon him morning and evening carrying food for him, sometimes as much as five hundred cartloads in five hundred cooking pans.

Devadatta incited him to seize the throne, killing his father if necessary. When Bimbisāra learnt of the prince's intentions he abdicated in his favour. But Devadatta was not satisfied till Bimbisāra, who was one of the Buddha's foremost supporters, was killed.

Ajātasattu helped Devadatta in several of the latter's attempts to kill the Buddha. Later he was filled with remorse for these past misdeeds as he confesses himself; but evidently, for very shame, he refrained from visiting the Buddha till he was won over by the persuasions of his physician Jīvaka Komārabhacca. And when in the end he did go to the Buddha, it was in great fear and trembling; so nervous was he that he imagined conspirators in the very silence surrounding the Buddha where he dwelt in the monsatery, in Jīvaka's Mango grove at Rājagaha. It was on the occasion of this visit that the Samaññaphala Sutta was preached. The king admits that he had been to various teachers before, but had failed to find satisfaction in their teachings. It is noteworthy that the Buddha greets the king cordially on his arrival and makes no mention whatever of the king's impiety. Instead, when Ajātasattu expresess his repentance at the end of the discourse, the Buddha accepts his confession and lets him off almost too lightly. But after the king had departed the Buddha tells the monks how the king's misdeeds had wrought his undoing both in this world and the next, for if he had not been guilty of them, the Eye of Truth (Sotāpattimagga, says the Commentary) would have been opened for him on the occasion of this sermon. Henceforth the king became a loyal adherent of the Buddha's faith, though, as far as we know, he never waited again either upon the Buddha or upon any member of the Order for the discussion of ethical matters. He was so full of love and respect for the Buddha that when he heard of Upaka Mandikāputta having spoken rather impolitely to the Buddha, he at once flew into a rage.

Sakka said of him that among the puthujjanas he was most possessed of piety. When the Buddha died, in the eighth year of Ajātasattu's reign, the latter's ministers decided not to tell him the news at once, in case he should die of a broken heart. On the pretext of warding off the evil effects of a dream, they placed him in a vat filled with the four kinds of sweet (catumadhura) and broke the sad news gently to him. He immediately fainted, and it was not till they put him in two other vats and repeated the tidings that he realised their implication. He forthwith gave himself up to great lamentation and despair, "like a madman," calling to mind the Buddha's various virtues and visiting various places associated in his mind with the Buddha. Later he sent messengers to claim his share of the Buddha's relics, and when he obtained them he prolonged the rites held in their honour till the arahants had to seek Sakka's aid to make the king take the relics away to Rājagaha, where he erected over them a stone thūpa. Two months afterwards, when the first Council was held, he gave the undertaking his royal patronage and assisted the monks who took part in it with all his power.

Several incidents connected with Ajātasattu's reign are mentioned in the books. Bimbisāra had married a sister of Pasenadi, and when he was killed she died of grief. The revenue of a Kāsī village had been given to her by her father, Mahākosala, as part of her dowry, but after Bimbisāra's murder, Pasenadi refused to continue it. Thereupon Ajātasattu declared war on his uncle. At first he was victorious in three battles, but, later, he was defeated by Pasenadi, who followed the military advice of an old monk, the Elder Dhanuggahatissa; Ajātasattu was taken captive with his army. On giving an undertaking not to resort to violence again, he was released, and to seal the friendship, Pasenadi gave him his daughter Vajirā as wife, and the revenue of the disputed village was gifted to her as bath-money.

Ajātasattu evidently took his reverses very unsportingly. (See the Haritamāta Jātaka, J. ii. 237 f.)

Later, when through the treachery of Pasenadi's minister, Dīgha Kārāyana, his son Vidūdabha usurped the throne, Pasenadi, finding himself deserted, went towards Rājagaha to seek Ajātasutta's help, but on the way he died of exposure and Ajātasattu gave him burial.

About a year before the Buddha's death, Ajātasattu sent his chief minister and confidant, the brahmin Vassakāra, to the Buddha to intimate to him his desire to make war on the Vajjians and to find out what prediction the Buddha would make regarding his chances of victory. The Buddha informed the brahmin that the Vajjians practised the seven conditions of welfare which they had learnt from him, and that they were therefore invincible. The Samyutta Nikāya mentions the Buddha as saying that the time would come when the Vajjians would relinquish their strenuous mode of living and that then would come Ajātasattu's chance. This chance came about three years later, for by the treachery of Vassakāra, he succeeded in sowing dissension among the leading families of Vesāli. Having thus weakened them, he swooped down upon the place with an overwhelming force and completely destroyed it. Rumours are mentioned of King Candappajjota making preparations for a war on Ajātasattu to avenge the death of his friend Bimbisāra, but no mention is made of actual fighting.

Of the end of Ajātasattu's reign the books mention very little except that he was killed by his son Udaya or Udāyībhadda, who had been born on the day that Bimbisāra died as a result of his tortures.

We are told that Ajātasattu had feared that his son might kill him and had therefore secretly hoped that Udaya would become a monk.

Ajātasattu's reign lasted thirty-two years. It was he who built the fortress of Pātaliputta (s,v.), which later became the capital of Magadha.

We do not know what Ajātasattu's real name was. The title Vedehiputta which always accompanies his name probably means "son of the Videha lady." At the time of Buddhaghosa there seems to have been much confusion about the meaning of this word. According to Buddhaghosa Vedehi means "wise." There seems to have been another explanation which Buddhaghosa rejects — that Ajātasattu was the son of the Videha queen. Videhi was probably the maiden, family, or tribal (not personal) name of his mother. According- to a Tibetan authority her personal name was Vāsavī, and she was called Videhi because she was from Videha. (See also s.v. Vedehikā.)

Two explanations are given of the epithet Ajātasattu. According to Buddhaghosa he was so called because the soothsayers predicted his enmity to his father even before his birth, and a story is told of how his mother, at the time of his conception, had a longing to drink blood from Bimbisāra's right hand. The longing was satisfied, but when the queen heard the soothsayer's prediction, she tried, in many ways, to bring about a miscarriage. In this she was prevented by the king. Later both parents grew to be very fond of him. There is a story of the prince, holding his father's finger, visiting Jotika's marvellous palace and thinking that his father was a fool for not taking Jotika's wealth. When he became king he acquired Jotika's palace.

To show Bimbisāra's love for the babe, an incident is mentioned of how once, when the prince was yelling with pain because of a boil on his finger, the nurses took him to the king who was then holding court. To soothe the child, the king put the offending finger in his mouth, where the boil burst. Unable to spit the pus out the king swallowed it. The other explanation is that also found in the Upanisads, and this is probably the correct one. It says that the word means " he against whom there has arisen no foe."

According to the Dīgha Commentary, Ajātasattu was born in the Lohakumbhiya niraya after his death. He will suffer there for 60,000 years, and later will reach nibbāna as a Paceeka Buddha named Viditavisesa (v.l. Vijitāvī). Ajātasattu's crime of parricide is often given as an example of an upacchedaka-kamma which has the power of destroying the effect of meritorious deeds. He is also mentioned as the worst kind of parricide.

Ajātasattu seems to have been held in hatred by the Niganthas. The reason is probably that given in the Dhammapāda Commentary, where it is said that when Moggallāna had been killed by thieves, spies were sent out by the king to discover the murderers. When arrested, the murderers confessed that they had been incited by the Niganthas. The king thereupon buried five hundred Niganthas waist-deep in pits dug in the palace court and had their heads ploughed off."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v. -- Dort Quellennachweise.]

3 Nachfolger Ajātasattu's

Abb.: Konkordanz verschiedener Königslisten

[Quelle der Abb.: Mahānāma <5. Jhd. n. Chr.>: The Mahavamsa or, The great chronicle of Ceylon / translated into English by Wilhelm Geiger ... assisted by Mabel Haynes Bode...under the patronage of the government of Ceylon. -- London : Published for the Pali Text Society by H. Frowde, 1912. -- 300 S. -- (Pali Text Society, London. Translation series ; no. 3). -- S. XLI.]


The Buddhist tradition, which has been accepted as the best working hypothesis, strangely enough represents all the four kings following Ajātaśatru as parricides. After their rule of 56 years the people awoke to the fact that they were living under a dynasty of murderers, and they at once supplanted it by electing the Minister Śiśunāga as king. Ajātaśatru was succeeded by Udayabhadra, who is undoubtedly the same as Udāyin of the Puranic genealogy. A Jain text takes him to be the son of Kūnika and Padmāvatī. Jain tradition does not like Buddhist, regard Udayabhadra as a parricide. On the contrary, he is represented as the devoted son of his father who was serving as his viceroy at Champā and overwhelmed with grief at his death.

He was called to the throne by the assembly of chiefs and nobles. He then left Champā and proceeded to Pātaliputra where he built a new town called Kusumapura, as stated in the Vāyu Purāna, and a Jain shrine (Chaityagriha) at its centre. He was a devout Jain, fasting on 8th and 14th tithis. On one such day, while he was listening to the discourse of a teacher with a novice, the latter fell upon him and killed him with his concealed dagger. It is stated that this assassin was engaged by his political rival, Pālaka, the king of Avanti and son of Ajātaśatru's enemy, Pradyota, who had become very powerful by the conquest of Kauśāmbī. Pālaka had, however, been previously defeated many times by Udayabhadra.

The next two kings were Anuruddha and Munda. The Anguttara (III, 57-63) refers to king Munda as staying at Pātaliputra. When his queen Bhaddā died in that city he was overpowered with grief and refused to cremate her body until he was consoled by a Thera named Nārada, who lived at the Vihāra known as Kukkutārāma.

The succeeding ruler Nāgadāsaka may be identified with king Darśaka of the Purānas. Darśaka figures as contemporary of Udāyana in the Sanskrit drama Svapna-Vāsavadattā, attributed to Bhāsa. This agrees with the Puranic, but not with the Sinhalese genealogy adopted here.

Śiśunāga is the next in the Buddhist list. According to the Purānas, Śiśunāga came to the throne after destroying the power of the Pradyotas. He made Girivraja his abode and posted his son in charge of Vārānasī. The Buddhist tradition, as already related, dates the hostility of Avanti to Magadha from the time of Ajātaśatru, and counts Kāśī as a province of Magadha, also from his time. This indirectly supports the Buddhist view that Śiśunāga ruled after Ajātaśatru. Probably, he kept up the old capital of Girivraja against the continued menace from Avanti, as his son defended the frontiers in Kāśi against Kosala. But Śiśunāga finally destroyed the power of the Pradyotas of Avanti and added it to the growing kingdom of Magadha. Probably both the kingdoms of Vatsa and Kosala were also annexed and thus Magadha absorbed almost all the important states in North India that flourished in the time of Gautama Buddha.

Kālāśoka, the son and successor of Śiśunāga, probably corresponds to Kākavarna of the Purānas. It was during his reign that the second Great Buddhist Council was held. He had a tragic end which is referred to in later literature. A passage in Bāna's Harshacharita (of seventh century A.D.) records the story, presumably handed down through the centuries, that the king named Kākavarni Śaiśunāgī was killed by a dagger thrust into his throat. An earlier reference to some such event is made by the Greek writer Curtius. Referring to the founder of the Nanda dynasty, he says: "He was a barber who became the paramour of the queen, and being by her influence advanced to too near a place in the confidence of the reigning monarch, treacherously murdered him, and then under the pretence of acting as guardian to the royal children, usurped the supreme authority and having put the young princes to death begat the present king."

The murderer of Kālāśoka or Kākavarni Śaiśunāgī was thus possibly the founder of the next dynasty of kings—that of the Nandas. The "young princes" slain by him may be taken to be the ten sons of the murdered king who, according to the Mahāvamsa, ruled, probably jointly, for a period of ten years. These are named in the Mahābodhivamsa and include Nandivardhana, who is mentioned in the Purānas as the ninth king among the ten kings of the Śaiśunāga dynasty.

The Purānas add another king, Mahānandin, but his existence must be regarded as very doubtful unless we suppose that he was another of the ten sons of Kālāśoka.

The Śaiśunāga dynasty thus came to an ignoble end. Whatever we might think of the particulars related in different sources, there is no doubt that its downfall was brought about by a palace conspiracy instigated by a faithless queen."

[Quelle: Radha Kumud Mookerji <1884 - 1964>. -- In: The History and culture of the Indian People / general ed. R. C. Majumdar; assistant ed. ... -- Vol. 2: The Age of imperial unity / assistant ed. A. D. Pusalker. -- 5th ed. -- Bombay : Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1980. -- LXIII, 733 S. : Ill. -- S. 28 - 31.]

2. Udayabhaddaputto taṃ,
ghātetvā Anuruddhako;
Anuruddhassa putto taṃ,
ghātetvā Muṇḍanāmako.

. Mittadduno dummatino,
te pi rajjam akārayuṃ;
tesaṃ ubhinnaṃ rajjesu,
aṭṭhavassān' atikkamuṃ.


Anuruddhaka, der Sohn Udayabhaddas, tötete diesen.  Munda, der Sohn Anuruddha's, tötete diesen. Dann regierten auch diese beiden böswilligen Bedroher ihrer Freunde. Während der Herrschaft dieser beiden vergingen acht Jahre.

4. Muṇḍassa putto pitaraṃ,
ghātetvā Nāgadāsako;
catuvīsati vassāni,
rajjaṃ kāresi pāpako.


Nāgadāsaka, der Sohn Mundas, tötete seinen Vater. Dann regierte der Böse 24 Jahre.

5. Pitughātakavaṃso yam,
iti kuddhā 'tha nāgarā;
apanetvā samāgatā.
6. Susunāgo ti paññātaṃ,
amaccaṃ sādhusammataṃ;
rajje samabhisiñjiṃsu,
sabbesaṃ hitamānasā.

5. - 6.

Weil dies ein Geschlecht von Vatermördern war, waren die Städter erzürnt und verbannten den König Nāgadāsaka. Sie versammelten sich und weihten — auf das Wohl aller bedacht — den Minister Susunāga1, von dem sie überzeugt waren, dass er gut sei, zum König.


1 Susunāga (Sanskrit: Śiśunāga):


King of Magadha and father of Kālāsoka. He reigned for eighteen years. (Mhv.iv.6; but see Dpv.v.98, where his reign is given as ten years, in the eighth year of which Dāsaka Thera died. Cf. Sp.i.33.).

According to the Mahāvamsa Tīkā, he was the son of a Licchavi rājā and a courtezan. When he was born he looked like a lump of flesh, and his mother gave orders that he should be put in a vessel and cast on the rubbish heap. The Nāga-king of the city kept guard over the vessel, but when the people crowded round him and said "Su-sū," he left it and went away. In the crowd was a minister's son, and, when the vessel was opened and the child was discovered, he decided to adopt him. In due course the child grew up, and when the infuriated populace deposed the parricide Nāgadāsaka, they placed Susunāga on the throne. He was called Susunāga because he was guarded by the Nāga who disappeared when the people said "Su-sū."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v. -- Dort Quellennachweise.]

7. So aṭṭhārasa vassāni,
rājā rajjam akārayi;
Kāḷāsoko tassa putto,
aṭṭhavīsati kārayi.


König Susunāga regierte 18 Jahre. Sein Sohn Kālāsoka1 regierte 28 Jahre.


1 Kālāsoka


Son of Susunāga and king of Magadha for twenty-eight years. The tenth year of his reign completed one hundred years from the date of the Buddha's death.

During the reign of Kālāsoka the Vajjian heresy appeared among the Sangha, and at first the king took the side of the Vajjians. Later, his sister Nandā persuaded him to transfer his patronage to the orthodox monks, and a convocation was held, with his support, at the Vālikārāma in Vesāli, at which the Vajjians were proved in the wrong. .

Kālāsoka had ten sons, who carried on the government after him for twenty-two years (Mhv.v.14). He and Pandukābhaya were contemporary kings for many years .

The names of his ten sons were: Bhaddasena, Korandavanna, Mangura, Sabbañjaha, Jālika, Ubhaka, Sañjaya, Korabya, Nandivaddhana, and Pañcamaka.

There is great difference of opinion as to the identity of Kālāsoka. Some hold that he is the same as Kākavanna of the Purānas and Udāyin of the Jaina traditions, and that these names are merely other appellations of Udayabhadda of the Pali sources. Kālāsoka is credited with having removed the capital of Magadha from Rājagaha to Pātaliputta. "

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v. -- Dort Quellennachweise.]

8. Atīte dasame vasse,
Kāḷāsokassa rājino;
evaṃ vassasataṃ ahu.


Am Ende des zehnten Jahres der Herrschaft Kālāsokas waren seit dem vollkommenen Erlöschen des vollkommenen Buddha hundert Jahre vergangen.

9. Tadā Vesāliyā bhikkhū,
anekea Vajjiputtakā;
siṅgīloṇaṃ dvaṅgulañ ca,
tathā gāmantaram pi ca.

a Burm.: anekā

10. Āvāsānumatāciṇṇaṃ,
amathitaṃ jalogi ca;
nisīdanaṃ adasakaṃ,
jātarūpādikaṃ iti.

. Dasavatthūni dīpesuṃ,
kappantīti alajjīno;

9. - 11a.

Da haben in Vesāli1 viele schamlose Mönche aus dem Vajji-Clan2 zehn Gegenstände als geziemend erklärt:

  1. "Salz im Horn"3
  2. "Zwei Finger breit"4
  3. "Ins Dorf"5
  4. "Wohnen"6
  5. "Zustimmung"7
  6. "Praktiziert"8
  7. "Ungequirlt"9
  8. "unvergorener Toddy"10
  9. "Sitz ohne Saum"11
  10. "Gold usw."12


1 Vesāli (heute: Besarh in Bihar): Hauptstadt der Licchavī-Republik.

Abb.: Lage von Vesāli
(©MS Encarta)

Abb.: Vaishali
[Bildquelle: Hyougushi. -- -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-26]


From the stupa of the measuring-vessel, Hwen Thsang proceeded to the north-east for 140 or 150 li, or 23 to 25 miles, to Vaisāli. He mentions having crossed the Ganges on the road; but as he was already to the north of that river, his notice must certainly refer to the Gandak, which flows within 12 miles of Degwāra. We must therefore look for Vaiśālī to the east of the Gandak. Here, accordingly, we find the village of Besārh, with an old ruined fort which is still called Raja-Bisal-ka-garh, or the fort of Raja Visala, who was the reputed founder of the ancient Vaisāli. Hwen Thsang states that the Royal Palace was between 4 and 5 li, or from 3500 to 4400 feet in circuit, which agrees with the size of the old fort, according to my rneasure-ment of 1580 feet by 750 feet, or 4600 feet in circuit, along the lines of the ruined walls. The place is mentioned by Abul Fazl, as Besār and it is still a considerable village, surrounded with brick ruins. It is exactly 23 miles from Degwāra, but the direction is north-north-east, instead of north-east. This position also agrees with Hwen Thsang's subsequent distance and bearing to the bank of the Ganges opposite Pātaliputra, or Patna, which was due south 120 li, or 20 miles, the actual position of Hājipur on the north bank of the Ganges being 20 miles almost due south. The ruined fort of Besārh thus presents such a perfect coincidence of name, position, and dimensions with the ancient city of Vaisāli, that there can be no reasonable doubt of their identity.

According to Hwen Thsang's estimate, the kingdom of Vaisāli was 5000 li, or 833 miles, in circuit, which is certainly too great, unless it included the neighbouring kingdom of Vriji, which he described as 4000 li, or 667 miles, in circuit. Now the capital of Vriji is said to be only 500 li, or 83 miles, to the north-east of Vaiśālī; and as both of the districts are placed between the mountains and the Ganges, it is quite certain that there must be some mistake in the estimated dimensions of one of these. The utmost limit that can be assigned to the joint districts, with reference to the surrounding States, is not more than 750 or 800 miles in circuit, from the foot of the mountains to the Ganges on the south, and from the Gandak on the west to the Mahānadi on the east. I conclude, therefore, either that there is some mistake or exaggeration in the estimated size of one or both of the districts, or that the two districts are the same kingdom under different names. That the latter was actually the case, I will now endeavour to show.

In one of the Buddhist legends, quoted by Burnouf, Buddha proceeds with Ananda to the Chāpāla stupa, and seating himself under a tree, thus addresses his disciple: "How beautiful, O Ananda, is the city of Vaisāli, the land of the Vrijis," etc. In the time of Buddha, and for many centuries afterwards, the people of Vaisāli were called Lichhavis; and in the Trikandasesha, the names of Lichhavi, Vaideha, and Tirabhukti, are given as synonymous.. Vaideha is well known to the readers of the Rāmāyana as a common name of Mithila, the country of Raja Janata, whose daughter Sita is also named Vaidehi. Tirabhukti is the present Tirahuti, or Tirhut. Now, the modern town of Janakpur, in the Mithari district, is acknowledged by the universal consent of the natives of the country, to be the same place as the ancient Janakpur, the capital of Mithila. It also corresponds exactly with the position assigned by Hwen Thsang to Chen-shu-na, the capital of Vriji. M. Vivien de Saint-Martin reads the Chinese name as Che-thu-na, but M. Stanislas Julien renders it by Chha-su-na, and points out that the second character is found in Sukra, and I may add also in Sudra. The correct rendering of the name is doubtful; but if the bearing and distance recorded by the Chinese pilgrims are correct, it is almost certain that the capital of Vriji in the seventh century must have been at Janakpur.

Hwen Thsang gives the name of the country in its Sanskrit form, as Fo-li-shi, or Vriji; but it is also stated that the people of the north called the country San-ja-shi, or Samvaji, which is the Pali form of Samvriji, or the "United Vrijis." From this name, I infer that the Vrijis were a large tribe which was divided into several branches, namely, the Lichhavis of Vaisāli, the Vaidehis of Mithila, the Tirabhulftis of Tirhut, etc. Either of these divisions separately might therefore be called Vrijis, or any two together might be called Vrijis, as well as Samvrijis, or the "United Vrijis." We have a parallel case in the warlike tribe of the Bāgris, or Sambāgris of the Satlej, which consisted of three separate divisions.

I conclude therefore that Vaisāli was a single district in the territories of the United Vrijis, or Wajjis, and therefore that the estimated size of Vaisāli proper, as recorded by Hwen Thsang, is a simple mistake. Perhaps we should read 1500 li, or 250 miles, instead of 5000 li, or 833 miles. In this case the district of Vaisāli would be limited to the south-west corner of the country of the Vrijis, to the westward of the little Gandak river."

[Quelle: Cunningham, Alexander <1814 - 1893>: The ancient geography of India / ed. with introduction ande notes by Surendranath Majumdar Sastri. -- New. ed. -- Calcutta : Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & Co., 1924. -- 770 S. : Ill. -- S. 507 - 511.]

2 Vajji-Clan (Sanskrit: Vṛji)

Abb.: Das Territorium der Vajji
(©MS Encarta)


From Vaisāli, Hwen Thsang proceeded to the north-east for 500 li, or 83 miles, to Fo-U-shi, or Vriji, which has already been identified as the territory of the powerful tribe of Wajji, or Vriji. In the time of Buddha, the Vrijis were divided into several clans, as the Lichhavis, the Vaidehis, the Tirabhuktis, and others, whose names are unknown. The exact number of their clans would appear to have been eight, as criminals were arraigned before the atihakulaka, or "eight clans," which would appear to have been a jury composed of one member from each of the separate divisions of the tribe. Hwen Thsang mentions that the people of the north called them San-fa-shi, or Samvajji, that is the "United Vajjis,"—and the same name is referred to in the long and interesting account of the people of Wajji, which is given by Turnour from the Pali chronicles of Ceylon. The great monarch Ajātasatru, of Magadha, wishing to subdue the "great and powerful" people of Wajji, sent his minister to consult Buddha as to the best means of accomplishing his object. The Raja is informed that so long as the people of Wajji remained "united," they would be invincible. The Raja, by a stratagem of his minister, "in the course of three years, so completely disunited their rulers, one from another, that no two would walk the same road together," and they were accordingly subdued without making any resistance. According to Turnour, "the union of the Wajjian states consisted of a confederation of chiefs." The name of Sam-vriji, or the "United Vrijis," was therefore a descriptive title of the whole nation of eight clans, who, as Buddha remarked, were accustomed to hold frequent meetings, to act in concert, and to uphold the ancient Wajjian institutions. No king is mentioned, but the people are stated to have respected and obeyed the orders of their elders.

According to Hwen Thsang the country of the Vrijis was long from east to west, and narrow from north to south. This description corresponds exactly with the tract of country lying between the Gandak and Mahānadi rivers, which is 300 miles in length by 100 miles in breadth. Within these limits there are several ancient cities, some of which may possibly have been the capitals of the eight different clans of the Vrijis. Of course Vaisāli, Kesariya, and Janakpur have already been noticed; the others are Navandgarh, Simrūn, Darbanga, Puraniya, and Motihāri. The last three are still inhabited and are well known; but Simrūn has been deserted for upwards of 550 years, while Navandgarh has probably been abandoned for at least fifteen centuries. Simrūn has been described by Mr. Hodgson, but its ruins still require to be carefully surveyed before we can form an opinion as to its probable antiquity. I visited Navandgarh myself in 1862, and found it one of the oldest and most interesting places in northern India.

Navandgarh or Naonadgarh is a ruined fort from 250 to 300 feet square at top and 80 feet in height. It is situated close to the large village of Lauriya, 15 miles to the north-north-west of Bettiah and 10 miles from the nearest point of the Gandak river. The ancient remains consist of a handsome stone pillar, surmounted by a lion and inscribed with Asoka's edicts, and of three rows of earthen barrows or conical mounds of earth, of which two rows lie from north to south, and the third from east to west. Now the stupas usually met with are built either of stone or of brick ; but the earliest stupas were mere mounds of earth, of which these are the most remarkable specimens that I have seen. I believe that they are the sepulchral monuments of the early kings of the country prior to the rise of Buddhism, and that their date may be assumed as ranging from 600 to 1500 B.C. Every one of these barrows is called simply bhisā, or "mound," but the whole are said to have been the foots or fortified dwellings of the ministers and nobles of Raja Uttānpat, while the fort of Navandgarh was the king's own residence. The word stūpa meant originally only a "mound of earth," and this is the meaning given to it by Colebrooke, in his translation of the 'Amara Kosha.' I believe that these earthen stupas or chaityas of Navandgarh must form part of those alluded to by Buddha himself in his sixth question addresed to Ananda about the people of Vriji: "Anando! hast thou heard that the Wajjians, whatever the number may be of the Wajjian chetiyani belonging to the Wajjian (rulers), whether situated within or without (the city), they maintain, respect, reverence, and make offerings to them ; and that they keep up without diminution the ancient offerings, the ancient observances, and the ancient sacrifices righteously made?" Now these chetiyani could not have been Buddhist stupas, as Buddha himself put the question during his lifetime. Accordingly, the author of the Ceylonese Atthakathā explains that they are yakhatthānāni, or edifices belonging to Yakha, or demon worship. The Yakhas, in Sanskrit Yaksha and Jaksha, were the attendants of Kuvera, the God of Riches, and the guardians of his treasures, and their chief residence was called Alakapura. Now somewhere in the neighbourhood of the Gandak there was a city named Alakappo, inhabited by a people named Balaya or Buluka, who obtained a share of Buddha's relics. It is probable, therefore, that this city of Alakappo may have been connected with the early Yaksha worship, and that the pre-Buddhistical stupas of Navandgarh may be some of the ancient chaityas of the Vrijis that were referred to by Buddha. If so, the Balayas or Bulukas of Alakappo must have been one of the eight clans of the Vrijis, a conclusion which is rendered still more probable by the vicinity of Alakappo to the Gandak river."

[Quelle: Cunningham, Alexander <1814 - 1893>: The ancient geography of India / ed. with introduction ande notes by Surendranath Majumdar Sastri. -- New. ed. -- Calcutta : Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & Co., 1924. -- 770 S. : Ill. -- S. 512 - 516.]

3 "Salz im Horn" (siṅgīloṇa)


To regard as 'proper' to carry salt in the horn (case) with a view to using it whenever necessary. It is one of the 'ten points' which the Vajji monks pleaded as 'proper' for the monks. In the Second Buddhist Council held at Vesāli, a century after the Mahāparinibbāna of the Buddha this matter came up. It was resolved as 'improper' (akappiya) for the monks since it involved an offence of Pācittiya, (Rule No. 38). Cv. p. 428)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

Pācittiya-Vergehen sind Vergehen, die eine Buße erfordern, d.h. die durch desanā f. -- "Beichte" strafrechtlich (nicht karmisch!) getilgt werden.

Pācittiya 38:

Yo pana bhikkhu sannidhikārakaṃ khādanīyaṃ vā bhojanīyaṃ vā khādeyya vā bhuñjeyya vā, pācittiyaṃ

"Wenn ein Mönch gelagerte harte oder weiche Speise zu sich nimmt, dann erfordert das eine Buße."

4 "Zwei Finger breit" (dvaṅgula)


To regard the taking of meal as 'proper' even after the shade of the sun has passed away beyond the two finger's breadth in the after-noon. It was one of the 'ten points' which the Vajji monks pleaded as 'proper'. But when this matter came up in the Second Buddhist Council held at Vesāli one hundred years after the Buddha, it was held as 'improper' since it involved an offence of Pācittiya (Rule No. 37; Pac. pp. 120-121; Co. p. 428)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

Pācittiya 37:

Yo pana bhikkhu vikāle khādanīyaṃ vā bhojanīyaṃ vā khādeyya vā bhuñjeyya vā, pācittiyaṃ

"Wenn ein Mönch zur Unzeit harte oder weiche Speise zu sich nimmt, dann erfordert das eine Buße."

5 "Ins Dorf" (gāmantara)


To regard taking anatiritta (fresh or 'not left over') food as 'proper' by pavārita monk (i. e. a satisfied monk) by going to another village. It was one of the 'ten points' which the Vajji-monks pleaded as 'proper'. But, however, in the Second Buddhist Council this matter was discussed and regarded as an offence of Pācittiya, (Rule No. 35; Pac. pp. 116-117); and hence not 'proper' for the monks. (Cv. p. 428)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

Pācittiya 35:

Yo pana bhikkhu bhuttāvī pavārito anatirittaṃ  khādanīyaṃ vā bhojanīyaṃ vā khādeyya vā bhuñjeyya vā, pācittiyaṃ

"Wenn ein Mönch , der gegessen hat und satt ist, harte oder weiche Speise zu sich nimmt, die nicht ein Überrest ist, dann erfordert das eine Buße."

6 "Wohnen" (āvāsa)


To regard it as 'proper' to holding the Uposatha or any other ecclesiastical act separately in different Vihāras by the monks living within one sīmā (boundary) It was one of the 'ten points' which the Vajji monks of Vesāli pleaded as 'proper'. But in the Second Buddhist Council it was regarded as 'improper'; because it involved the offence of Dukkata, (Cp. Mv. p. 110; Cv. p. 429)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

dukkaṭa -- leichte Vergehen in Werken: Sekhiyavergehen (Vergehen gegen die Benimmregeln), weiter vor der Vollendung abgebrochene Handlungen, die bei Vollendung Pārājika oder Sañghādisesa wären. Unvollendete Handlungen, die bei Vollendung Nissagiya-pācittiya, pācittiya oder pāṭidesanīya wären. Weitere -- nicht im Pāṭimokkha aufgeführte -- Vergehen.

7 "Zustimmung" (anumati)


To regard as 'proper' to carry out a Sahghakamma by an 'incomplete Sangha' in anticipation of obtaining the 'consent' of the rest of the monks when they arrive. It was one of the 'Ten Points' which the Vajji monks pleaded as proper. But, however, in the Second Sangīti it was declared as improper since it involved an offence of Dukkata. (Cv. p. 429; Cf. Mv. p. 331)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

8 "Praktiziert" (āciṇṇa)


To regard all the customary practices of one's Upajjhāya or Ācariya as unmistakenly right. It was one of the 'ten points' which the Vajji monks pleaded as legal for the monks. This matter was discussed in the Second Buddhist Council held at Vesāli and it was decided that all the customary practices oberved by one's Upajjhāya or Ācariya could not necessarily be right nor all the practices could be wrong. Some of the practices might be proper and some might not be so. And hence, all the customary practices of one's Upajjhāya or Ācariya should not be followed blindly. (Cv, p. 429)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

9 "Ungequirlt" (amathita)


To regard the drinking of that (anatiritta) milk, which has passed the stage of milk but has not yet turned into curd, as 'proper' for a Pavārita (satisfied or eaten up) monk. The Vajji monks pleaded that milk as 'proper' for the monks. But in the Second Buddhist Council held at Vesāli it was declared as improper for the monks, as it involved an offence of Pācittiya, (Rule No. 35; Cv. p. 429)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

Pācittiya 35:

Yo pana bhikkhu bhuttāvī pavārito anatirittaṃ  khādanīyaṃ vā bhojanīyaṃ vā khādeyya vā bhuñjeyya vā, pācittiyaṃ

"Wenn ein Mönch , der gegessen hat und satt ist, harte oder weiche Speise zu sich nimmt, die nicht ein Überrest ist, dann erfordert das eine Buße."

10 "unvergohrener Toddy" (jaḷogi)


Unfermented toddy (Nīrā in Hindi) or the like, which has not reached the stage of becoming an intoxicating liquor. The Vajji monks advocated for its drinking and regarded it as a suitable drink for the monks. It was one of the 'ten points' which ṭhe Vajji monks pleaded as 'proper' for the monks and which led to the convening of the Second Buddhist Council (Sangīti) at Ves^sli. In this Council its use was declared 'improper' since it involved an offence of Pācittiya. (Rule No. 51; Cv. p. 430)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

Pācittiya 51:

Surāmerayapāne pācittiyaṃ

"Wenn ein Mönch Alkoholika trinkt, dann erfordert das eine Buße."

"Sweet toddy—The spadices of palmyra [Borassus flabellifer], on tapping, yield a delicious sugary sap, known as the Sweet Toddy (Beng.—Taler rash; Guj., Hindi, Mar.—Neera; Kan.—Henda; Mal.—Panamkallu; Tarn.—Padaneer, Tel.— Teepikallu).

The other important sap-yielding palms are Phoenix sylvestris, Caryota urens Linn., Nypa fruticans Wurmb. and sometimes also Cocos nucifera.

Abb.: Palmyra-Palme (Borassus flabellifer, Pāli: tāla]
[Bildquelle: Wikipedia]

The palmyra palm is extensively tapped for the sweet sap which is fermented into a country liquor (toddy) or boiled down into raw sugar. Trees of both sexes are tapped, though the female palms are reported to yield 33-50 per cent more sap than the males. In the case of male trees, the flowering shoots (finger-like growths on the principal stalk) are tapped. In the female trees the fruiting branches are tapped when the drupes are still very small. Generally, 25-30 year-old trees are selected for tapping, though on sandy and porous soils 15 year-old trees are tapped. The trees continue to yield for 30-40 years. The season for tapping is usually from December to February for male trees and February to March for female trees, but it varies from December to June in different localities due to the irregular production of inflorescences.

The palm is prepared for tapping by cutting off all the leaves except 3 or 4 at the top, as also the young bud; the outer covering of the part of the tree from which the leaves and racemes grow is also removed. The racemes are then tied, beaten and crushed between wooden battens to wound them and stimulate the flow of the sap. The operation of beating and crushing is repeated on three successive mornings, and on each of the next four mornings a thin slice is cut from the tips of the racemes to encourage the flow of sap and keep them from bursting. On the eighth morning a clear, sweet juice begins to flow from the wounded racemes into the earthen, or sometimes bamboo receiver placed for collection. After collecting the fluid every morning and evening or in the mornings only, a slice of the raceme is removed until the whole of the raceme is sliced off. After the juice is collected in the morning, the inside of the pot is coated with lime before replacing it. In the evening, the pot is not emptied as the quantity collected during the day is small, but the cut is dressed and the pot is given a shake. The trees are drained for several months in the year. If the operation is repeated on the same trees for three successive years without allowing any natural bursting of buds, the trees are reported to die; hence, usually rest is given once in three years. A spadix continues to yield juice for c 5 months; seven or eight spadices yield juice at a time on each palm. The average yield from a single tree in India is c 150 litres/year; whereas in Sri Lanka, the yield is reported to be up to 360 litres. The yield is higher during the summer than during the cold months. By giving cultural and manurial treatments, the yield of the juice is reported to increase three times its normal yield [Wealth from the Palms, 4, 6, 19-21; Macmillan, 349; Information from the Director, KVIC, Bombay; Davis, Sci Rep, 1967, 4, 70; Joshi, Tad Gud Khabar, 1950-51, 2(4), 2; Varma, Bihar agric Coll Mag, 1961, 10(1), 35; Sharma & Vasudevan, loc. cit.].

Abb.: Toddy-Zapfer, Postkarte
[Bildquelle: -- Zugriff am 2006-04-07]

The sap is mildly acidic; it contains sucrose and starts fermenting very soon, unless suitably treated with preservatives. Several methods are in vogue in various localities to delay fermentation. In Bihar, the pots for sap collection are thoroughly cleaned, heated and smoked inside and used with or without lime coating. At Bordi (Maharashtra) and Surat, lacquered pots are employed; both smoking and lacquering delay fermentation. In South India, the pot is coated inside with lime solution (c 1.25 g/litre) because it makes the sap alkaline and inhibits fermentation. Both inversion and fermentation are prevented when the pH reaches 8.0 or 8.1. But lime alone cannot preserve the sap for more than 20-24 hours. Use of other preservatives such as sulphanilamide, silica gel charged with sulphur dioxide, paludrine, a mixture of citric acid (0.2%) and sodium benzoate (0.02%), and chilling showed good results [Walawalker, Tad Gud Khabar, 1950-51, 2(1), 4; Agrawal, ibid, 1950-51, 2(4), 7; Venugopalan & Bose, ibid, 1952-53, 4(7-8), 2; Joshi, loc. cit.; Tad Gud Samachar, 1959-60, 6, 341; Gopinathan, ibid, 1959-60, 6, 343; Rao et al, Indian J Nutr Dieter, 1970, 7, 44; Wealth from the Palms, 20; Information from the Director, KVIC, Bombay].

The fresh sap is transparent, pleasant-smelling and sweet, whereas fermented sap or toddy is palev frothy, slightly acidic, with a characteristic aroma and pungent taste. The composition of the sap varies in individual trees and localities as well as with the age of the tree and the time of tapping. The sap from the male and female trees also sometimes differs, being sweeter in the male than in the female. Analysis of the sap from male and female trees, respectively, gave : purity, 93.28, 90.80%; soluble solids, 13.72, 14.03; sucrose, 12.45, 12.20; reducing sugars,0.8, 0.16; gums/pectins, 0.04, 0.04; and minerals, 0.55, 0.33%. The sap is a colloidal solution containing some whitish pectinous material. This material is responsible for the difficulties in the preservation of sap and the manufacture of jaggery. Due to the presence of this pectinous substance, clarification becomes difficult and, when the juice is boiled to make jaggery, it chars at a lower temperature and results in bad colour, bad keeping-quality and less sweetness of the jaggery (Walawalker. loc. cit.; Joshi, loc. cit.; Essiamah, Plant Res Developm, 1985, 21, 45; Gopinathan, Int Sugar J, 1962, 64, 9; Joshi & Shahi, Indian Sugar, 1966-67,16,421).

Under natural conditions, the sap  ferments into toddy within 8-9 hrs, yeast being responsible for the alcoholic fermentation and bacteria for the acidic fermentation. Different strains of yeast belonging to species Saccharomyces chevalieri Guillierm., Schizosac-charomyces pombe Lindner and Saccharomycedes ludwigii Hansen, as also several bacterial colonies have been observed in toddy. Spontaneous fermentation of the sap produces alcohol c 3.0% and acids (0.1%) during the first 6-8 hours. Later, alcohol increases to nearly 5.8 per cent and then begins to decrease, whereas the amount of acids continues to increase rendering the liquid unsuitable for human consumption. Butyric acid has been detected among the acids which gives a disagreeable odour to the liquid (Rao et al, loc. cit.; Varma, loc. cit.; Ahmad, Proc Pakist Sci Conf, 1954, pt 3,118).

The fresh sap is a cheap, refreshing and delicious beverage, with an agreeable flavour. It is extensively consumed by the poor people in fairly large quantities, and does not cause any harm. It is a nutritious supplement to diets which are deficient in iron, ascorbic acid and vitamin-B complex. The nutritive value of the sap depends upon the sugars and yeast present in it. It is cooling, diuretic, stimulant, antiphlegmatic. laxative, and is also useful in inflammatory affections, ulcers and dropsy. It is prescribed in digestive troubles and sometimes in chronic gonorrhoea; slightly fermented juice is given in diabetes. The sap is given as a tonic to asthmatic and anaemic patients, and in Hansen's disease. It is an excellent source of biologically available riboflavin. In areas where use of the sap is prevalent, vitamin-B deficiency diseases are rare. The sap was found to be as effective as riboflavin injections in curing ariboflavinosis. The consumption of toddy or fermented sap in the early mornings results in a listless, drowsy and intoxicating sensation. The toddy is distilled into palm-wine or arrack. It is comparable to the best mild champagne or the American cider or ginger-beer. Much of the Sri Lanka ginger-beer is made from palmyra toddy. It is sometimes employed in bread-making due to the yeast present in it but the product has an unpleasant odour (Davis, loc. cit.; Wealth from the Palms, 7; Rama Rao, 423; Joshi & Sohonie, / sci industr Res, 1958, 17C, 142; Blatter, 184; Kirtikar & Basu, IV, 2573; Nadkarni, I, 210; Rao et al, loc. cit.; Chopra et al, 1958,498).

The sap is an excellent source of vinegar of very fine quality and of very attractive white colour. The yield of vinegar was over 70 per cent by weight of the juice taken initially for alcoholic fermentation [Verma, Indian Fmg, N S, 1960-61,10(12), 35]."

[Quelle: The wealth of India : a dictionary of Indian raw materials & industrial products. -- Raw materials. -- Vol. II. -- Revised ed. -- New Delhi : Council of scientific & industrial research, 1988. -- ISBN 81-85038-03-1. -- S. 189 - 191.]

11 "Sitz ohne Saum" (nisīdanaṃ adasakaṃ)

"Adasaka nisīdana

A spreading without fringe. It was one of the ten points which were pleaded by the Vajji monks as valid for the use of the monks. But in the Second Sangīti it was found irrproper for the use of the monks as it involved an offence of Pācittiya (Rule No. 89; Cv. p. 430)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

Pācittiya 89:

Nisīdanaṃ pana bhikkhunā kārayamānena pamāṇikaṃ kāretabbaṃ; tatr' idaṃ pamāṇaṃ, dīghaso dve vidatthiyo sugatavidatthiya, tiriyaṃ diyaḍḍhaṃ, dasā vidatthi. Taṃ atikkāmayato chedanakaṃ pācittiyaṃ.

"Wenn ein Mönch das Sitztuch macht, dann hat er dies entsprechend den vorgeschriebenen Maßen zu tun. Dies sind diesbezüglich die Maße: in der Länge zwei Handspannen der Sugataspanne (1 Sugataspanne = 25 cm.), eineinhalb Handspannen breit, der Saum eine Handspanne. Wenn jemand dieses Maß überschreitet, dann Abschneiden und Buße."

12 "Gold usw." (jātarūpādika)


To accept and use gold, silver, coins or money by the monks. It was one of the 'ten points' which the Vajji monks pleaded as 'proper' for the monks and which led the convening of ths Second Buddhist Council (Sangīti) at Vesāli. In this Council it was declared 'improper' for the monks to accept gold, silver or any kind of money as it involved an offence of Nissaggiya Pācittiya. (Rule No. 18; Cv. p. 430)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

Nissagiya-pācittiya-Vergehen sind Vergehen, bei denen ein Mönch etwas entgegen den Ordensregeln erhalten und angenommen hat. Die Strafe ist Weggeben dieses Gegenstandes + Buße.

Nissagiya-pācittiya 18:

Yo pana bhikkhu jātarūparajataṃ uggaṇheyya vā uggaṇhāpeyya vā upanikkhittaṃ vā sādiyeyya, nissaggiyaṃ pācittiyaṃ.

"Wenn ein Mönch Gold oder Silber annimmt oder annehmen lässt oder es deponieren lässt, dann erfordert das eine Buße und Weggabe des unrecht Erworbenen."

11b. taṃ sutvāna Yasatthero,
caraṃa vajjīsu cārikaṃ.

a Burm: evaṃ

12. Chaḷabhiññabalappattoa,
taṃ sametuṃ saussāho,
tatthāgami Mahāvanaṃ.

a Burm.: Chaḷabhiñño balappatto
b Burm: yaso Kākaṇḍakatrajo

11b. - 12.

Davon hörte der Thera Yasa, der Sohn des Brahmanen Kākandaka, der die sechs höheren Geisteskräfte1 besaß, der gerade bei den Vajji herumwanderte. In der Absicht, dies beizulegen, ging er nach Mahāvana2.


1 sechs höheren Geisteskräfte:

Abhiññā f. -- höhere Geisteskräfte:

(Dutiya-āhuneyyasutta : Aṅguttaranikāya III, 280 - 281; Nal III; 3, 16 - 5, 7; Th 22, 312 - 314)

s. Nāgārjuna: La traité de la grande vertu de sagesse (Mahāprajñāpāramitā`sāstra) / [Trad. par] Étienne Lamotte. -- Tome IV. -- p. 1809 - 1827.

2 Mahāvana: ein Wald bei Vesāli, teils natürlich, teils angelegt, erstreckte sich bis zum Himālaya. Im Mahāvana befand sich die Kūṭāgārasālā ("Spitzdachhalle"): Ort von Audienzen Buddhas. Hier erfolgte die Gründung des Nonnenordens.

13. ṭhapetvā ’posathagge te,
kaṃsapātiṃ sahodhakaṃ;
kahāpaṇādiṃa saṅghassa,
dethanāhub upāsake.

a Geiger: kahāpaṇādi
b Geiger: dethe t' āhu


Die Mönche hatten dort im Uposatha-Gebäude einen Bronzetopf mit Wasser aufgestellt und sagten zu den Laienanhängern: "Gebt dem Orden Kahāpana's und ähnliches!"


1 Uposatha-Gebäude

Uposatha -- Pāṭimokkharezitation am Vollmondtag und am Neumondtag.

"Uposathāgāra or Uposathagga

A building for the purpose of holding Uposatha is known as Uposathāgāra. It may be a Vihāra, or an Addhayoga, or a Pāsāda, or a Hammiya, or a Guhā. Only one Uposathāgāra is allowed within one Sīmā; and if there are more than one, the offence of Dukkata is committed. To select a. building as an Uposathāgāra the Sangha holds a Ñattidutiyakamma for the purpose. (Mv. pp. 109-110). In case more than one buildings have already been selected as the Uposathāgāra, only one should be retained and the others should be cancelled by holding a Ñattidutiyakamma, (Ibid.)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

2 Kahāpana: übliche Silbermünze

Abb.: Beispiele von Kahāpanas

[Bildquelle: Allan, John <1884 - 1955>: Catalogue of the coins of ancient India. -- London : British Museum, 1936. -- Plate II.]

14. Na kappat' etaṃ mā detha,
iti thero sa vārayi;
paṭisāraṇīyaṃ kammaṃ,
Yasattherassa te karuṃ.


Der Thera wehrte ihnen ab: "Das ziemt ich nicht! Gebt nicht!" Die Mönche eröffneten gegen den Thera Yasa ein Paṭisāraniyakamma1.


1 Paṭisāraṇīyakamma


A kind of ecclesiastical 'action' taken against a monk who attempts to cause loss to a householder (alābhāya anatthāya); tries to make the householder quit his home (anāvāsa); reviles the householder (akkosati paribhāsati); creates dissension amongst the householders; speaks ill of the Buddha, Dhamma and Sangha to the householder; scolds the householder contemptuously (hīnena khumseti vambheti); does not keep his words with the householder. It is an 'action' which if taken, makes the monk to beg pardon from the householder for the wrong or wrongs that he has done. (Cf. Yena kammena akuṭṭhagahaṭṭhasamīpam eva paṭisāriyati so akkosako pacchā pesiyati, taṃ paṭisāraṇīyakammaṃ nāma.— Vajirabuddhitīkā (M), p. 508).

The procedure of taking up this 'action' is thus : The guilty monk is made present (sammukhā katam) before the Sangha and then he is interrogated for his offence (patipucchā). He should then admit that he has committed something wrong (patiññāyya katam). He is then reminded of the rule or rules of the Pātimokkha or any other rule that be is infringing (āpatti katam). He is then charged with the offence alleged to have been committed by him (codetvā, sāretvā, āpattim āropetvā katam hoti). A 'competent' monk moves the Ñatti (motion) before the full Sangha (samaggena) that so and so is guilty of such and such offence, and the Sangha may pronounce the Patisāranīyakamma against the monk if the Sangha thinks fit. He requests this for three times. (It is a sort of Ñatticatutthakamma). Any deviation from this procedure makes the 'action' invalid (Adhammakamma). (Cv. pp. 32-37},

The monk against whom this 'action' is pronounced

  1. should not confer Upasampadā
  2. should not give Nissaya;
  3. should not take the service of a Samanera;
  4. should not accept the nomination to 'exhort' the Bhikkhunīs;
  5. should not 'exhort' the Bhikkhunīs even if nominated;
  6. should not commit the same offence for which he is condemned;
  7. should not commit the similar offences;
  8. should not commit even graver offences;
  9. should not denounce the 'action' taken against him;
  10. should not denounce those who took part in the Patisāranīyakamma;
  11. should not object to the presence ofany Bhikkhu in the Uposatha ceremony;
  12. or in the Pavāranā ceremony;
  13. should not do any reproachable act;
  14. should not act as a leader in the Sanghakamma;
  15. should not seek permission to 'interrogate' a Bhikkhu alleged to have committed some offence;
  16. should not 'interrogate' a monk who has committed some offence;
  17. should not 'remind' a monk of the offence committed and
  18. should not make the monks quarrel among themselves. (Ibid. p. 37).

For the purpose of 'revocation' (Patipassambhanā) of this 'action', the guilty monk is required to approach the offended householder and to request him for pardon. In case the condemned monk needs an escort (anudūta) for his help, the Sangha may formally select a monk by holding a Ñattidutiyakamma. This monk may go with him to beg pardon from the householder on behalf of the condemned monk, if it becomes so necessary. In the first instance the guilty monk should himself request for the pardon. In case the householder does not respond to his request, the escort-monk should himself beg pardon. Even then the householder does not respond to his request, he should beseech the householder for pardon in the name of the Sangha (sanghassa vacanena). Even if this also goes in vain, the escort-monk should 'admonish' the guilty monk in the presence of the householder or at a place from where the householder can hear the 'admonition'. (Ordinarily this is not allowed). When the guilty monk is pardoned by the householder or 'admonished' in the presence of the householder, his case of 'revocation' is taken up by the Sangha. For this purpose the condemned monk approaches the Sangha and after proper salutation to the elder monks he informs the Sangha that he has been pardoned by the householder and also he has scrupulously observed the restrictions imposed upon him. The Sangha then takes up the case of his 'revocation' and that also if the Sangha deems him fit for 'revocation'. For this purpose the Sangha holds a Ñatticatutthakamma and then the 'action' is 'revoked'. (Ibid. pp. 37-40)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

15. Yācitvā anudūtaṃ so,
saha tena puraṃ gato;
attano dhammavādittaṃ,
saññāpetvāgaa nāgare.

a Geiger: saññāpetvā va


Der Thera Yasa bat um einen Begleiter1 und ging mit diesem in die Stadt. Er verkündete den Städtern, dass seine Lehre der Lehre Buddhas entspricht und ging dann wieder.


1 Begleiter als Zeuge

16. Anudūtavaco sutvā,
tam ukkhipitum āgatā;
parikkhipiya aṭṭhaṃsu,
gharaṃ therassa bhikkhavo.


Als die Mönche den Bericht des Begleiters gehört hatten, kamen sie, um den Thera Yasa hinauszuwerfen und umstellten das Haus des Thera.

17. Thero uggamma nabhasā,
gantvā Kosambiyaṃ tatoa;
bhikkhūnaṃ santikaṃ lahuṃ.

a Geiger: ṭhito

18. Pesesi dūte tu sayaṃ,
āha Sambhūtattherassa,
taṃ sabbaṃ Sāṇavāsino.

17. - 18.

Der Thera stieg in die Höhe und flog nach Kosambi1. Er schickte schnell Boten zu den Mönchen von Pāvā2 und Avanti3. Er selbst ging zum Ahoganga-Berg4 und erzählte alles dem Thera Sambhūta Sānavāsī.


1 Kosambi

Abb.: Lage von Kosambi
(©MS Encarta)


The city of Kosāmbi was one of the most celebrated places in ancient India, and its name was famous amongst Brahmans as well as Buddhists. The city is said to have been founded by Kusamba, the tenth in descent from Pururavas; but its fame begins only with the reign of Chakra, the eighth in descent from Arjun Pāndu, who made Kosāmbi his capital after Hastinapura had been swept away by the Ganges.

Kosāmbi is mentioned in the 'Rāmāyana,' the earliest of the Hindu poems, which is generally allowed to have been composed before the Christian era. The story of Udāyana, king of Kosāmbi, is referred to by the poet Kālidāsa in his 'Megha-dūta,' or 'Cloud Messenger,' where he says that "Avanti (or Ujain) is great with the number of those versed in the tale of Udāyana." Now, Kalidasa flourished shortly after A.D. 500. In the 'Vrihat Kāthā,' of Somadeva, the story of Udāyana is given at full length, but the author has made a mistake in the genealogy between the two Satānikas. Lastly, the kingdom of Kosāmbi, or Kosāmba Mandala, is mentioned in an inscription taken from the gateway of the fort of Khara which is dated in Samvat 1092, or A.D. 1035, at which period it would appear to have been independent of Kanoj. Kosāmbi, the capital of Vatsa Raja, is the scene of the pleasing drama of 'Ratnāvali,' or the 'Necklace,' which was composed in the reign of King Harsha Deva, who is most probably the same as Harsha Vardhana of Kanoj, as the opening prelude describes amongst the assembled audience "princes from various realms recumbent at his feet. " This we know from Hwen Thsang to have been true of the Kanoj prince, but which even a Brahman could scarcely have asserted of Harsha Deva of Kashmir. The date of this notice will therefore lie between 607 and 650 A.D.

But the name of Udāyana, king of Kosāmbi, was perhaps even more famous amongst the Buddhists. In the 'Mahāwanso,' which was composed in the fifth century, the venerable Yasa is said to have fled from Vaisāli to Kosāmbi just before the assembly of the second Buddhist Synod. In the 'Lalita Vistāra.' which was translated into Chinese between 70 and 76 A.D., and which could not, therefore, have been composed later than the beginning of the Christian era, Udāyana Vatsa, son of Satānika, king of Kosāmbi, is said to have been born on the same day as Buddha. In other Ceylonese books Kosāmbi is named as one of the nineteen capital cities of ancient India. Udāyana Vatsa is also known to the Tibetans as the king of Kosāmbi. In the 'Ratnāvali' he is called Vatsa Raja, or king of the Vatsas, and his capital Vatsa-pattana, which is therefore only another name for Kosāmbi. In this famous city also Buddha is said to have spent the sixth and ninth years of his Buddha-hood. Lastly, Hwen Thsang relates that the famous statue of Buddha, in red sandal-wood, which was made by King Udāyana during the lifetime of the Teacher, still existed under a stone dome in the ancient palace of the kings.

The site of this great city, the capital of the later Pandu princes, and the shrine of the most sacred of all the statues of Buddha, has long been sought in vain. The Brahmans generally asserted that it stood either on the Ganges or close to it, and the discovery of the name of Kosāmbi mandala, or "Kingdom of Kosāmbi," in an inscription over the gateway of the fort of Khara, seems to confirm the general belief, although the south-west bearing from Prayaga, or Allahabad, as recorded by Hwen Thsang, points unmistakably to the line of the Jumna. In January, 1861, Mr. Bayley informed me that he believed the ancient Kosāmbi would be found in the old village of Kosam, on the Jumna, about 30 miles above Allahabad. In the following month I met Babu Siva Prasad, of the educational department, who takes a deep and intelligent interest in all archaeological subjects, and from him I learned that Kosam is still known as Kosāmbi-nagar, that it is even now a great resort of the Jains, and that only one century ago it was a large and flourishing town. This information was quite sufficient to satisfy me that Kosam was the actual site of the once famous Kosāmbi. Still, however, there was no direct evidence to show that the city was situated on the Jumna; but this missing link in the chain of evidence I shortly afterwards found in the curious legend of Bakkula, which is related at length by Hardy. The infant Bakkula was born at Kosāmbi, and while his mother was bathing in the Jumna, he accidentally fell into the river, and being swallowed by a fish, was carried to Benares. There the fish was caught and sold to the wife of a nobleman, who on opening it found the young child still alive inside, and at once adopted it as her own. The true mother hearing of this wonderful escape of the infant, proceeded to Benares, and demanded the return of the child, which was of course refused. The matter was then referred to the king, who decided that both of the claimants were mothers of the child,—the one by maternity, the other by purchase. The child was accordingly named Bakula, that is, of "two kulas, or races." He reached the age of 90 years without once having been ill, when he was converted by the preaching of Buddha, who declared him to be "the chief of that class of his disciples who were free from disease." After this he is said to have lived 90 years more, when he became an arhat, or Buddhist saint.

As this legend of Bakula is sufficient to prove that the famous city of Kausambi was situated on the Jumna, it now only remains to show that the distance of Kosam from Allahabad corresponds with that between Prayāg and Kosāmbi, as recorded by Hwen Thsang. Unfortunately this distance is differently stated in the life and in the travels of the Chinese pilgrim. In the former, the distance is given as 50 li, and in the latter as 500 li, whilst in the return journey to China, the pilgrim states that between Prayāg and Kosāmbi he travelled for seven days through a vast forest and over bare plains. Now, as the village of Kosam is only 31 miles from the fort of Allahabad, the last statement would seem to preclude all possibility of its identification with the ancient Kosāmbi. But strange to say, it affords the most satisfactory proof of their identity; for the subsequent route of the pilgrim to Sankissa is said to have occupied one month, and as the whole distance from Prayag to Sankissa is only 200 miles, the average length of the pilgrim's daily march was not more than 5ṃ miles. This slow progress is most satisfactorily accounted for, by the fact that the march from Prayāg to Sankissa was a religious procession, headed by the great king Harsh Vardhana of Kanoj, with a train of no less than 18 tributary kings, besides many thousands of Buddhist monks, and all the crowd of an Indian camp. According to this reckoning, the distance from Prayāg to Kosāmbi would be 38 miles, which corresponds very closely with the actual road distance as I found it. By one route on going to Kosam, I made the distance 37 miles, and by the return route 35 miles. The only probable explanation of Hwen Thsang's varying distances of 50 li and 500 li that occurs to me is, that as he converted the Indian yojanas into Chinese li at the rate of 40 li per yojana, or of 10 li per kos, he must have written 150 li, the equivalent of 15 kos, which is the actual distance across the fields for foot passengers from Kosam to the fort of Allahabad, according to the reckoning of the people of Kosam itself. But whether this explanation be correct or not, it is quite certain that the present Kosam stands on the actual site of the ancient Kosāmbi; for not only do the people themselves put forward this claim, but it is also distinctly stated in an inscription of the time of Akbar, which is recorded on the great stone pillar, still standing in the midst of the ruins, that this is Kausāmbi-pura.

The present ruins of Kosāmbi consist of an immense fortress formed of earthen ramparts and bastions, with a circuit of 23,100 feet, or exactly 4 miles and 3 furlongs. The ramparts have a general height of from 30 to 35 feet above the fields; but the bastions are considerably higher, those on the north face rising to upwards of 50 feet, while those at the south-west and south-east angles are more than 60 feet. Originally there were ditches all around the fortress, but at present there are only a few shallow hollows at the foot of the rampart. The length of the north front is 4,500 feet, of the south front 6,000, of the east front 7,500 feet, and of the west front 5,100, or altogether 23,100 feet. The differnce in length between the north and south fronts is due to the original extension of the fortress on the river face; but the difference between the east and west fronts is, I believe, chiefly, if not wholly, due to the loss of the south-west angle of the ramparts by the gradual encroachment of the Jumna. There are no traces now left of the western half of the ramparts on the southern face, and the houses of the village of Garhwā are standing on the very edge of the cliff overhanging the river. The reach of the river also, from the Pakka Burj at the southwest angle of the fortress up to the hill of Prabhasa, a clear straight run of 4 miles, bears 12 degrees to the north of east, whereas in the time of Hwen Thsang there were two stupas and a cave at a distance of 1ṃ miles to the south-west of Kosāmbi. From all these concurring circumstances, I conclude that the west front of the fortress was originally as nearly as possible of the same length as the east front. This would add 2400 feet, or nearly half a mile, to the length of the west front, and would increase the whole circuit of the ramparts to 4 miles and 7 furlongs, which is within one furlong of the measurement of 5 miles, or 30 li, recorded by Hwen Thsang. In the three main points therefore of name, size, and position, the present Kosam corresponds most exactly with the ancient Kosāmbi as it is described by the Chinese pilgrim in the seventh century.

According to the text of Hwen Thsang, the district of Kosāmbi was 6000 li, or 1000 miles, in circuit, which is quite impossible, as it was closely surrounded on all sides by other districts. I would, therefore, read hundreds for thousands, and fix its circuit at 600 li, or 100 miles."

[Quelle: Cunningham, Alexander <1814 - 1893>: The ancient geography of India / ed. with introduction ande notes by Surendranath Majumdar Sastri. -- New. ed. -- Calcutta : Chuckervertty, Chatterjee & Co., 1924. -- 770 S. : Ill. -- S. 448- 456.]

2 Pāvā: Stadt der Malla, einer Adelsrepublik

Abb.: Territorium der Malla
(©MS Encarta)

3 Avanti Königreich mit der Hauptstadt Ujjenī bzw. Mahissati.

Abb.: Lage von Ujjain, der Hauptstadt von Avanti
(©MS Encarta)

"Ujjain (Hindi:उज्जैन) (also known as Ujain, Ujjayini, Avanti) is an ancient city of central India, in the Malwa (Malvi:माळवा) region of Madhya Pradesh (मध्य प्रदेश), on the eastern bank of the Kshipra River. In ancient times the city was called Ujjayini, and is referred to as Ozene by Ptolemy. It is the administrative center of Ujjain District and Ujjain Division. It is one of the seven sacred cities of the Hindus, and the Kumbh Mela religious festival is held there every twelve years. It has been the first meridian of longitude for Hindu geographers since 4th century BCE. It is also home to Mahakal, one of the twelve Jyotirlinga shrines to the god Shiva.


The earliest references to the city, as Ujjaini, are from the time of the Buddha, when it was the capital of the kingdom of Avanti.

Ujjain was the traditional capital of King Chandragupta II, also known as Vikramaditya, at whose court the nine poets known as the navaratna (nine jewels) of Sanskrit literature are said to have flourished. It marks the first meridian of longitude in Hindu geography. It is also reputed to have been the residence of Asoka (who subsequently became the emperor), when he was the viceroy of the western provinces of the Maurya empire. It was invaded by the Delhi Sultanate (دلی سلطنتl) lead by Iltutmish in 1235 causing widespread destruction and systematic desecration of temples.

Under Mughal emperor Akbar (Persian: جلال الدین محمد اکبر) it became the capital of Malwa, and during the last half of the 18th century it was the headquarters of the Maratha leader Sindhia. The Sindhias later established themselves at Gwalior, and Ujjain remained part of Gwalior state until Indian Independence in 1947. Gwalior state bacame a princely state of the British Raj after the Maratha defeat in the Third Anglo-Maratha War, and Gwalior, Ujjain, and the neighboring princely states were made a part of the Central India Agency. After Indian independence, the Sindhia ruler of Gwalior acceded to India, and Ujjain became part of the Madhya Bharat state. In 1956, Madhya Bharat was merged into Madhya Pradesh (मध्य प्रदेश) state.


Ujjain experiences typical climate conditions of the interior Indian subcontinent. The summer months (April – June) are harsh with temperatures reaching up to 45 °C. In addition, hot winds (called loo) may blow in the afternoons, worsening the heat. The winter months (Nov – Feb) are pleasant and cool with daytime temperatures typically 20°C, though it may drop to 3°C in the night. The monsoon typically arrives in late June and the months of June till September receive moderate to heavy rainfall. There are periods of rainfall followed by long periods of bright sunshine and high humidity. The month of October generally is very warm and with high humidity.


Ujjain is situated on the Malwa Plateau in Central India. The soil is black and stony. The vegetation is the typical of arid regions with thorny trees like babul and acacia dominating the landscape. Soybean, wheat, jowar and bajra are the main crops grown.


Ujjain is well-connected by rail and road. It is on the Western Railway and is connected by direct train to most major Indian cities (Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai, Kolkata, Bangalore, Ahmedabad, etc). The nearest airport is Indore, which has daily flights to Delhi, Mumbai and Bhopal. The road network is developed with other parts of Madhya Pradesh, but the state of roads is bad. Private buses ply on these roads, though it is best to take your own vehicle for short distances.

An extensive network of old but inexpensive three-wheelers called tempoes serves the majority of the population. Three-wheeler auto-rickshaws are also quite popular. Recent years have seen an explosion of privately-owned vehicles, especially two-wheelers unsuited for the traffic, that congest the narrow thoroughfares.

Places to Visit

See also: Ancient monuments in Ujjain

Ujjain is a holy city for Hindus and has many places to visit for the religiously inclined. The Mahakal Temple, one of the twelve Jyotirlings, is the most famous and venerated Shiva temple. The Shivling in this temple is supposed to be the only Jyotirling which faces south and hence it is known as Dakshinmukhi or the south facing ling. Other temples include Harsidhhi (Durga Temple), Chintaman Ganesh, Gadh Kalika, Kaal Bhairav, Sandipani Ashram and Mangalnaath. Ujjain, being an ancient city, is home to many monuments that have survived from the ancient period. The most stunning example is the Kalideh Palace on the outskirts of the city, which is a fine piece of ancient Indian architecture, though in poor upkeep. The Bharthari Guha is an ancient cave which has some interesting legends associated with it. The Observatory ( Veda Shala ) built by a Rajput king Raja Jai Singh II is one of the four such observatories in India and features ancient astronomical devices.


The economy of Ujjain is mainly dependent on the agricultural activities of the nearby villages. Two main crops are grown each year: soybean as the major Rabi crop, wheat as the major Kharif crop. Ujjain agriculture is sensitive to changes in rainfall and failure of monsoon cycles can play a devastating toll on agriculture and the local economy.

Ujjain was previously a centre of the textile industry with a number of textile mills in and around the city. These mills have since closed, unemploying hundreds. Religious tourism is also a contributor to the economy, especially during the Simhasta Mela.

St. Mary's Catholic Church associated with St. Mary's Convent School, is visited by many during the Christmas period. Another noted school in the area is St. Paul's School."

[Quelle: --Zugriff am 2006-04-24]

4 Ahoganga-Berg: am oberen Ganges gelegen.

19. Pāveyyakā saṭṭhi therā,
asit'  Āvantikā pi ca;
mahākhīṇāsavā sabbe,
Ahogaṅgamhi otaruṃ.


Sechzig Thera aus Pāvā und achtzig aus Avanti, alles Arhants, gingen nach Ahoganga.

20. Bhikkhavo sannipatitā,
sabbe tattha tato tato;
āsuṃ navutisahassāni,
mantetvā akhilā pi te.


Die Zahl der Mönche, die sich hier von da und dort gemeldet und versammelt hatten, war insgesamt 90.000.

21. Soreyyarevatattheraṃ,
bahussutam anāsavaṃ;
taṃkālapamukhaṃ ñatvā,
passituṃ nikkhamiṃsu taṃ.


Als sie erfuhren, dass der gelehrte Thera Revata1 aus Soreyya2, de frei von Trieben (āsava)3 war, das Haupt dieser Menge war, gingen sie, um ihn zu sehen.


1 Revata

"Revata. Called Soreyya Revata. He was one of the Elders who took a prominent part in the Second Council.

He lived in Soreyya, and, on discovering (by means of his divine ear) that the orthodox monks, led by Sambhūta Sānavāsī and Yasa Kākandakaputta, were anxious to consult him, Revata left Soreyya, and, travelling through Sankassa, Kannakujja, Udumbara and Aggalapura, reached Sahajāti. There the monks met him and consulted him regarding the "Ten Points."

He enquired into these, and, after condemning them as wrong, decided to end the dispute. The Vajjiputtakas, too, had tried to win Revata over to their side, but on failing to do so, persuaded Revata's pupil, Uttara, to accept robes, etc., from them, and speak to his teacher on their behalf. Uttara did this, but was dismissed by Revata as an unworthy pupil.

Revata suggested that the dispute should be settled in Vesāli, and the monks having agreed, he visited Sabbakāmī -  who was the oldest monk then living and a pupil of Ananda (according to Mhv.iv.57, 60, Revata, himself was a pupil of Ānanda and had seen the Buddha; cp. Dpv.iv.49) -  during the night, and talked to him on matters of doctrine. During the conversation, Sānavāsī arrived and questioned Sabbakāmī regarding the Ten Points, but the latter refused to express an opinion in private. On Revata's suggestion a jury of eight, four from either side, was appointed to go into the question. Revata himself was a member of this jury, and he it was who questioned Sabbakāmī during the meeting, held in Vālikārāma, regarding the Ten Points. All the Ten Points were declared to be wrong, and, at the end of the questions, seven hundred monks -  chosen from one hundred and twelve thousand, at the head of whom was Revata -  held a recital of the Dhamma, which recital therefore came to be called Sattasatī ("Seven Hundred"). This recital, according to the Mhv., lasted for eight months.

(Vin.ii.299ff. The Mhv.iv.1ff gives an account of this Council, which account differs in numerous details. In both accounts it is Revata who takes the most prominent part in settling the dispute. The Mhv. introduces Kālāsoka as the patron of the Second Council; cp. Dpv.iv.46ff.; v.15ff.; Sp.i.33f.; it would appear from the Dpv. account that the heretics refused to accept the decision of Revata's Council and separated off, to the number of ten thousand, forming a new body called the Mahāsanghikas.)"

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

2 Soreyya: in der Nähe (?) von Taxila (Pakistan)

Abb.: Lage von Taxila
(©MS Encarta)

"Soreyya. A town where Soreyya-Revata lived (Vin.ii.299). In the time of the Buddha there was a caravan route between Soreyya and Takkasilā (DhA.i.326). There was also a direct route from Verañjā to Payāgatittha, passing through Soreyya, Sankassa and Kannakuja (Vin.iii.11; see also Soreyya-Revata).

At one time Mahā Kaccāyana lived near Soreyya (DhA.i.325). It was evidently a very ancient city, for Anomadassī Buddha is mentioned as having twice preached there once to King Isidatta and again to the king of Soreyya; and it was there that he held his first assembly of monks (BuA.143, 144). Vessabhū Buddha also preached there later to a very large assembly (BuA.206)."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

3 Triebe (āsava)

  1. kāmāsava -- Sinnlichkeitstrieb
  2. bhavāsava -- Existenztrieb
  3. avijjāsava -- Unwissenheitstrieb

(z.B: Mahāparinibbānasutta : Dīghanikāya II, 81; Nal II, 66, 1-2; Th 10, 96)

22. Thero tam mantanaṃ sutvā,
Vesāliṃ gantum eva so;
icchanto phāsugamanaṃ,
tato nikkhami taṅkhaṇaṃ.


Als der Thera diesen Beschluss hörte, machte er sich augenblicklich im Wunsch, bequem zu reisen, nach Vesāli auf.

23. Pāto pāto va nikkhanta-
ṭṭhānaṃ tena mahattanā;
sāyaṃ sāyam upentā naṃ,
Sahajātiyama addasuṃ.

a Burm.: Sahajotiyam


Die Theras trafen jeweils am Abend an dem ein, den Revata am Morgen verlassen hatte. Schließlich trafen sie ihn in Sahajāti1.


1 Sahajāti

"Sahajāti, Sahajātā

A township where Yasa Kākandakaputta met Soreyya Revata, whom he wished to consult regarding the Ten Points raised by the Vajjiputtakas. Revata had gone there from Soreyya, and Yasa followed him, passing through Sankassa, Kannakujja, Udumbara and Aggalapura. Sahajāti was on the river (Ganges?), and the Vajjiputtakas went there from Vesāli by boat. Vin.ii.299f., 301; Mhv.iv.23 8

In the Anguttara Nikāya (A.iii.355; v.41, 157), Sahajāti is described as a nigama of the Cetis, and Mahā Cunda is mentioned as having stayed there and preached three sermons.

According to the Samyutta, Gavampati also lived there at one time. S.v.436; the text says Sahañcanika, but for a correct reading see KS.v.369, n.3."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

24. Tattha Sambhūtattherena,
Yasatthero niyojito;
saddhammasavaṇante taṃ,
Revatatheram uttamaṃ.
25. Upecca dasavatthūni,
pucchi thero paṭikkhipi;
sutvādhikaraṇaṃ tañ ca,
nisedhemā ti abravi.

24. - 25.

Der Thera Yasa, den der Thera Sambhūta damit beauftragt hatte, ging am Ende der Predigt zum großen Thera Revata und befragte ihn über die zehn Gegenstände. Der Thera verwarf die Angelegenheit, als er sie gehört hatte, und sprach: "Wir wollen das verbieten."

26. Pāpā pi pakkhaṃ pekkhantā,
Revatattheram uttamaṃa;
sāmaṇakaṃ parikkhāraṃ,
paṭiyādiya te bahuṃ.

a Geiger: addasuṃ

27. Sīghaṃ nāvāya gantvāna,
karontia bhattavissaggaṃ,
bhattakāle upaṭṭhite.

a Geiger: karontā

26. - 27.

Die Bösewichte schauten, den großen Thera Revata als auf ihrer Seite zu bringen. Deshalb nahmen sie viele Mönchsutensilien1 mit und fuhren mit einem Boot schnell in nach Sahājati. Dort hielten sie zur Essenszeit ein verschwenderisches Mahl.


1 Mönchsutensilien (sāmaṇaka parikkhāra)


The 'necessaries' or 'requisites' of the monks are known as Parikkhāra. (Parikkhārenā ti kappiyabhaṇḍena.—Kv. (M) p. 310; Cf. Sumangalavilāsinī (M), p. 185).

Usually eight articles are regarded as the Parikkhāras of a Bhikkhu practising penances. These are :

  • Three robes (Ticīvara),
  • an alms-bowl (Patta),
  • a razor (Vāsī),
  • a needle (Sūci),
  • a girdle (Kāyabandhana) and
  • a water strainer (Parissāvana).

(Kv. p. 184; Abhidhānappadīpikā, Gāthā No. 439).

But ordinarily for the monks, even the small articles were also regarded as the Parikkhnra. In the Khuddasikkhā [(M), pp. 90-92] some pages are devoted to the Parikkhāras in which a good number of petty articles such as umbrella, cīvaraganthi, pāsaka, key, lighter, walking-stick, pillow etc, are mentined as the Parikkhāras of the monks. (Cf. Pārā, p. 190)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

28. Sahajātiṃ āvasanto,
Sāḷhatheroa vicintiyāb;
Pāveyyakā dhammavādī,
iti passi anāsavo.

a Burm.: Sāḷathero


Der triebfreie Thera Sāḷha1, der in Sahajāti wohnte, bedachte das und sah, dass die aus Pāvā die Lehre Buddhas lehrten.


1 Sāḷha

"Sāḷha. An eminent monk who took a prominent part in the Second Council. He lived in Sahajāti, and, on hearing of the heresy of the Vajjiputtakas, retired into solitude in order to decide whether he thought their contentions right. There an inhabitant of the Suddhāvāsā informed him that the Vajjiputtakas were wrong. He was one of the four appointed on behalf of the Pācinakas (Vajjiputtakas) on the committee which discussed the dispute. He was a pupil of Ānanda. Vin.ii.302ff.; Mhv.iv.4f , 48, 57; Dpv.iv.49; v.22; Sp.i.34."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

29. Upecca taṃ Mahābrahmā,
dhamme niṭṭhāa ti abravi;
niccaṃ dhamme ṭhitattaṃ so,
attano tassa abravi.

a Geiger: tiṭṭhā


Mahābrahma1 ging zu ihm und forderte ihn auf, auf der Buddhalehre zu beharren. Er antwortete, dass er immer auf der Lehre beharre.


1 Mahābrahma:

Bhava m. -- Existenzebenen
  1. kāma-bhava m. -- Existenzebene der Begierden,grobkörperliche Existenzebene = Kāma-loka m. -- Welt der Begierden, Sinnenwelt:
    • 2. Sugati f. -- gute Orte der Wiedergeburt:
      • 2. Deva-loka m. -- Götterwelten (s. II.6.6. ):
        • 6. Para-nimittavasavatti
        • 5. Nimmāṇa-rati
        • 4. Tusita
        • 3. Yāma
        • 2. Tavatiṃsa
        • 1. Cātum-mahārājika
      • 1. Manussa-loka m. -- Menschen
    • 1. Duggati f. -- schlechte Orte der Wiedergeburt (s. II.4.1. ):
      • 4. Asura-yoni f. -- als Dämon
      • 3. Peta-yoni f. -- als Gespenst
      • 2. Tiracchāna-yoni f. -- als Tier
      • 1. Niraya m. -- Höllen
  2. rūpa-bhava m. -- Existenzebene der Formen, feinkörperlicheExistenzebene = rūpa-loka m. -- Welt der Formen, feinkörperliche Welt (vgl. II.4.13. ):
    • 4. Catuttha-jhāna-bhūmi f. -- Ebene der vierten Versenkungsstufe:
      • 3. Suddhāvāsa -- reine Gefilde (s. II.5.12. ):
        • 5. Akaniṭṭha
        • 4. Sudassī
        • 3. Sudassa
        • 2. Ātappa
        • 1. Aviha
      • 2. Asaññāsatta -- Wesen ohne Wahrnehmung und Empfindung
      • 1. Vehapphala
    • 3. Tatiya-jhāna-bhūmi f. -- Ebene der dritten Versenkungsstufe:
      • 3. Subhakiṇṇa
      • 2. Appamāṇasubhā
      • 1. Parittasubhā
    • 2. Dutiya-jhāna-bhūmi f. -- Ebene der zweiten Versenkungsstufe:
      • 3. Ābhassarā
      • 2. Appamāṇābhā
      • 1. Parittābhā
    • 1. Paṭhama-jhāna-bhūmi f. -- Ebene der ersten Versenkungsstufe:
      • 3. Mahābrahma
      • 2. Brahmapurohitā
      • 1. Brahmaparisajjā
  3. arūpa-bhava m. -- formlose Existenzebene, unkörperliche Existenzebene = arūpa-loka m. -- Formlose Welt, unkörperliche Welt (s. II.4.7. ):
    • 4. Nevasaññā-nāsaññāyatana n. -- Gebiet der Weder-Wahrnehmung-noch-Nicht-Wahrnehmung
    • 3. ākiñcaññāyatana n. -- Gebiet der Nichtsheit
    • 2. Viññāṇñcāyatana n. -- Gebiet der Bewusstseinsunendlichkeit
    • 1. ākāsānañcāyatana n. -- Gebiet der Raumunendlichkeit

(Dreiteilung der bhava z.B.: Mahavedallasutta : Majjhimanikāya I, 294; Nal I, 363, 5-7; Th 12, 539 - 540; Nyanamoli III, 4)

30. Te parikkhāram ādāya,
Revatattheram addasuṃ;
thero na gaṇhi tappakkha-
gāhīsissaṃa paṇāmayīa.

a Geiger: taṃ pakkhaṃ taṃpakkhagāhī paṇāmayi


Die Bösewichte nahmen die Mönchsutensilien und besuchten den Thera Revata. Der Thera nahm nicht für sie Partei und warf seinen Schüler1, der ihre Partei ergriff, hinaus.


1 seinen Schüler, nämlich Uttara, der sich von den Vajjiputtas gewinnen ließ.

31. Vesāliṃ te tato gantvā,
tato Pupphapuraṃ gatā;
vadiṃsu Kāḷāsokassa,
narindassa alajjīnoa.

a Geiger: alajjino


Die Schamlosen gingen dann nach Vesāli1, von dort nach Pupphapura2 und sagten zu König Kālāsoka3:


Abb.: Lage von Vesāli und Patna
(©MS Encarta)

1 Vesāli: siehe oben zu Vers 9

2 Pupphapura ("Blumenstadt"), = Pātaliputa (heute: Patna), Hauptstadt von Magadha

3 Kālāsoka: siehe oben zu Vers 7.

32. Satthussa no gandhakuṭiṃ,
gopayantoa mayaṃ tahiṃ;
vasāma Vajjībhūmiyaṃc.

a Geiger: gopayantā
b Geiger:
c Geiger: Vajjibhūmiyaṃ


"Wir wohnen im Mahāvana-Kloster im Vajjiland, wo wir die Duft-Mönchszelle1 unseres Lehrers (Buddha) hüten.


1 Duft-Mönchszelle (gandhakuṭi):


The name given to the special apartment occupied by the Buddha at the Jetavana monastery (J.i.92). The building, of which the Gandhakuti formed a part, was evidently called the Gandhakuti-parivena, and there the Buddha would assemble the monks and address them (E.g., J.i.501; iii.67). The site, on which stands the bed of the Buddha in the Gandhakuti, is the same for every Buddha, and is one of the unalterable sites – avijahitatthānāni (BuA.247).

The name Gandhakuti seems to have been used later in reference also to other residences of the Buddha. Thus, we are told (AA.i.226; see C.S.B., Pl.5B) that Visākhā built a Gandhakuti for the Buddha in the Pubbārāma with the money she obtained by the sale of her Mahālatāpasādhana."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

33. Gaṇhissāma vihāran ti,
āgacchanti mahārāja,
paṭisedhaya te iti.

a Burm.: gāmavāsikasikkhavo


König!, Dorfmönche kommen, um das Kloster zu übernehmen. Verbiete es ihnen!"

34a. Rājānaṃ duggahitaṃa te,
katvā Vesālim āgamuṃ;

a Geiger: duggahītaṃ


Als sie den König fehlgeleitet hatten gingen sie nach Vesāli.

34b. Revatattheramūlamhi,
Sahajātiyam ettha tu.

. Bhikkhū satasahassāni,
ekādasa samāgatā;
navutiña ca sahassāni,
ahu taṃvatthusantiyā.

a Geiger: navuti

34b - 35.
Hier in Sahajāti1 aber versammelten sich 1.190.000 Mönche unter dem Thera Revata, um diese Angelegenheit beizulegen.


1 Sahajāti siehe oben zu Vers 23

36. Mūlaṭṭhehi vinā vatthu-
samanaṃ neva rocayi;
thero sabbe pi bhikkhū te,
Vesālim āgamuṃ tato.


Dem Thera (Revata) gefiel es nicht, die Angelegenheit ohne deren Uhrheber beizulegen. Deshalb gingen alle Mönche von dort nach Vesāli.

37. Duggahitoa vaa so rājā,
tatthāmacce apesayi;
mūḷhā devānubhāvena,
aññattha agamiṃsu te.

a Geiger:  Duggahīto ca


Der fehlgeleitet König sandte dorthin seine Minister. Durch die Macht von Göttern verirrten sie sich und gingen anderswohin.

38. Pesetvā te mahīpālo,
taṃ rattiṃ supinena so;
apassi sakam attānaṃ,
pakkhittaṃ Lohakumbhiyaṃ.


In der Nacht nachdem er die Minister gesandt hatte, sah der König im Traum, wie er selbst in die Lohakumbhi-Hölle1 geworfen war.


1 Lohakumbhi-Hölle:

"Lohakumbha, Lohakumbhī, Lohitakumbhiya

A Niraya. Beings born there suffer from excessive heat (SNA.i.59; J.iii.22; v. 269). The Niraya extends under the whole of the earth and is four nahutas and one hundred thousand yojanas in depth. It is like a cauldron filled up to the brim with molten metal (SNA.ii.480).

It is said (Mhv.iv.38) that when Kālāsoka attempted to extend his patronage to the Vajjiputtaka monks, the devas frightened him with a dream that be had been cast into Lohakumbhī. See also the Lohakumbhi Jātaka."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

39. Atibhīto ahu rājā,
tam assāsetum āgamā;
bhaginī Nandatherī tu,
ākāsena anāsavā.


Der König war zutiefst erschrocken. Um ihn zu beruhigen kam seine Schwester, die trieblose Therī Nandā durch die Luft.

40. Bhāriyaṃ te kataṃ kammaṃ,
dhammike ’yye khamāpaya;
pakkho tesaṃ bhavitvā tvaṃ,
kuru sāsanapaggahaṃ.

. Evaṃ kate sotthi tuyhaṃ,
hessatīti apakkami;
pabhāte yeva Vesāliṃ,
gantuṃ nikkhami bhūpati.

40. - 41.

"Eine schwer zu tragende Tat hast du begangen. Bitte die Ehrwürdigen, die auf Seite der Buddhalehre stehen, um Verzeihung. Ergreife ihre Partei und fördere die wahre Religion. Wenn du so tut, wird dir Heil widerfahren." So sprach sie und verschwand. Gleich bei Morgengrauen brach der König nach Vesāli auf.

42. Gantvā Mahāvanaṃ bhikkhu-
saṅghaṃ so sannipātiya;
sutvā ubhinnaṃ vādañ ca,
dhammapakkhañ ca rociya.


Er ging zum Mahāvana, ließ die Mönchsgemeinde sich versammeln, hörte die Argumente beider Seiten und stimmte der Partei der Buddhalehre zu.

43. Khamāpetvā dhammike te,
bhikkhū sabbe mahīpati;
attano dhammapakkhattaṃ,
vatvā tumhe yathāruci.
44. Sampaggahaṃ sāsanassa,
karothā ti ca bhāsiya;
datvā ca tesaṃ ārakkhaṃ,
agamāsi sakaṃ puraṃ.


Der König bat alle Mönche, die auf der Seite der Buddhalehre standen, um Vergebung, erklärte, dass er auf Seiten der Buddhalehre steht, und sprach: "Fördert die wahre Religion, wie ihr es für richtig findet." Dann sorgte er für ihren Schutz und ging in seine Residenz.


45. Nicchetuṃ tāni vatthūni,
saṅgho sannipatī tadā;
anaggāni tattha bhassāni,
saṅghamajjhe ajāyisuṃ.


Dann versammelte sich die Mönchsgemeinde, um diese Punkte1 zu entscheiden. Da entstanden inmitten der Mönchsgemeinde zwecklose Reden.


1 diese Punkte: siehe oben Vers 9ff.

46. Tato so Revatatthero,
sāvetvā saṅghamajjhago;
ubbhāhikāya taṃ vatthuṃ,
sametuṃ nicchayaṃ akā.


Da kündigte es der Thera Revata an, ging in die Mitte der Mönchsgemeinde und beschloss, die Angelegenheit durch eine Kommission1 entscheiden zu lassen.

1 eine Kommission (ubbhāhikāya): siehe Cullavagga IV, 19:


231. “Tehi ce, bhikkhave, bhikkhūhi tasmiṃ adhikaraṇe vinicchiyamāne anantāni [anaggāni (sī.)] ceva bhassāni jāyanti, na cekassa [na cetassa (ka.)] bhāsitassa attho viññāyati, anujānāmi, bhikkhave, evarūpaṃ adhikaraṇaṃ ubbāhikāya vūpasametuṃ. “Dasahaṅgehi samannāgato bhikkhu ubbāhikāya sammannitabbo– sīlavā hoti, pātimokkhasaṃvarasaṃvuto viharati ācāragocarasampanno aṇumattesu vajjesu bhayadassāvī, samādāya sikkhati sikkhāpadesu; bahussuto hoti sutadharo sutasannicayo, ye te dhammā ādikalyāṇā majjhekalyāṇā pariyosānakalyāṇā sātthaṃ sabyañjanaṃ kevalaparipuṇṇaṃ parisuddhaṃ brahmacariyaṃ abhivadanti, tathārūpassa dhammā bahussutā honti, dhātā [dhatā (sī. syā.)] vacasā paricitā manasānupekkhitā diṭṭhiyā suppaṭividdhā; ubhayāni kho panassa pātimokkhāni vitthārena svāgatāni honti suvibhattāni suppavattīni suvinicchitāni suttaso anubyañjanaso vinaye kho pana ṭhito [cheko (ka.)] hoti asaṃhīro; paṭibalo hoti ubho atthapaccatthike assāsetuṃ saññāpetuṃ nijjhāpetuṃ pekkhetuṃ pasādetuṃ; adhikaraṇasamuppādavūpasamanakusalo hoti; adhikaraṇaṃ jānāti; adhikaraṇasamudayaṃ jānāti; adhikaraṇanirodhaṃ jānāti; adhikaraṇanirodhagāminipaṭipadaṃ jānāti. Anujānāmi, bhikkhave, imehi dasahaṅgehi samannāgataṃ bhikkhuṃ ubbāhikāya sammannituṃ. Evañca pana, bhikkhave, sammannitabbo. Paṭhamaṃ bhikkhu yācitabbo, yācitvā byattena bhikkhunā paṭibalena saṅgho ñāpetabbo–

232. “Suṇātu me, bhante, saṅgho. Amhākaṃ imasmiṃ adhikaraṇe vinicchiyamāne anantāni ceva bhassāni jāyanti, na cekassa bhāsitassa attho viññāyati. Yadi saṅghassa pattakallaṃ, saṅgho itthannāmañca itthannāmañca bhikkhuṃ sammanneyya ubbāhikāya imaṃ adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasametuṃ. Esā ñatti.

“Suṇātu me, bhante, saṅgho. Amhākaṃ imasmiṃ adhikaraṇe vinicchiyamāne anantāni ceva bhassāni jāyanti, na cekassa bhāsitassa attho viññāyati. Saṅgho itthannāmañca itthannāmañca bhikkhuṃ sammannati ubbāhikāya imaṃ adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasametuṃ. Yassāyasmato khamati itthannāmassa ca itthannāmassa ca bhikkhuno sammuti ubbāhikāya imaṃ adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasametuṃ, so tuṇhassa; yassa nakkhamati, so bhāseyya.

“Sammato saṅghena itthannāmo ca itthannāmo ca bhikkhu ubbāhikāya imaṃ adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasametuṃ. Khamati saṅghassa, tasmā tuṇhī, evametaṃ dhārayāmī”ti.

“Te ce, bhikkhave, bhikkhū sakkonti taṃ adhikaraṇaṃ ubbāhikāya vūpasametuṃ, idaṃ vuccati, bhikkhave, adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasantaṃ. Kena vūpasantaṃ? Sammukhāvinayena. Kiñca tattha sammukhāvinayasmiṃ? Dhammasammukhatā, vinayasammukhatā, puggalasammukhatā…pe… evaṃ vūpasantaṃ ce, bhikkhave, adhikaraṇaṃ kārako ukkoṭeti, ukkoṭanakaṃ pācittiyaṃ.

233. “Tehi ce, bhikkhave, bhikkhūhi tasmiṃ adhikaraṇe vinicchiyamāne tatrāssa bhikkhu dhammakathiko, tassa neva suttaṃ āgataṃ hoti, no suttavibhaṅgo, so atthaṃ asallakkhento byañjanacchāyāya atthaṃ paṭibāhati, byattena bhikkhunā paṭibalena te bhikkhū ñāpetabbā–

“Suṇantu me āyasmantā. Ayaṃ itthannāmo bhikkhu dhammakathiko. Imassa neva suttaṃ āgataṃ hoti, no suttavibhaṅgo. So atthaṃ asallakkhento byañjanacchāyāya atthaṃ paṭibāhati. Yadāyasmantānaṃ pattakallaṃ itthannāmaṃ bhikkhuṃ vuṭṭhāpetvā avasesā imaṃ adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasameyyāmāti.

“Te ce, bhikkhave, bhikkhū taṃ bhikkhuṃ vuṭṭhāpetvā sakkonti taṃ adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasametuṃ, idaṃ vuccati, bhikkhave, adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasantaṃ. Kena vūpasantaṃ? Sammukhāvinayena. Kiñca tattha sammukhāvinayasmiṃ? Dhammasammukhatā, vinayasammukhatā, puggalasammukhatā…pe… evaṃ vūpasantaṃ ce, bhikkhave, adhikaraṇaṃ kārako ukkoṭeti, ukkoṭanakaṃ pācittiyaṃ.

“Tehi ce, bhikkhave, bhikkhūhi tasmiṃ adhikaraṇe vinicchiyamāne tatrāssa bhikkhu dhammakathiko, tassa suttañhi kho āgataṃ hoti, no suttavibhaṅgo, so atthaṃ asallakkhento byañjanacchāyāya atthaṃ paṭibāhati, byattena bhikkhunā paṭibalena te bhikkhū ñāpetabbā–

“Suṇantu me āyasmantā. Ayaṃ itthannāmo bhikkhu dhammakathiko. Imassa suttañhi kho āgataṃ hoti, no suttavibhaṅgo. So atthaṃ asallakkhento byañjanacchāyāya atthaṃ paṭibāhati. Yadāyasmantānaṃ pattakallaṃ, itthannāmaṃ bhikkhuṃ vuṭṭhāpetvā avasesā imaṃ adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasameyyāmāti.

“Te ce, bhikkhave, bhikkhū taṃ bhikkhuṃ vuṭṭhāpetvā sakkonti taṃ adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasametuṃ, idaṃ vuccati, bhikkhave, adhikaraṇaṃ vūpasantaṃ. Kena vūpasantaṃ? Sammukhāvinayena. Kiñca tattha sammukhāvinayasmiṃ? Dhammasammukhatā, vinayasammukhatā, puggalasammukhatā…pe… evaṃ vūpasantaṃ ce, bhikkhave, adhikaraṇaṃ kārako ukkoṭeti, ukkoṭanakaṃ pācittiyaṃ."
"19. 'If, O Bhikkhus, whilst the case is being enquired into by those Bhikkhus, pointless speeches are brought forth, and the sense of any single utterance is not clear, I enjoin upon you, O Bhikkhus, to settle the case by referring it (to a jury or commission).

'A Bhikkhu to be chosen on such a jury must be possessed of ten qualities--he must be virtuous--he must be living enclosed by the restraint of the rules of the Pātimokkha--he must be upright in life, trained according to the precepts, taking them upon himself with a sense of the danger in the least offence--he must be versed in the tradition, a custodian of the tradition, a storehouse of the tradition--whatsoever truths, lovely in their origin, lovely in their progress, lovely in their consummation, set forth the higher life, both in its spirit and in its letter, in all its purity and in all its perfectness, in such truths must he be well versed, of such must he be full, they must be laid up in his words, and dwelt on in his heart, being penetrated throughout through right insight--both the Pātimokkhas must have been completely handed down to him in their full extent, he must have well divided them, well established them, well investigated them, both sutta by sutta and in every detail--further he must be an expert in the Vinaya, irrefutable therein--he must be competent to point out (the right course) to both friends and foes, to get them to understand a thing, get them to see it and recognise it, able to pacify them--he must be clever (in judging) both as to the origin and as to the settlement of disputes--he must understand legal questions, the origin thereof, the close thereof, and the way that leads to the close thereof.

'I enjoin upon you, O Bhikkhus, to appoint on the jury a Bhikkhu possessed of these ten qualities.

20. 'And thus, O Bhikkhus, is he to be appointed. First, the Bhikkhu should be asked (whether he be willing to undertake the office). Then some discreet and able Bhikkhu should address the Samgha thus:

'"May the venerable Samgha hear me. Whilst this case was being enquired into pointless speeches were brought forth amongst us, and the sense of no single utterance was clear. If the time seems meet to the venerable Samgha, let it appoint Bhikkhus of such and such a name, and of such and such a name on a committee. This is the motion.

'"Let the venerable Samgha hear me. Whilst (&c., . . . down to) no single utterance was clear.

The Samgha appoints Bhikkhus of such and such names on a committee to settle this case. Whosoever of the venerable ones approves of the appointment of such and such Bhikkhus on the committee for the settlement of this case, let him be silent. Whosoever approves not thereof, let him speak.

'"Such and such a Bhikkhu is appointed by the Samgha on the committee for the settlement of this case. Therefore is it silent. Thus do I understand."

21. 'If then, O Bhikkhus, those Bhikkhus are able on the reference (or on the committee) to settle the case, that, O Bhikkhus, is called a case that is settled. And how is it settled? By the Proceeding in Presence. And what therein is meant by the Proceeding in Presence? The Dhamma is represented, and the Vinaya is represented, and the particular person is represented.

'And of these, what is the presence of the Dhamma (&c., as in § 16, down to the end).

'If a dispute, O Bhikkhus, has been thus settled, if a disputant re-open the question, such re-opening is a Pākittiya."

Cullavagga IV, 19 Übersetzung von T. W. Rhys Davids und Hermann Oldenberg. -- In: Vinaya texts / translated from Pāli by T. W. Rhys Davids und Hermann Oldenberg. -- Part III: The Cillavagga, IV - XII. -- Oxford : Oxford University Press, 1885. -- (Sacred books of the East ; 20). -- S. 49 - 52. -- Online: -- Zugriff am 2006-04-07

47. Pācinakea ca caturo,
caturo Pāveyyake pi ca;
ubbhāhikāya sammanni,
bhikkhū taṃvatthusantiyā.

a Geiger: Pācīnake


Man wählte vier Mönche aus dem Osten und vier aus Pāvā in die Kommission um diese Angelegenheit zu befrieden.

48. Sabbakāmī ca Sāḷho ca,
Vāsabhagāmiko cā ti,
therā Pācinakā ime.


Die vier Theras aus dem Osten waren:

49. Revato Sāṇasambhūto,
Yaso Kākoṇḍakatrajoa;
Sumano cā ti cattāro,
therā Pāveyyakā ime.

a Geiger: Kākaṇḍakatrajo


Die vier Theras aus Pāvā waren:

50. Sametuṃ tāni vatthūni,
appasaddaṃ anākulaṃ;
agamuṃ Vālukārāmaṃa,
aṭṭhattherā anāsavā.

a Geiger: Vālikārāmaṃ


Die acht Mönche, die frei von Trieben (āsava) waren, gingen ins stille und ruhige Vālika-Kloster (bzw. Vāluka-Kloster).

51. Daharenājitenettha,
paññatte āsane subhe;
nisīdiṃsu mahātherā,


Die großen Theras, welche die Gedanken des großen Weisen kannten, setzten sich dort auf die sauberen Sitze, die der junge Ajita bereitet hatte.

52. Tesu vatthūsua ekekaṃ,
kamato Revato mahā;
thero theraṃ Sabbakāmiṃ,
pucchi pucchāsu kovido.

a Geiger: vatthusu


Der im Befragen erfahrene große Thera Revata befragte den Thera Sabbakāmī der Reihe nach über jeden einzelnen der Punkte1.


1 Punkte: siehe oben Vers 9ff.

53. Sabbakāmī mahāthero,
tena puṭṭho ’tha byākari;
sabbāni tāni vatthūni,
na kappantī ti suttato.


Der große Thera Sabbakāmī erklärte auf die Fragen: "All diese Punkte sind gemäß der Lehre unziemlich."

54. Nīharitvādhikaraṇaṃa,
taṃ te tattha yathākkamaṃ;
tatheva saṅghamajjhe pi,
pucchāvissajjanaṃ karuṃ.

a Geiger: Niharitvādhikaraṇaṃ


Nachdem sie dort ordnungsgemäß die Angelegenheit beendet hatten, haben sie auf die gleiche Weise inmitten der Mönchsgemeinde Frage und Antwort gegeben.

55. Niggahaṃ pāpabhikkhūnaṃ,
tesaṃ dasasahassānaṃ,
mahātherā akaṃsu te.


Die großen Theras verurteilten die 10.000 schlechten Mönche, die die zehn Punkte1 verbreiteten.


1 Punkte: siehe oben Vers 9ff.

56. Sabbakāmī pathaviyāa,
saṅghatthero tadā ahu;
so vīsaṃvassasatiko,
tadāsi upasampadā.


Sabbakāmi war damals  auf der Erde der Älteste der Mönchsgemeinde. Er war damals 120 Regenzeiten1 lang Mönch seit seiner Ordination.


1 Die Seniorität im Orden bestimmt sich aus der Länge der Zugehörigkeit als Mönch.

57. Sabbakāmī ca Sāḷho ca,
Revato Khujjasobhito;
Yaso Kākoṇḍakasutoa,
Sambhūto Sāṇavāsiko.

a Geiger: Kākaṇḍakasuto

58a. a Therāa Ānandattherassaa,
ete saddhivihārino;

a Geiger: cha therānandattherassa

57. - 58a.

Die Theras

waren Schüler1 des Thera Ānanda2.


1 Schüler (saddhivihārino):


The 'disciple' of an Upajjhāya (preceptor). He may be a Sāmanera or a Bhikkhu living with him for training. He known as Saddhivihārika, He receives preaching in the Dhamma and training in the Vinaya and other monastic rules necessary for the monk-life. (Mv. p. 48). It is, therefore, essential that anyone seeking admission into the Buddhist Order should first look out for an Upajjhāya. He should approach an 'able' and 'competent' monk; and after saluting he should request him to become his Upajjhaya. He should utter three times thus : "Upajjhāyo me bhante hohi", i. e. "Venerable Sir, be my 'preceptor'. And if he expresses his consent, he should be deemed as his Upajjhāya.

The Buddha has enjoined that a Saddhivihārika must live under the guardianship of an Upajjhāya. (Ibid, p, 43). The relation between the Saddhivihārika and Upajjhāya is like that of a son and father. It is laid down by the Buddha that the Saddhivihārika must treat his Upajjhāya as his father. (Upajjhāyo, Bhikkhave, saddhivihārikamhi puttacittaṃ upaṭṭhapessati, saddhivihāriko upajjhāyamhi pitucittaṃ upaṭṭhapessati.—Ibid, p, 43).

The Saddhivihārika is expected to do all kinds of services to his Upajjhāya. For instance, he should provide him with the tooth-stick, water, Yāgu, arrange his robes, alms-bowl, seat, chair etc., wash his clothes, accompany with him if he wishes so, keep himself always behind when walking, etc. When the Upajjhāya falls sick, the Saddhivihārika should attend upon him till he is recovered. In case the Upajjhāya develops 'antipathy' towards the Dhamma, the Saddhivihārika must make every effort to dispel it, or arrange a Dhammakathā (religious discourse) for the purpose. If the Upajjhāya happens to commit any 'grievous offence' or the Sangha is meeting to pronounce an ordeal against him, it is the duty of the Saddhivihārika to make every possible endeavour to prevail upon his Upajjhāya to appear before the Sangha for the 'expiation' of the 'offence'.

It is expected that the Saddhivihārika will take the permission from his Upajjhāya in almost all the matters. For instance, without permission, he can neither give nor take the bowl or robe from others; he should not shave nor get himself shaved by others; he should not do any service to others; he should not go behind any other monk for his alms (pacchāsamana); nor should he take any monk to go behind him (pacchāsamano ādātabbo); he should not bring meals for others nor cause others to bring alms for himself, He should not go into a village or to the funeral ground or to a journey without the permission of his Upajjhāya, (See Upajjhāyavattakathā, Ibid. pp. 42-47; Co. pp. 328-332; Cf. SP. Vol. Ill, pp. 1025-1031).

In case a Saddhivihārika does not behave properly, he is liable to be 'expelled' by the Upjjhāya (Panāmanā). (Mv. pp. 51-52). If he commits any wrong, he should beg pardon; otherwise he commits the offence of Dukkata. (Ibid. p. 52).

In case the Upajjhāya is 'lost' and he still needs 'guardianship', he should find out an 'able' and 'competent' monk and take him up as his 'Ācariya' in place of bis Upajjhāya. In the following circumstances an Upajjhāya is regarded as 'lost': If the Upajjhāya goes away somewhere; or disrobes; or chages his religion; or is dead; or the Saddhivihārika is 'expelled' by his Upajjhāya. (Mo. p. 67)."

[Quelle: Upasak C. S. (Chandrika Singh): Dictionary of early Buddhist Monastic terms : (based on Pali literature). -- Varanasi : Bharati Prakashan, 1975. -- III, 245 S. ; 25 cm. -- s.v.]

2 Zu Ānanda siehe Kapitel 3, zu Vers 5ff.

58b. Vāsabhagāmiko ceva,
Sumano ca duve pana.

.  TherĀnuruddhattherassa,
ete saddhivihārino;
aṭṭha therā pi dhaññā te,
diṭṭhapubbā tathāgataṃ.


Die beiden Theras Vasabha und Sumana waren Schüler des Thera Anuruddha1. Diese acht Theras waren reich indem sie den Wahrheitsfinder gesehen hatten.


1 Anuruddha:

"Anuruddha Thera

First cousin of the Buddha and one of his most eminent disciples. He was the son of the Sākyan Amitodana and brother of Mahānāma. When members of other Sākyan families had joined the Order of their distinguished kinsman, Mahānāma was grieved that none had gone forth from his own. He therefore suggested to his brother that one of them should leave household life. Anuruddha was at first reluctant to agree, for he had been reared most delicately and luxuriously, dwelling in a different house for each season, surrounded by dancers and mimes. But on hearing from Mahānāma of the endless round of household cares he agreed to go. He could not, however, get his mother's consent until he persuaded his cousin Bhaddiya to go with him. Together they went with Ananda, Bhagu, Kimbila, Devadatta and their barber Upāli, to the Blessed One at the Anupiya Mango Grove and were ordained. Before the rainy season was over Anuruddha acquired the dibbacakkhu (Vin.ii.180-3; Mtu.iii.177f), and he was later ranked foremost among those who had obtained this attainment (A.i.23).

He then received from Sāriputta, as topic of meditation, the eight thoughts of a great man. The list is given in A.iv.228ff. Another conversation he had with Sāriputta before becoming an arahant is reported in A.i.281-2. He went into the Pācīnavamsadāya in the Ceti country to practise these. He mastered seven, but could not learn the eighth. The Buddha, being aware of this, visited him and taught it to him. Thereupon Anuruddha developed insight and realised arahantship in the highest grade (A.iv. loc. cit.; AA.108-9; Thag.901).

Anuruddha appears in the Suttas as an affectionate and loyal comrade-bhikkhu, full of affection to his kinsman, the Buddha, who returned his love. In the assembly he stood near the Buddha (Bu.v.60). When the Buddha, disgusted with the quarrels of the Kosambī monks, went away to seek more congenial surroundings, it was to Pācīnavamsadāya that he repaired, where were Anuruddha, Nandiya and Kimbila. The Upakkilesa Sutta (M.iii.153f.), on the sweets of concord and freedom from blemish, seems to have been preached specially to Anuruddha on that occasion, for we are told at the end that he was pleased to have heard it, no mention being made of the other two. And again in the Nalakapāna Sutta (M.i.462ff.), though a large number of distinguished monks are present, it is to Anuruddha that the Buddha directly addresses his questions, and it is Anuruddha who answers on behalf of them all. See also the Cūla- and the Mahā-Gosinga Suttas.

Anuruddha was present when the Buddha died at Kusinārā, and knew the exact moment of his death; the verse he uttered on that occasion is thoughtful and shows philosophic calm, in contrast, for example, with that of Ananda. D.ii.156-7. On this see Oldenberg, Nachrichten der Wissenschaften zu Goettingen, 1902, pp.168f.; and Przyluski JA. mai-juin, 1918, pp.486ff.

Anuruddha was foremost in consoling the monks and admonishing them as to their future course of action. It was Anuruddha again that the Mallas of Kusinārā consulted regarding the Buddha's last obsequies (D.ii.160f). Later, at the First Council, he played a prominent part and was entrusted with the custody of the Anguttara Nikāya (DA.i.15).

In one of the verses ascribed to Anuruddha in the Theragāthā (904; ThagA.ii.72) it is said that for twenty-five years he did not sleep at all, and that for the last thirty years of his life he slept only during the last watch of the night. The same source (Thag.908; also S.i.200) mentions an occasion where a goddess, Jālinī (ThagA.ii.73; this story is given in detail in SA.i.225-6), who had been his wife in a previous birth, seeing him grown old and grey with meditation, seeks to tempt him with the joys of heaven, but he tells her he has no need of such things, having attained to freedom from rebirth.

His death took place in Veluvagāma in the Vajji country, in the shade of a bamboo thicket. Thag.919. See also Psalms of the Brethren, p.331, n.1. I cannot trace the reference to Hatthigāma. He was one hundred and fifteen years old at the time of his death (DA.ii.413).

In Padumuttara Buddha's time he had been a rich householder. Hearing one of the monks declared best among possessors of the celestial eye, he wished for a similar honour for himself in the future. He did acts of great merit towards that end, including the holding of a great feast of light in front of the Buddha's tomb. In Kassapa Buddha's age he was born in Benares; one day he placed bowls filled with clarified butter all round the Buddha's tomb and lighted them, himself walking round the tomb all night, bearing on his head a lighted bowl.

Later he was reborn in a poor family in Benares and was named Annabhāra (lit. "food-bearer"). One day, while working for his master, the banker Sumana, he gave his meal to a Pacceka Buddha, Uparittha. The banker, having heard from the deity of his parasol of Annabhāra's pious deed, rewarded him and set him up in trade. The king, being pleased with him, gave him a site for a house, the ground of which, when dug, yielded much buried treasure. On account of this great accretion of wealth he was given the rank of Dhanasetthi (ThagA.ii.65ff.; Thag.910; DhA.iv.120ff).

According to the Dhammapada Commentary (i.113), as a result of his gift to the Pacceka Buddha, Anuruddha never lacked anything he desired - such had been the wish he expressed. A charming story is related in this connection. Once when playing at ball with his friends he was beaten and had to pay with sweets. His mother sent him the sweets, but he lost over and over again until no more sweets were to be had. His mother sent word to that effect, but he did not know the meaning of the words "there isn't." When his mother, to make him understand, sent him an empty bowl, the guardian deity of the city filled it with celestial cakes, so that he should not be disappointed. Thereafter, whenever Anuruddha sent for cakes, his mother would send him an empty vessel, which became filled on the way. See also DhA.iv.124ff.

The Apadāna (i.35) mentions another incident of his past. Once, in Sumedha Buddha's time, Anuruddha, having seen the Buddha meditating alone at the foot of a tree, set up lights round him and kept them burning for seven days. As a result he reigned for thirty kappas as king of the gods, and was king of men twenty-eight times. He could see a distance of a league both by day and night.

On various occasions Anuruddha had discussions with the Buddha, and he was consulted by disciples, both monks and laymen, on points of doctrine and practice. In the Anuruddha Sutta (M.iii.144f) he goes with Abhiya Kaccāna and two others to a meal at the house of Pañcakanga, the king's carpenter. At the end of the meal the carpenter asks him the difference between that deliverance of the heart (cetovimutti) that is boundless (appamāna) and that which is vast (mahaggata). The discussion leads on to an account of the four states of rebirth among the brilliant gods (Ābhā), and in reply to the questions of Abhiya Kaccāna, Anuruddha proceeds to explain their nature. At the end of the discourse we find Anuruddha acknowledging that he himself had lived among these gods.

In the Samyutta Nikāya (S.iv.240-5) he is mentioned as questioning the Buddha about women, how they come to be born in happy states and how in woeful purgatory. A similar inquiry is mentioned in the Anguttara Nikāya. Anuruddha had been visited by some Manāpakāyikā devas, who had played and sung to him and shown their power of changing their complexions at will. He comes to the Buddha and asks how women could be born among these devas (A.iv.262ff).

We find him (S.v.174-6, also 299f) being asked by Samyutta and Moggallāna about the sekha and asekha and about super-knowledge (abhiññā). In dealing with this passage the Commentary (SA.iii.183) states that Anuruddha used to rise early, and that after ablutions he sat in his cell, calling up a thousand kappas of the past and the future. With his clairvoyant eye he knew the thousand fold universe and all its workings.

The Anuruddha Samyutta (S.v.294) gives an account of a series of questions asked by Moggallāna on the satipatthānā, their extent, etc. Anuruddha evidently laid great emphasis on the cultivation of the satipatthānā, for we find mention of them occurring over and over again in his discourses. He attributes all his powers to their development, and admonishes his hearers to practise them. S.v.299-306. He himself considered the dibbacakkhu as the highest attainment. Thus in the Mahāgosinga Sutta (M.i.213) he declares it to be more worthy than knowledge of the doctrine, meditation, forest-life, discourse on the abhidhamma or self-mastery.

Once he lay grievously ill in the Andhavana in Sāvatthi, but the pain made no impression on his mind, because, he says, his mind was well grounded in the satipatthānā (S.v.302, but see DhA.iv.129, where he suffered from wind in the stomach). Apart from his teaching of the satipatthānā, he does not seem to have found fame as a teacher. He was of a retiring disposition and never interfered in any of the monks' quarrels.

Mention is often made of Anuruddha's iddhi-powers. Thus, he was one of those who went to the Brahma-world to curb the pride of the Brahma who had thought that no ascetic could reach his world (S.i.145. The others being Moggallāna, Mahākassapa and Mahākappina). The mother of the Yakkha Piyankara, while wandering in search of food, heard him at night reciting some verses from the Dhammapada and stood spellbound listening (S.i.209; SA.i.237-8).

His iddhi, however, does not seem to have enabled him to prevent his fellow-dweller Abhiñjika from talking too much (S.ii.203-4), nor his other fellow-dweller Bāhiya from attempting to create dissension in the Order (A.ii.239). Among the Vajjians he seems to have been held particularly in esteem, together with Nandiya and Kimbila. A yakkha named Dīgha tells the Buddha how the Vajjians are envied by the inhabitants of the deva and brahma worlds on account of the presence of these distinguished monks in their country (in the Cūlagosinga Sutta, M.i.210).

In numerous Jātakas Anuruddha is identified with personalities occurring in the Atītavatthu. In several cases he is mentioned as having been Sakka, the deus ex machina of the story in question. Thus in the Manicora (J.ii.125); Guttila (ii.257); Ayakūta (iii.147); Mahāsūka (iii.494); Cullasūka (iii.496); Kanha (iv.14); Akitti (iv.242); Sādhīna (iv.360); Siri (iv.412); Mahāsutasoma (v.511); Sāma (vi.95); Nimi (vi.129); Mahāsumagga (vi.329); Vessantara (vi.593).

Elsewhere he is identified with different personalities:

  • he was Pabbata in the Indriya (iii.469) and in the Sarabhanga (v.151);
  • the king in the Candakinnara (iv.288);
  • one of the seven brothers in the Bhisa (iv.314);
  • the dove in the Pañcūposatha (iv.332);
  • Ajapāla in the Hatthipāla (iv.491);
  • Sucirata in the Sambhava (v.67);
  • Pañcasikha in the Sudhdābojana (v.412) and
  • the charioteer in the Kurudhamma (ii.381).

Anuruddha's name occurs in several of the legends of the Dhammapada Commentary apart from those already mentioned. In the story of Cūlasubhaddā it is stated that after the Buddha had visited Ugganagara at Cūlasubhadda's request and enjoyed her hospitality, Anuruddha was asked to stay behind at Ugganagara for her benefit and that of the new converts (DhA.iii.471). When the Buddha spent a rainy season in Tāvatimsa preaching the Abhidhamma, it was Anuruddha who kept the people on earth informed of his doings. DhA.iii.218f.; SnA. (ii.570), states that the Buddha went to Tāvatimsa at Anuruddha's request.

In the Sumanasāmanera Vatthu (DhA.iv.120ff ) we are told how Anuruddha, having himself attained salvation, sought for his friend and benefactor of a past birth, Sumana-setthi. Sumana-setthi had been born near the Vindhyā forest as Cūllasumana, son of Anuruddha's acquaintance Mahāmunda, and Anuruddha ordained him at the age of seven. The lad became arahant in the tonsure-hall.

According to the Peta Vatthu (Pv., p.27, vv. 58-60), it was by virtue of a spoonful of food given by him to Anuruddha that Indaka entered Tāvatimsa, and the same gift enabled him to surpass in glory Ankura, who had spent all his wealth in practising generosity.

Anuruddha had a sister, Rohinī, who suffered from a skin disease and, therefore, remained indoors; she would not see the Elder when he visited her relations. But he insisted on seeing her and persuaded her to sell her ornaments and build a resting hall for the Buddha and his monks. She later became a Stream-enterer and was reborn as Sakka's consort (DhA.iii.295f).

In Mahāyāna books Anuruddha's name appears as Aniruddha. In the Lalitavistara he is mentioned as wearing the Bodhisatta's ornaments when the latter renounced the world. He is sometimes spoken of as a son of Dronodana. Thus, e.g., Mtu i.75; iii.117. See Beal, Records of Western World, ii.38 n. for meaning of Anuruddha. According to the Dulva, it was Anuruddha who, finding Ananda still asekha, got him turned out of the First Council until he became an arahant (Rockhill, p.151)."

[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]

60. Bhikkhū satasahassāni,
dvādasāsuṃ samāgatā;
sabbesaṃ Revatatthero,
bhikkhūnaṃ pamukho tadā.


1.200.0001 Mönche hatten sich versammelt. Von allen Mönchen war der Thera Revata damals der Erste.


1 siehe oben Vers 34b: 1.190.000 (die Übersetzungen von Geiger und Guruge -- 112.000 -- sind deshalb falsch.)

61. Tatoa so Revatatthero,
saddhammaṭṭhitiyā ciraṃ;
kāretuṃ dhammasaṃgītiṃ,

a Geiger: tadā

62. Pabhinnatthādiñāṇānaṃ,
satāni satta bhikkhūnaṃ,
arahantānam uccini.

61. - 62.

Dann hat der Thera Revata, um ein Konzil abzuhalten, damit die gute Lehre lange Bestand habe, aus der Menge aller Mönche 700 aus, Arahants, bei denen das Wissen um das Bezeichnete usw.1 aufgebrochen war, die den Dreikorb2 auswendig kannten.


1 das Wissen um das Bezeichnete usw. = die vier sprachlichen Fähigkeiten (patisambhidā):

Paṭisambhidā f. -- sprachliche Fähigkeiten
  1. attha-paṭisambhidā f. -- klares Wissen um das Bezeichnete
  2. dhamma-paṭisambhidā f. -- klares Wissen um das Bezeichnende (Worte, Ausdrücke, Silben)
  3. nirutti-paṭisambhidā f. -- klares Wissen der sprachlichen Regeln
  4. paṭibhāna-paṭisambhidā f. -- klares Wissen von den rhetorischen Regeln (der Schlagfertigkeit)

(Aufzählung: z.B. Akuppasutta : Aṅguttaranikāya III, 119 - 120; Nal II, 377, 8 - 13; Th 22, 135)

s. Nāgārjuna: La traité de la grande vertu de sagesse (Mahāprajñāpāramitā`sāstra) / [Trad. par] Étienne Lamotte. -- Tome III. -- p. 1614 - 1624.

2 Dreikorb der kanonischen buddhistischen Texte:

  1. Vinaya-piṭaka n. -- Korb der Ordensdisziplin
  2. Sutta-piṭaka n. -- Korb der Lehrreden
  3. Abhidhamma-piṭaka n. -- Korb der philosophischen Darstellung der buddhistischen Lehre (abhidhamma m.)

(Vinayapiṭaka ; Th 8, 224)

63. Te sabbe Vālukārāmea,
Kāḷāsokena rakkhitā;
akaruṃ dhammasaṅgahaṃ.

a Geiger:  Vālikārāme


All diese machten im Vālukakloster unter dem Schutz Kālāsokas und unter der Leitung des Thera Revata eine Zusammenstellung der Lehre.

64. Pubbe kataṃ tathā eva,
dhammaṃ pacchā ca bhāsitaṃ;
ādāya niṭṭhapesuṃ taṃ,
etaṃ māsehi aṭṭhahi.


Sie nahmen die in der Vergangenheit verfasste und danach verkündete Lehre und legten sie in acht Monaten fest.

65. Evaṃ dutiyasaṃgītiṃ,
katvā te pi mahāyasā;
therā dosakkhayaṃ pattā,
pattā kālena nibbutiṃ.


Auch diese ruhmreichen Theras, die das Vergehen des Übels erreicht hatten, sind zum rechten Zeitpunkt erlöscht, nachdem sie das zweite Konzil abgehalten hatten.

66. Iti paramamatīnaṃ pattipattabbakānaṃ,
tibhavahitakarānaṃ lokanāthorasānaṃ;
sumariya maraṇaṃ taṃ saṅkhatāsārakattaṃ,
parigaṇiyam asesaṃ appamatto bhaveyyā.


Wenn man so das Sterben bedenkt der Söhne des Schutzherrn der Welt1, die äußerst weise waren, die alles erlangt hatten, was erlangenswert ist, die zum Heil der drei Existenzebenen2 wirkten, indem man so die Substanzlosigkeit des bedingt Entstandenen bedenkt, soll man nie nachlässig sein.



(15 Silben: 8.7.; Schema: na na ma ya ya: nanamayayayuteyaṃ Mālinī bhogilokaiḥ)

˘˘˘˘˘˘ˉˉˉ ˘ˉˉ˘ˉˉ

Zur Metrik siehe:

Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Einführung in die Exegese von Sanskrittexten : Skript.  -- Kap. 8: Die eigentliche Exegese, Teil II: Zu einzelnen Fragestellungen synchronen Verstehens. -- Anhang B: Zur Metrik von Sanskrittexten. -- URL:

1 Söhne des Schutzherrn der Welt = Söhne Buddhas = Mönche

2 drei Existenzebenen

Bhava m. -- Existenzebenen; ausführlich siehe oben zu Vers 29.
  1. kāma-bhava m. -- Existenzebene der Begierden, grobkörperliche Existenzebene = Kāma-loka m. -- Welt der Begierden, Sinnenwelt
  2. rūpa-bhava m. -- Existenzebene der Formen, feinkörperliche Existenzebene = rūpa-loka m. -- Welt der Formen, feinkörperliche Welt
  3. arūpa-bhava m. -- formlose Existenzebene, unkörperliche Existenzebene = arūpa-loka m. -- Formlose Welt, unkörperliche Welt

(Dreiteilung der bhava z.B.: Mahavedallasutta : Majjhimanikāya I, 294; Nal I, 363, 5-7; Th 12, 539 - 540; Nyanamoli III, 4)

ti Sujanappasādasaṃvegatthāya kate 
Mahāvaṃse dutiyasaṃgīti nāma catuttho paricchedo.

Paralleltext im Dīpavamsa (IV, 27 - 53)

27 Nibbute lokanāthasmiṃ vassāni soḷasaṃ tadā,
Ajātasattu catuvīsaṃ Vijayassa soḷasaṃ ahu.
28 Samasaṭṭhi tadā hoti vassaṃ Upālipaṇḍitaṃ,
Dāsako upasampanno Upālitherasantike.
29 Yāvatā buddhaseṭṭhassa dhammappatti pakāsitā,
Sabbaṃ Upāli vācesī navaṅgaṃ jinabhāsitaṃ
30 Paripuṇṇaṃ kevalaṃ sabbaṃ navaṅgaṃ suttamāgataṃ,
Uggahetvāna vācesi Upāli buddhasantike.
31 Saṅghamajjhe viyākāsi buddho Upālipaṇḍitaṃ,
Aggo vinayapāmokkho Upāli mayhasāsane.
32 Evaṃ upanīto santo saṅghamajjhe mahāgaṇ,
Sahassaṃ dāsakapāmokkhaṃ vācesi piṭake tayo.
33 Khīṇāsavānaṃ vimalānaṃ santānaṃ athavādinaṃ,
Therānaṃ pañcasatānaṃ Upāli vācesi Dāsakaṃ.
34 Parinibbutamhi sambuddhe Upālithero mahāgaṇī,
Vinayaṃ tāva vācesī tiṃsa vassaṃ anūnakaṃ
35 Caturāsīti sahassāni navaṅgaṃ satthusāsanaṃ,
Vācesi Upāli sabbaṃ Dāsakaṃ nāma paṇḍitaṃ.
36 Dāsako piṭakaṃ sabbaṃ Upālitherasantike,
Uggahetvāna vācesi upajjhāyo ca sāsane.
37 Saddhivihārikaṃ theraṃ Dāsakaṃ nāma paṇḍitaṃ,
Vinayaṃ sabbaṃ ṭhapevāna nibbuto so mahāgaṇī.
38 Udayo soḷasa vassāni rajjaṃ kāresi khattiyo,
Chabbasse Udayabhaddamhi Upālithero sa nibbuto.
39 Soṇako mānasampanno vāṇijo kāsim āgato,
Giribbaje Veḷuavane pabbaji satthusāsane.
40 Dāsako gaṇapāmokkho Magadhānaṃ Giribbaje,
Vihāsi sattatiṃsamhi pabbājesi ca Soṇakaṃ.
41 Pañcatāḷīsavasso so Dāsako nāma paṇḍito,
Nāgadāsadasavassaṃ Paṇḍurājassa vīsati.
42 Upasampanno Soṇako thero Dāsakasantike,
Vācesi Dāsako thero navaṅgaṃ Soṇakassapi.
43 Uggahetvāna vācesi upajjhāyassa santike,
Dāsako Soṇakaṃ theraṃ saddhivihāri anupubbakaṃ.
44 Katvā vinayapāmokkhaṃ catusaṭṭhimhi nibbuto,
Cattāris' eva vasso so thero Soṇakavhayo.
45 Kālāsokassa dasavasse aḍḍhamāsañ ca sesake,
Sattarasannaṃ vassānaṃ thero āsi paguṇako.
46 Atikkantekādasavassaṃ chamāsaṃ cāvasesake,
Tasmiṃ ca samaye thero Sṇako gaṇapuṅgavo.
Siggavaṃ Cadavajjiṃ ca akāsi upasampadaṃ.
47 Tena kho pana samayena vassasatamhi parinibbute bhagavati Vesālikā Vajjiputtakā Vesāliyaṃ dasa vathūni dīpenti
  • kappati siṅgiloṇakappo
  • kappati dvaṅgulakappo
  • kappati gāmantarakappo
  • kappati āvāsakappo
  • kappati anumatikappo
  • kappati āciṇṇakappo
  • kappati amathitakappo
  • kappati jalogiṃ pātuṃ
  • kappati adasakaṃ nisīdanaṃ
  • kappati jātarūparajatan ti.

48 Dasa dasakavassamhi sambuddhe parinibbute
Vesāliyaṃ Vajjiputtā dīpenti dasavathuke.
49Tathāgatena paṭikkhitaṃ sabbaṃ dīpenti akappiyaṃ
Sabbakāmī ca Sāḷho ca Revato Khujjasobhito
50 Yaso ca Sāṇasambhūto ete saddhivihārikā
Therā Ānandatherassa diṭṭthaoubbā tathāgataṃ,
51 Sumano Vāsabhagāmī  ca sezzā saddhivihārikā
Dve ime Anuruddhassa diṭṭhapubbā tathāgataṃ
52 Ete sattasatā bhikkhu Vesāliyaṃ samāgatā.
Vinayaṃ paṭigaṇhanti ṭhapitaṃ buddhasāsane,
53 Sabbe pi visuddhacakkhū samāpattamhi kovidā
Pannabhārā visaṃyutā sannipāte samāgatā.

Dutiyasaṅgahaṃ niṭṭhitaṃ.


"27. Sixteen years had elapsed after the protector of the world had entered Nibbāna; it was the twenty-fourth year of Ajātasattu's (reign), and the sixteenth of Vijaya's; — 28. learned Upāli had just completed sixty years, (then) Dāsaka received the Upasampadā ordination from Thera Upāli. 29. The entire sacred Dhamma texts which the most excellent Buddha had set forth, the whole of the nine-fold speeches of the Jina, Upāli recited. 30. Upāli received from Buddha and (afterwards) recited the entire, complete, and whole nine-fold doctrine contained in the Suttas. 31. Buddha spoke regarding the learned Upāli in the assembly (of the Bhikkhus): „ Upāli is the first chief of the Vinaya in my church." 32. The great teacher, being thus installed in the midst of the Assembly, recited the three Pitakas to a thousand (pupils), chief among whom was Dāsaka. 33. Upali taught five hundred Theras whose passions had been extinguished, who were pure, holy, and speakers of truth, the (texts of the) faith. 34. After the Sambuddha had attained Parinibbāna, the great teacher Thera Upāli taught then the Vinaya full thirty years. 35. Upāli taught the clever Dasaka the whole nine-fold doctrine of the Teacher, eighty-four thousand (divisions). 36. Dasaka, having learned all the Pitakas from Thera Upāli, taught it just as his teacher in the Faith (had done). 37. The great teacher (Upāli) entered Nibbāna, after having appointed his pupil, the clever Thera Dasaka, (to be chief) of the Vinaya. 38. Prince Udaya reigned sixteen years; when Udayabhadda had completed six (years), Thera Upāli attained Nibbāna.

39. Sonaka, a respectable merchant who came from Kāsi, received the first ordination according to the doctrine of the Teacher at Giribbaja (Rājagaha) in the Veluvana (monastery). 40. Dāsaka, the leader of the school, dwelt at Giribbaja in the Magadha country, and in his seven and thirtieth year gave Sonaka the first ordination. 41. (When) clever Dāsaka had completed forty-five years, and Nāgadāsa had reigned ten years, and king Pandu-(vasa) twenty, then Sonaka received the Upasampadā ordination from Thera Dāsaka. 42. Thera Dāsaka taught Sonaka also the nine-fold (doctrine); he having learned it from his teacher, (again) taught it (to others). 43. Dāsaka in his turn, having made his pupil Thera Sonaka chief of the Vinaya, attained Nibbāna in his sixty-fourth year.

44. The Thera called Sonaka had just completed forty years; Kalāsoka had then reigned ten years and half a month in addition; — 45. Pakundaka was a robber during seventeen years; (of this period) eleven years and six months more had passed, — 46. when Thera Sonaka, the chief of the school, admitted Siggava and Candavajjī to the Upasampadā ordination.

47. At that time, when Bhagavat had been dead a hundred years, the Vajjiputtas of Vesālī proclaimed at Vesālī the ten indulgences:
  • the practice of (keeping) salt in a horn is permissible;
  • the two inch alternative is permissible;
  • the practice of (taking food after the regular meal when going to) the village is permissible;
  • the practice of (holding Uposatha in different) residences (within the same boundary) is permissible;
  • the practice of (obtaining) the consent (of the Fraternity not before, but after an act) is permissible;
  • the practice of (acting according to) example is permissible;
  • the practice of (drinking) milk-whey is permissible;
  • the practice of (drinking) toddy is permissible;
  • sitting (on seats covered with clothes) without fringes is permissible;
  • (the possession of) gold and silver is permissible.

48. When Sambuddha had entered Parinibbāna ten times ten years, the Vajjiputtas proclaimed at Vesālī these ten indulgences. 49. They proclaimed (the allowableness of) impermissible practices which all had been forbidden by the Tathāgata. Sabbakāmī, and Sālha, and Revata, (and) Khujjasobhita, — 50. and Yasa, Sambhūta of Sāna, these Theras who had formerly seen the Tathāgata, the pupils of Thera Ānanda; — 51. Sumana and Vāsabhagāmi, who had formerly seen the Tathāgata, these two most excellent pupils of Anuruddha; — 52. these (and other) Bhikkhus, seven hundred in number, came to Vesālī and expressed their assent to the discipline as it had been established in the doctrine of the Buddha. 53. All these who had obtained a (supernatural) insight, who were expert in reaching meditation, who were quit of their load, and saved, assembled together.

Here ends the history of the second Council."

[Quelle: Dipavamsa : an ancient historical record / ed. and translated by Hermann Oldenberg [1854 - 1920]. -- 1879. -- S. 129 - 133.]

Bericht über das Zweite Konzil im tibetischen Mūlasarvāstivāda-Vinaya (Dulva)

"One hundred and ten years after the death of the Blessed Buddha the sun of the Conqueror was obsoured, and the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī imagined ten false propositions which transgressed the law and the rules, which were not of the Master's teaching, which were not comprised in the Sūtrānta, nor to be found in the Vinaya, which transgressed the Dharma; and the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī taught that these evil things were right.

These ten practices were: the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī practised as lawful the exclamation alala; (those who) did not agree were heterodox; (those who were) assembled (elsewhere than at Vaiśālī) were heterodox; those who did agree were orthodox. This was the first proposition which transgressed the doctrine, which was not the Master's teaching, which was not in the sūtras, nor to be found in the Vinaya, which transgressed the Dharma, which the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī carried into practice, teaching that what was unlawful was lawful.

Moreover, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī (said), " Venerable sirs, enjoy yourselves;" and indulging in enjoyment in the congregation of bhikṣus, they made enjoyment lawful; and those who did not agree were heterodox; those who were assembled (elsewhere than at Vaiśālī) were heterodox ; those who did agree were orthodox. This was the second proposition, &c.

Moreover, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī held as lawful that (a bhikṣu) might dig the earth with his own hand, or have it dug, &c. This was the third proposition, &c.

Moreover, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī held as lawful the practice of keeping salt as long as one lived, if he added to (his supply) at the right time some consecrated salt, &c. This was the fourth proposition, &c.

Moreover, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī practised as being lawful during journeys, going a yojana or a half yojana (away from their vihāras), then meeting and eating. This was the fifth proposition, &c.

(F. 692*.) Moreover, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī having deemed it lawful to take food, hard or soft, that was not left-over food, with two fingers, did practise as lawful eating with two fingers. . . . This was the sixth proposition, &c.

Moreover, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī held it lawful to suck fermented drinks as would a leech (arin-bu bad-pa bdzin-du), though one was made ill by drinking (thus). . .. This was the seventh proposition, &c.

Moreover, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī held it lawful to eat between times a mixture of half-milk and half-curds, &c. This was the eighth proposition, &c.

Moreover, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī held it lawful to use a new mat (gding-pa) without patching it around the edge (the width of) a Sugata span, &c. This was the ninth proposition, &c.

Moreover, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī held it lawful to take a round alms-bowl and to besmear it with perfumes, to make it redolent with sweet burnt incense and adorn it with different kinds of sweet-smelling flowers. Then they put a mat on a śramaṇa's head and on it (the bowl), and he went through the highroads, the lanes, the crossroads, saying, "Hear me, all ye people who live in Vaiśālī, ye town's people and ye strangers; this alms-bowl is a most excellent one; he who gives here, who gives very much, he who makes many offerings here, will receive a great reward; it will profit him much, it will avail him much." And in this way they got riches, gold, and other treasures, which they (the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī) made use of, thus holding it lawful to have gold and silver; and this was the tenth proposition, &c. . . . (f. 693).

Now there was at Vaiśālī a sthavira called Sarvakāma (Tluims-chad hdod-pa) known as an arhat contemplator of the eight perfect freedoms (mam-par thar-pa brgyad bsgom-pia dzas-bya-ba), who had lived in Ānanda's time. Moreover, in the town of Śonaka (Nor-chan) there lived an arhat called Yaśas (Grags-pa), also an arhat contemplator of the eight perfect freedoms, and he, wandering about with a retinue of five hundred, came to Vaiśālī when (the bhikṣus of that place) were fixing (i.e., dividing) their treasures (f. 694). The censor (dgc-skos) having declared that the sthaviras of the community were at liberty to make uso of the property, asked (Yaśas), " Venerable sir, what will you take of the goods ? " Then he explained (to Yaśas) the whole thing (i.e., the tenth indulgence ?); and the sthavira thought, " Is this canker unique or are there Others ?" s And he saw that the relaxation of the rules was increasing by following the ten unlawful customs (dngos). Therefore, to preserve the doctrine, he went to where the venerable Sarvakāma was, and having bowed down at his feet, he said to him, " Is it lawful or not to say alala?"—"Venerable sir, what does that mean, "Is it lawful to say alala?" Then Yaśas explained it in the same terms used above, and Sarvakāma answered, " Venerable sir, it is not lawful."—" Sthavira, when was it declared (unlawful)?"—" It was in the town of Śampa." —" On account of what ?"—" On account of acts of the six bhikṣus."—"What kind of a transgression was it?"—"They committed a dukkaṭa offence,"—" Sthavira (said Yaśas), this is the first proposition which disregards the Sūtrānta, the Vinaya, which is not the Master's teaching, which is not in the sūtras, which does not appear in the Vinaya, which transgresses the Dharma, which the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī teach as lawful when it is unlawful If they practise it will you remain quiet?" (Sarvakāma) remained without ever saying a word. Then (Yaśas) said, "Then, sthavira, I will ask you if it be lawful to amuse oneself?"—"Venerable sir, what does that mean, 'Is it lawful to amuse oneself ?'" Yaśas having explained what it meant, he replied, " Venerable sir, it is not lawful It was declared unlawful in the town of Śampa in consequence of acts of the six bhikṣus, and it was pronounced a dukkaṭa offence."—" Sthavira, this is the second proposition which disregards the Sūtrānta, &c. If they practise it will you remain quiet ?" (Sarvakāma) remained without ever saying a word.

Then (Yaśas) said, " Then, sthavira, I will ask you if it be lawful to use one's strength (to dig the earth') ?" . . . " Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It was declared unlawful at Śrāvastī, in consequence of the acts of the six, and it was pronounced a pācittiya."—"Sthavira, this is the third proposition," &c, &c.

"Sthavira, I will ask you then this question, Is it lawful to use (kept) salt ?" , . . "Venerable sir, it is not lawful It was declared unlawful at Rājagṛha on account of an act of Śāriputra, and jt was pronounced a pācittiya." —" Sthavira, this is the fourth proposition," &c, &c

" Sthavira, I will ask you then this question, Is it compatible with (the rules) of journeying (to go a league or a half league and then eat) ?"—" Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It was declared unlawful at Rājagṛha on account of what Devadatta had done, and it was pronounced a pācittiya" ..." Sthavira, this is the fifth proposition," &c, &c.

" Sthavira, I will ask you then this question, Is the practice of using two fingers lawful ?"...(£ 696b). " Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It was declared unlawful at Śrāvastī on account of what a great number of bhikṣus had done, and it was pronounced a pācittiya."— " Sthavira, this is the sixth proposition," &c, &c.

" Sthavira, then I will ask you this question, Is it lawful to get sick (from sucking wine) ?"—" Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It was declared unlawful at Śrāvastī on account of an act of the āyuṣmat Suratha (? Legs-ongs), and it was pronounced a pācittiya," &c, &c.

" Sthavira, then I will ask you this question, Is the practising (of drinking) a mixture (of milk and curds) lawful ?"—" Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It was declared unlawful at Śrāvastī on account of an act of a number of bhikṣus, and it was pronounced a pācittiya," &c, &c.

" Sthavira, then I will ask you this question, Is the mat practice lawful ?"..." Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It was declared unlawful at Śrāvastī on account of an act of a number of bhikṣus, and it was pronounced a pācittiya," &c.,_&c.

"Sthavira, then I will ask you this question, Is the gold and silver practice lawful ?"—" Venerable sir, it is not lawful. It is a nissaggīya pācittiya according to the Vinaya,. . . the Dīrghāgama, the Majjhimāgama, . . . the Kaṭhina section of the (Prātimokṣa) Sūtra, . . . the "Ekottarāgama," &c, &c. "Sthavira, this is the tenth proposition which disregards the Sūtrānta, the Vinaya, which is not the Master's teaching, &c, &o. If they practise it will you remain quiet ?" " Venerable sir," replied Sarvakāma, " wherever you choose to go I will be your adherent in following the Dharma."

Then he composed his mind in the dhyāna of perfect perfection, and remained in it.

Now at that time there lived in the city of Śoṇaka a venerable sthavira called Sāḷha (Gyo-ldan), who had lived with Ānanda. He was an arhat contemplator of the eight perfect freedoms. Then Yaśas went to the venerable Sāḷha, and having bowed down at his feet (he asked him the same questions and received the same answers), and he also agreed to be his adherent.

After that Yaśas went to the city of Saṃkāśya, where lived the venerable sthavira Vāsabhagāmī (Nor-chan), an arhat like the two preceding ones, and also a contemporary of Ānanda's. From him also ho received tho same answers to his questions.

(F. 700.) Then Yaśas went to Pāṭaliputra (Dmar-bu-eJian), where lived the venerable Kuyyasobhito (Zla-sgrur); &c, &c. (F. 700.) After that he went to Śrughna, where lived the venerable Ajita (Ma-pkam-pi), to whom he also explained the ten indulgences, &c, &c.

Then he went to Mahiṣmati (Ma-he-ldan), where lived the venerable Sambhūta (Yang-dag skyes); . . . after that to Sahaja (? Zhan-chig skycs), where lived the venerable Revata (Nam-gru), to whom he also explained the ten indulgences in the same terms used in conversing with Sarvakāma. When Revata heard of all his journeying, he told Yaśas to take some rest, after which ho would accompany him as his partisan.

While these things were taking place, the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī went to where the bhikṣus of Yaśas' company were and asked them where was their master, and then they learnt that he had gone to seek partisans. " Why did he want partisans?" they asked.

" Sirs, on account of the schism in the order." " Venerable sirs, what have we done to cause a schism in the order ?"

Then (Yaśas' disciples) told them; but they replied, "This is not right; why oppose us because we seek different interpretations (rnam-pa) for the commandments of the departed Master?"

Then one of their number (i.e., of Yaśas' disciples ?), whose mind was straight, and whose harsh words were well meant, said to them, " Venerable sirs, you are doing what is not done (by all the rest of the order), what is not lawful, what is not becoming in śramaṇas. You have formerly heard that the doctrine of the Blessed One will last a thousand years, but you will be the cause that in days to come the doctrine will be obscure; so it is that those who disregard any of the commandments create a cancer (which will go on spreading). To help to maintain the doctrine, what are you then doing but bringing about schisms ?" They were terrified on hearing this, but remained silent under his harsh words (sbogs-pa).

(F. 702.) Then (the bhikṣus of Vaiśālī) commenced talking to one another. " The venerable Yaśas has gone to get partisans; if we have caused a schism in the order, why remain pondering over it? Say what must be done." Then one of their number said to another, " Let us do what (Yaśas) has done. He has gone to get partisans; let us also seek partisans who will uphold us." Another said, " Sirs, they are going to fight us; we must flee." Another said, " Where can we go ? wherever we may go we will be thought badly of. We must sue for pardon; we are, as it were, in a trap." Another said, " Let us get all (the bhikṣus) who are in the neighbourhood together (by giving them) alms-bowls, robes, nets, drinking-cups, girdles, and all will be arranged (? phyir gang riga par hyao)." This course being approved, they decided to act accordingly; so they gave to some (bhikṣus) robes, to some mantles, to some nether garments, to some sweat-cloths, to some cushions, to some alms-bowls, to some water-strainers, and in this way they got them all together and remained in their midst.

When Yaśas had little by little got together his partisans he came back to Vaiśālī, and his disciples asked him, "Master, have you found your partisans?" "My sons," he replied,' " they will shortly be here."

When his disciples had told him of the right claimed by the Vaiśālī bhikṣus to interpret diversely tho commandments, and that they were using terms not formerly spoken by (the Buddha), he said, " As the partisans for relaxing the rules will rapidly increase, (we) must do everything for the true doctrine; for the gāthā says—

' He who instantly does a thing to be postponed, who postpones (a thing to be done) instantly,
Who follows not the right way of doing, a fool he, trouble is his share;
Cut off by associating with obscure and unworthy friends,
His prosperity will decrease like the waning moon.
He who swiftly does what is useful has not forsaken wisdom.
He who Has not put away the right wuy of doing wise, happiness will be his,
Not cut off by associating with worthy, virtuous friends,
His prosperity will go on increasing like the waxing moon.'"

Then Yaśas sat down in the hall (hkhor-kyi khamsu); having composed his mind in tho fourth dhyāna of perfection, and having discerned the proper course (to follow), he beat the gaṇṭh and assembled 700 arhats less one, all contemporaries of Ānanda. Now at that time the venerable Kuyyasobhito was deep in the samādhi of arresting (hgog), and he did not hear the gaṇṭhā. When all the arhats had assembled, the venerable Yaśas thought, " If I should salute each one by name it would cause great confusion " (? lit. if I should call them by name there would be much wraugling). " I will not call them by name." So he bowed to those who were well stricken in years, and having saluted by raising his hands to his forehead those who were verging on old age, he took his seat.

Just then Kuyyasobhito came out of his meditation, and a deva came and asked him, "Venerable Kuyyasobhito, why stand you there thinking ? Go quickly to Vaiśālī, where the 699 arhats are assembled to maintain the doctrine, thou who art the first master (khyod dang mkhan-po gchig-pa)." Then he vanished from Pāṭaliputra, and coming to Vaiśālī, he stood before the door of the hall and asked admission, for it was closed.

After having told those within who he was in several verses (f. 703-704), he was admitted and took his seat.

Then the venerable Yaśas iuformed them of the ten indulgences in the same terms which he had previously used in speaking to Sarvakāma and the other arhats, and they gave the same answers we have seen given above, after which they said," These bhikṣus of Vaiśālī who proclaim that which is unlawful lawful, and who act accordingly, we condemn them!" And this formula they repeated after each indulgence had been condemned.

(F. 705.) When they had examined and condemned tho ten indulgences, they beat the gaṇṭhā, and having assembled all the bbikshus at Vaiśālī, Yaśas informed them of the proceedings and decision of the council (f. 705b).

The text of the Vinayakṣudraka ends abruptly here, and I have not been able to find in any canonical text any mention of the subsequent work which the Mahāwanso says the council performed in settling the whole canon; nor does the Chinese version of the council of Vaiśālī mention anything beyond the condemnation of the ten indulgences. It will, however, be seen, by referring to Bhavya's work (p. 187), that the Northern authors do not disagree with the Southern ones as regards the history of these events."

[Quelle: The Life of the Buddha and the early history of his order : derived from Tibetan works in the Bkah-hgyur and Bstan-hgyur followed by notices on the early history of Tibet and Khoten / translated by W. [William] Woodville Rockhill <1854 - 1914>. -- London : K. Paul, Trench, Trübner, 1907.  -- XII, 273 S. ; 22 cm.. -- S. 171 - 189.]

Zu Kapitel 5: Das dritte Konzil