Zitierweise / cite as:
Mahanama <6. Jhdt. n. Chr.>: Mahavamsa : die große Chronik Sri Lankas / übersetzt und erläutert von Alois Payer. -- 10. Kapitel 10: Die Weihe Pandukabhaya's zum König. -- Fassung vom 2006-09-05. -- URL: http://www.payer.de/mahavamsa/chronik10.htm. -- [Stichwort].
Erstmals publiziert: 2006-06-16
Überarbeitungen: 2006-09-05 [Ergänzungen]
Anlass: Lehrveranstaltung, Sommersemester 2001, 2006
©opyright: Dieser Text steht der Allgemeinheit zur Verfügung. Eine Verwertung in Publikationen, die über übliche Zitate hinausgeht, bedarf der ausdrücklichen Genehmigung des Übersetzers.
Dieser Text ist Teil der Abteilung Buddhismus von Tüpfli's Global Village Library
Pālitext: http://www.tipitaka.org/tipitaka/e0703n/e0703n-frm.html.-- Zugriff am 2001-06-06
Falls Sie die diakritischen Zeichen nicht dargestellt bekommen, installieren Sie eine Schrift mit Diakritika wie z.B. Tahoma.
Die Zahlreichen Zitate aus Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. sind ein Tribut an dieses großartige Werk. Das Gesamtwerk ist online zugänglich unter: http://www.palikanon.com/english/pali_names/dic_idx.html. -- Zugriff am 2006-05-08.
Alle Verse mit Ausnahme des Schlussverses sind im Versmaß vatta = siloka = Śloka abgefasst.
Das metrische Schema ist:
̽ ̽ ̽ ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
̽ ̽ ̽ ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ
̽ ̽ ̽ ̽ ˘ˉˉˉ
̽ ̽ ̽ ̽ ˘ˉ˘ˉ
Ausführlich zu Vatta im Pāli siehe:
Warder, A. K. (Anthony Kennedy) <1924 - >: Pali metre : a contribution to the history of Indian literature. -- London : Luzac, 1967. -- XIII, 252 S. -- S. 172 - 201.
1 Ummādacittāyāṇattā dāsī ādāya dārakaṃ
Samugge pakkhipitvāna dvāramaṇḍalakaṃ agā.
Im Auftrag von Ummādacittā1 nahm ihre Dienerin den Knaben, legte ihn ein einen Korb und ging nach Dvāramaṇalaka2.
1 Zu Ummādacittā siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 9.
A village in Ceylon. When Pandukābhaya was young, he lay there in concealment and escaped various attempts on his life (Mhv.x.1; Dpv.x.9). It was near the Cetiyapabbata, and Kundalī, friend of Dīghābhaya, lived there (Mhv.xxiii.23). Five hundred young men from this village were ordained by Mahinda (Mhv.xvii.59)."
[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]
2 Rājaputtā ca migavaṃ gatā Tumbarakandare
Disvā dāsiṃ kuhiṃ yāsi? Kim etan ti ca pucchisuṃ.
Die Prinzen waren auf Jagd in der Tumbara-Wildnis. Sie trafen die Dienerin und fragten sie, wohin sie gehe und was das sei.
3 Dvāramaṇḍalakaṃ yāmi, dhītu me guḷapūvakaṃ
Icc āha. Oropehī ti rājaputtā tam abravuṃ.
Sie antwortete, dass sie nach Dvāramaṇḍalaka gehe, und dass es ein Zuckergebäck für ihre Tochter sei. Die Prinzen befahlen ihr, es herauszunehmen.
Citta1 und Kāḷavela2, die herabgekommen waren, um den Knaben zu beschützen, ließen die Prinzen in diesem Augenblick einen großen Wildeber3 erblicken.
1 Citta: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 9, Vers 22f.
A herdsman, servant of Dīghagāmani. He was put to death by the brothers of Ummāda-Cittā, because he refused to promise to kill Ummāda-Cittā's child should it be a boy. He was reborn as a Yakkha. See Cittarāja. Mhv.ix.22f.; MT.278."
[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]
"1. Cittarāja.-A Yakkha. It was the custom for ancient kings at the time of the Kattika Festival to deck themselves in great array and, standing on the bank of a lake "in the presence of Cittarāja," (meaning, probably, in front of his statue) to shoot arrows to the four quarters. J.ii.372.
2. Cittarāja.-A Yakkha whom Pandukābhaya honoured by giving him a settlement at the lower end of the Abhaya tank. On festival days the Yakkha occupied a seat beside the king. The Mahāvamsa (xi.4, 84, 87, 104) says that Citta-rāja was an incarnation of the herdsman Citta (7) who saved Panduka-bhaya's life, but it is more likely that the Cittarāja mentioned here is identical with Cittarāja (1), and that the festival refers to the Kattika festival."
[Quelle: Malalasekera, G. P. <1899 - 1973>: Dictionary of Pāli proper names. -- Nachdruck der Ausgabe 1938. -- London : Pali Text Society, 1974. -- 2 vol. -- 1163, 1370 S. -- ISBN 0860132692. -- s. v.]
2 Kāḷavela: siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 9, Vers 22f.
A servant of Dīghagāmani. He refused to promise the brothers of Ummādacittā that he would kill her if she gave birth to a boy, and so he was killed by them and reborn as a yakkha (Mhv.ix.22f). Later he saved the life of this boy, Pandukābhaya, who was being carried in a basket (Mhv.x.4), and when Pandukābhaya came to the throne, he founded a settlement for Kāladeva to the east of Anurādhapura (Mhv.vs.84). It is said that on feast days the yakkha appeared in visible form in company with Pandukābhaya (Mhv.vs104).
Mahāsena afterwards built a thūpa on the site of Kālavela's shrine. Mhv.xxxvii.44."
3 Wildeber (Sus scrofa)
Abb.: Wildschweine, Yala National Park, Sri Lanka
[Bildquelle: The Albanian. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/merkur/130208618/. -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-15]
5 Te taṃ samanubandhiṃsu, sā tamādāya tatr' agā,
Dārakañ ca sahassañ ca āyuttassa adā raho.
Die Prinzen verfolgten den Eber. Die Dienerin ging mit dem Knaben nach Dvāramaṇḍalaka. Dort übergab sie einem beauftragen Ziehvater im Geheimen den Knaben und 1000 Geldstücke.
6 Tasmiṃ yeva dine tassa bhariyā janayī sutaṃ;
Yamake janayī putte bhariyā me ti posi taṃ.
An demselben Tag gebar dessen Frau einen Sohn. Er erzählte: "Meine Frau hat mir Zwillingssöhne geboren" und zog den Sohn Ummādacittā's auf.
7 So sattavassiko cāpi, taṃ vijānīya mātulā
hantuṃ sarasi kīḷante dārake ca payojayuṃ.
Der Sohn war schon sieben Jahre alt, als seine Mutterbrüder ihn entdeckte. Sie gaben den Auftrag, die an einem See spielenden Buben zu töten.
8 Jalaṭṭhaṃ rukkhasusiraṃ jalacchāditachiddakaṃ
Nimujjamāno chiddena pavisitvā ciraṭṭhito
9 Tato tatheva nikkhamma kumāro sesadārake
Upecca pucchiyanto pi vañcet' aññavacohi so.
8. - 9.
Der Prinz pflegte unterzutauchen und sich in einem hohlen Baum zu verstecken, derein im Wasser verstecktes Loch hatte, indem er durch dieses Loch in den Baum kroch. Dort blieb er lange, kam auf demselben Weg wieder heraus und ging zu den übrigen Buben. Wenn man ihn fragte, täuschte er sie mit Ausreden.
10 Manusseh āgatāhe so nivāsetvāna vatthakaṃ
Kumāro vārim ogayha susiramhi ṭhito ahu.
Am Tag als die gedungenen Leute kamen, zog sich der Prinz an, tauchte ins Wasser und blieb im hohlen Baum.
11 Vatthakāni gaṇetvā te māretvā sesadārake
Gantvā ārovayuṃ sabbe dārakā māritā iti.
Die Leute zählten die Kleidungsstücke, töteten die übrigen Buben und meldeten, dass alle Buben getötet seien.
12 Gatesu tesu so gantvā āyuttakagharaṃ sakaṃ
Vasaṃ assāsito tena ahū dvādasavassiko.
Als dei Killer weg waren ging der Prinz zum Haus seines Ziehvaters. Dort lebte er, von jenem getröstet, und wurde zwölf Jahre alt.
13 Puna sutvāna jīvantaṃ kumāraṃ tassa mātulā
Tattha gopālake sabbe māretuṃ sanniyojayuṃ.
Als seine Mutterbrüder wieder hörten, dass der prinz noch lebte, gaben sie den Auftrag alle Hirten zu töten.
14 Tasmiṃ ahani gopālā laddhā ekaṃ catuppadaṃ
Aggiṃ āharituṃ gāmaṃ pesesuṃ taṃ kumārakaṃ.
An demselben Tag hatten die Hirten einen Vierfüßer erwischt und schickten den Prinzen ins Dorf, um Feuer zu holen.
15 So gantvā gharam āyuttaputtakaṃ yeva pesayi
Pādā rujanti me nehi aggiṃ gopālasantikaṃ
16 Tattha aṅgāramaṃsañca khādissasi tuvaṃ" iti.
Nesi so taṃvaco sutvā aggiṃ gopālasantikaṃ.
15. - 16.
Er ging heim und schickte den Sohn seines Ziehvaters: "Meine Füße tun mir weh, bring du das Feuer zu den Hirten. Dort bekommst du Rostbraten zu essen." Der Sohn des Ziehvaters brachte daraufhin den Hirten Feuer.
17 Tasmiṃ khaṇe pesitā te parikkhipiya mārayuṃ
Sabbe gope; mārayitvā mātulānaṃ nivedayuṃ.
In diesem Augenblick haben die dazu Angestifteten die Hirten umzingelt und getötet. Dann berichteten sie das den Mutterbrüdern.
18 Tato soḷasavassaṃ taṃ vijāniṃsu ca mātulā;
Mātā sahassañ cādāsi tassa rakkhañ ca ādisi.
Als er 16 war, haben ihn die Mutterbrüder entdeckt. Die Mutter schickte 1000 Geldstücke und befahl, ihn dafür zu schützen.
19 Āyutto mātu sandesaṃ sabbaṃ tassa nivediya
Datvā dāsaṃ sahassañca pesesi Paṇḍulantikaṃ.
Der Ziehvater erzählte dem Prinzen die ganze Anweisung der Mutter. Er gab einem Diener 1000 Geldstücke und schickte ihn zu Paṇḍula.
20 Paṇḍulabrāhmaṇo nāma bhogavā vedapārago
Dakkhiṇasmiṃ disābhāge vasi Paṇḍulagāmake
Der Brahmane Paṇḍula, ein reicher, vedakundiger Mann, wohnte im Süden, in Paṇḍulagāmaka.
21 Kumāro tattha gantvāna passi Paṇḍulabrāhmaṇaṃ;
Tvaṃ Paṇḍukābhayo tāta iti pucchiya vyākate
22 Tassa katvāna sakkāraṃ āha rājā bhavissasi,
Samasattatī vassāni rajjaṃ tvaṃ kārayissasi;
23 Sippaṃ uggaṇha tātā ti sippuggaham akārayi.
Candena tassa puttena khippaṃ sippaṃ samāpitaṃ.
21. - 23.
Der Prinz ging dorthin und traf den Brahmanen Paṇḍula. Dieser ragte ihn, ob er Paṇḍukābhaya sei. Er bejahte dies. Dann erwies ihm der Brahmane Ehrerbietung und sprach: "Du wirst König sein, ganze siebzig Jahre lang wirt du König sein. Mein Lieber, lerne dein Handwerk1!" Dann nahm er den Unterricht auf. Zusammen mit des Brahmanen Sohn Canda hatte er schnell das Handwerk gelernt.
1 dein Handwerk, nämlich alles, was ein König wissen und können muss. Er unterrichtete ihn also im Arthaśāstra. Siehe dazu: Kauṭilīya-arthaśāstra : eine Einführung / von Alois Payer. -- Übersicht dazu: http://www.payer.de/skrtlink.htm
24 Adā satasahassaṃ so yodhasaṅgahakāraṇā.
Yodhesu saṅgahītesu tena pañcasatesu so
Er gab ihm 100.000 Geldstücke, um Soldaten zu werben. Er warb 500 Soldaten.
25 Siyuṃ yāya gahitāni paṇṇāni kanakāni taṃ
Mahesiṃ kuru Candañ ca mama puttaṃ purohitaṃ
Da sprach der Brahmane: "Mache die Frau, die mit ihrer Berührung Blätter zu Gold macht, zur Königin! Meinen Sohn Canda mache zum Hofkaplan!"
26 Iti vatvā dhanaṃ datvā sayodhaṃ nīharī tato
So nāmaṃ sāvayitvāna tato nikkhamma puññavā
27 Laddhā Paṇe nagarake Kāsapabbatasantike
Sattasatāni purise sabbesaṃ bhojanāni ca
26. - 27.
Dann gab er dem Prinzen Geld und schickte ihn mit den Soldaten fort. Der tugendreiche Prinz ließ seinen Namen verkünden, ging fort und erwarb im Städtchen Paṇa bei Kāsa-Berg1 700 Männer sowie Proviant für alle.
1 Kāsa-Berg: vermutlich in der Nähe des heutigen Kahagalagama ("Dorf des Kaha-Berges"), 18 Meilen südöstlich von Anurādhapura
A mountain in Ceylon, once the headquarters of Pandukābhaya (Mhv.x.27). It lay on the way from Vijitapura to Anurādhapura. Dutthagāmanī encamped there and constructed a tank near by. Mhv.xxv.50; see also Mhv.Trs.70 n."
28 Tato narasahassena dvisatena kumārako
Girikaṇḍapabbataṃ nāma agamā parivārito.
Dann Dann zog der Prinz mit 1200 Männern zum Girikaṇḍa-Berg.
29 Girikaṇḍasivo nāma Paṇḍukābhayamātulo
Taṃ Paṇḍuvāsudevena dinnaṃ bhuñjati desakaṃ.
Girikkaṇḍasiva, ein Mutterbruder Paṇḍukābhaya's, regierte desen Distrikt, den ihm Paṇḍuvāsudeva verliehen hatte.
30 Tadā karīsasatamattaṃ so lāvayati khattiyo;
Tassa dhītā rūpavatī Pālī nāmāsi khattiyā,
Damals ließ dieser Fürst gerade 100 Karīsa1 ernten. Seine Tochter war die schöne Fürstin Pālī.
1 Karīsa: die Fläche, die man mit einem Karīsa (als Hohlmaß) Saatgut besäen kann, ca. 4000 m². 100 Karīsa wären dann 400.000 m² = 40 ha
31 Sā mahāparivārena yānam āruyha sobhanaṃ
Pitu bhattaṃ gāhayitvā lāvakānañ ca gacchati.
Sie bestieg mit einem großen Hofstaat einen schönen Wagen und brachte ihrem Vater und den Erntearbeitern Essen.
32 Kumārassa manussā taṃ disvā tattha kumārikaṃ
Ārovesuṃ kumārassa kumāro sahasāgato
Dort sahen die Männer des Prinzen die Prinzessin. Sie berichteten dem Prinzen. Der Prinz kam eilig.
33 Dvebhāgam parisaṃ katvā sakaṃ yānam apesayi
Tadantikaṃ, sapariso kattha yāsī ti pucchi taṃ.
Er fuhr auf dem Wagen mitten durch ihr Gefolge zu ihr und fragte sie, wohin sie gehe.
34 Tāya vutte sa sabbasmiṃ tassā sārattamānaso
Attano saṃvibhāgatthaṃ bhattenāyāci khattiyo.
Sie sagte es ihm. Der Fürst verliebte sich in sie und bat sie um einen Teil des Essens.
35 Sā samoruyha yānamhā adā sovaṇṇapātiyā
Bhattaṃ nigrodhamūlasmiṃ rājaputtassa khattiyā.
Die Fürstin stieg vom Wagen und gab am Fuß eines Banyanbaums1 dem Prinzen Essen in einem goldenen Topf.
1 Banyanbaums: Ficus benghalensis
Abb.: Banyan, Chennai (ெசன்னை ), Tamil Nadu (தமிழ் நாடு )
[Bildquelle: Pandiyan. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/pandiyan/25481922/. -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-15]
36 Gaṇhi nigrodhapaṇṇāni bhojetuṃ sesake jane,
Sovaṇṇabhājanānā'suṃ tāni paṇṇāni taṃkhaṇe.
Sie nahm Banyan-Blätter, um die übrigen Leute zu speisen. Sofort wurden diese Blätter zu goldenen Tellern.
37 Tāni disvā rājaputto saritvā dijabhāsitaṃ
Mahesībhāvayoggā me kaññā laddhā ti tussi so.
Als der Prinz das sah, erinnerte er sich an die Worte1 des Brahmanen. Er war froh, dass er das Mädchen gefunden hatte, das geegnet war, seine Königin zu werden.
1 Worte des Brahmanen: oben, Vers 25.
38 Sabbe bhojāpayī te sā taṃ na khīyittha bhojanaṃ;
Ekassa paṭiviṃso va gahīto tattha dissatha.
Sie speiste alle, die Speisen nahmen aber nicht ab. Es schien als ob nur eine einzige Portion weggenommen worden wäre.
39 Evaṃ puññaguṇūpetā sukumārī kumārikā
Suvaṇṇapālī nāmena tatoppabhūti āsi sā.
So wurde die mädchenhafte Prinzessin von an an Gold-Pālī (Suvaṇṇapālī) genannt.
40 Taṃ kumāriṃ gahetvāna yānam āruyha khattiyo
Mahābalaparibbūḷho anusaṅkī apakkami.
Der Prinz nahm die Peinzessin, bestieg den Wagen und zog furchtlos mit einer großen Heerschar fort.
41 Taṃ sutvāna pitā tassā nare sabbe apesayi;
Te gantvā kalahaṃ katvā tajjitā tehi āgamuṃ.
Als ihr Vater das hörte, mobilisierte er all seine Männer. Sie zogen hinaus, kämpften, wurden von den anderen verschreckt und kehrten zurück.
42 Kalahanagaraṃ nāma gāmo tattha kato ahu.
Taṃ sutvā bhātaro tassā pañca yuddhāy' upāgamuṃ.
Dort wurde das Dorf Kalahanagara1 (Schlachtstadt) erbaut. Als ihre fünf Brüder davon hörten, zogen sie in den Kampf.
1 Kalahanagara: vermutlich das heutige Kalahagala am Maṇhīra-Wäwa, südwestlich von Polonnaruwa
Abb.: Lage von Kalahagala
43 Sabbe te Paṇḍulasuto Cando yeva aghātayi;
Lohitavāhakhaṇḍo'ti tesaṃ yuddhamahī ahu.
Canda, der Sohn Paṇḍula's tötete sie alle. Ihr Schlachtfeld wurde "Feld der Blutströme" (Lohitavāhakhaṇḍa) genannt.
44 Mahatā balakāyena tato so Paṇḍukābhayo
Gaṅgāya pārime tīre Doḷapabbatakaṃ agā.
Paṇḍukābhaya zog von dort zum Doḷa-Berg1 auf der anderen Seite der Gaṅgā1.
1 Doḷa-Berg: in der Umgebung des heutigen Dolagalawela
Abb.: Lage von Dolagalawela
2 Gaṅgā: d.i. Mahāgaṅgā = heutige Mahaweliganga
Abb.: Lage der Mahaweliganga
45 Tattha cattāri vassāni vasi; taṃ tattha mātulā
Sutvā ṭhapetvā rājānaṃ taṃ yuddhattham upāgamuṃ;
Dort lebte er vier Jahre. Als seine Mutterbrüder davon erfuhren, zogen sie mit Ausnahme des König aus, um ihn zu bekämpfen.
46 Khandhāvāraṃ nivesetvā dhūmarakkhāgasantike
Bhāgineyyena yujjhiṃsu; bhāgineyyo tu mātule
47 Anubandhi, oragaṅgaṃ palāpetvā nivattiya
Tesañca khandhāvāramhi duve vassāni so vasī.
46. - 47.
Sie bauten ein Heerlager und kämpften in der Nähe des Dhūmarakkha-Bergs1 mit ihrem Schwestersohn. Der Schwestersohn aber verfolgte die Schwesterbrüder bis auf die hiesige Seite der Gaṅgā. Als er sie in die Flucht geschlagen hatte, kehrte er zurück und lebte zwei Jahre lang in ihrem Heerlager.
1 Dhūmarakkha-Berg: in der Nähe der Kacchaka-Furt über die Mahaweliganga (siehe unten zu Vers 58f.)
A mountain in Ceylon, not far from Kacchakatittha, no the right bank of the Mahāvālukanadī. There Pandukābhaya defeated his uncles and occupied their fortified camp for two years. The mountain was the abode of yakkhas, and it was here that Pandukābhaya captured the Yakkhinī Cetiyā, near the pond Tumbariyangana in the vicinity of the mountain (Mhv.x.46, 53, 58ff). King Mahānāma built a vihāra there (Cv.xxxvii.213).
According to the Mahāvamsa Tīkā (p.289), the mountain was also called Udumabarapabbata (or -giri). There seems (See P.L.C., s.v. Udumbaragiri) to have lived at Udumbaragiri a fraternity of forest-dwelling monks who produced from among their number several scholars of great repute and monks of great piety - e.g., Kassapa and Medhankara.
The mountain is identified (Ep. Zey.ii.194ff) with the present "Gunners' Quoin" on the right bank of the Mahāvaliganga."
48 Gantvā 'patissagāmaṃ te tamatthaṃ rājino 'bravuṃ;
Rājā lekhaṃ kumārassa sarahassaṃ sa pāhiṇi:
Sie gingen nach Upatissagāma und berichteten dem König. Der König sandte dem Prinzen insgeheim einen Brief:
49 "Bhuñjassu pāragaṅgaṃ tvaṃ, māgā oraṃ tato iti.
Taṃ sutvā tassa kujjhiṃsu bhātaro nava rājino
"Herrsche du über Trans-Gaṅgā. Komme nicht auf diese Seite!" Als die neun Brüder davon hörten, waren sie auf ihn zornig.
50 Upatthambho tvam evāsi ciraṃ tassa; idāni tu
Raṭṭhaṃ dadāsi; tasmā tvaṃ māressāmā ti abravuṃ.
Sie sprachen: "Lange hast du in Wirklichkeit ihn unterstützt. Nun hast du ihm das Reich geschenkt. Wir werden dich deshalb töten."
51 So tesaṃ rajjam appesi te Tissaṃ nāma bhātaraṃ
Sabbeva sahitākaṃsu rajjassa parināyakaṃ.
Er übergab ihnen die Herrschaft. Einstimmig machten sie ihren Bruder Tissa zum Regenten.
52 Eso vīsativassāni Abhayo 'bhayadāyako
Tattho 'patissagāmamhi rājā rajjam akārayi.
Abhaya, der Spender von Angst- und Furchlosigkeit1 hatte in Upatissagāma zwanzig Jahre1 lang regiert.
1 d.i. ca. von 474 - 454 v. Chr.
53 Vasantī Dhūmarakkhāge sare Tumbariyaṅgaṇe
Carate vaḷavārūpā yakkhṇī Cetiyanāmikā
Cetiyā, eine Yakkhiṇī1, pflegte auf dem Dhūmarakkha-Berg2 in der Nähe des Tumbariyaṅgana-Sees in der Gestalt eine Stute zu weiden.
1 Yakkhiṇī = weiblicher Yakkha. Yakkha sind eine Gattung von nichtmenschlichen Wesen. Ihre Einordnung in der Hierarchie der Lebewesen schwankt in den verschiedenen kanonischen Schriften. Yakkha sind teilweise hilfreiche Wesen teilweise schädlich. Siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 1, zu Vers 20.
2 Dhūmarakkha-Berg: siehe oben zu Vers 46f.
54 Eko disvāna setaṅgaṃ rattapādaṃ manoramaṃ
Ārovesi kumārassa vaḷavetth' idisī iti.
Ein Mann, der die weißgliedrige, rothufige, schöne Stute gesehen hatte, berichtete dem König, dass es dort eine solche Stute gebe.
Abb.: Gab es in Lanka damals nicht, entspricht aber mit Ausnahme der Hufe der Beschreibung: Lipizzaner
"Domestication of the horse
There are a number of theories regarding the domestication of the horse. Although horses appeared in Paleolithic cave art as early as ca 30,000 BC, these were truly wild horses and were probably hunted for meat; how and when horses became domesticated is less clear. The most common date of domestication and use as a means of transport is c. 2000 BC, although in the Kurgan hypothesis the domestication of horses is dated as early as 4500 BC.Older theories (pre-1999)
Before the common use of DNA in such research, anthropologists and evolutionary biologists had to content themselves with studying features of existing animals and comparing them to preserved specimens from the past—frozen remains, other preserved remains, and sub-fossils. For horses, the data led to the hypothesis that horses were domesticated in one small area on the grassland steppes of Eurasia, perhaps around 4600 BC.Theories from DNA evidence
More recently, a comparative study of mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) from living and fossil horses suggests that horses were domesticated in many places, at many times.
Evolutionary biologists at Uppsala University in Sweden studied mitochondrial DNA from 191 pedigree horses (Vilà et al., 2001), including examples of historical English and Swedish breeds considered primitive and one breed derived from animals imported to Iceland by the Vikings. They also obtained DNA samples from Przewalski's horse, a small Mongolian equine thought by some to be a sister species to the original wild horses. They compared these samples with fossil DNA from leg bones of horses that have been preserved in the Alaskan permafrost for more than 12,000 years and with other samples from 1000- to 2000-year-old archaeological sites in southern Sweden and Estonia.
The analysis of mitochondrial DNA showed that the modern horses had almost as much genetic variation as samples of fossil horses. By contrast, similar analyses of mitochondrial DNA had shown that modern individuals from cattle, sheep, water buffalo, and pig breeds are much less genetically diverse than their ancient forbears. That a large number of wild lineages have been involved in the domestication, many more than in any other domestic mammal, would suggest that the domesticated horse had ancestors in many places, implying that domestication occurred in many areas.
Investigations by professor G. Lindgren et al., Uppsala, published in Nature Genetics 2004 has revealed that all horses, big and small, probably descend from one single stallion. These investigations were performed on chromosome Y. On the other hand, similar investigations showed that there are at least a hundred different maternal ancestors but if we go deeper in time then fewer.Location and time of domestication
The time of domestication is also difficult to establish, and here again there seem to be several camps. One claim is that evidence at several sites shows equine tooth wear that only could result from the friction of a bit against the molars, indicating captive animals (but not necessarily domesticated). Sites include Dereivka [Дерíївка], a Ukrainian settlement site (circa 4500–3500 BC), and sites identified as the Botai culture, dated 3500–3000 BC in the northern steppes of Kazakhstan [Қазақстан], east of the Ishim [Ишим] river. Not all molars at the sites showed bit wear: one idea is that the horses with bit wear were cult animals and were kept as objects of veneration. Another idea is that there would be a large population of equines in the area; some would be captive and others would remain wild. The captive animals would be used to hunt the wild individuals; only the captive animals would show bit wear.
Another camp resists this evidence because there are no skeletal changes that would provide secure proof that the horses were actually domesticated -- that is, bred in captivity -- and not merely tamed. Marsha A. Levine, one of the foremost researchers in this field, points out that traditional peoples world wide (both aboriginal hunter-gatherers and horticulturists) tame individuals from wild species, typically by hand-rearing infants whose parents have been killed. A species cannot be said to be truly domesticated until it will reliably breed in captivity.
Levine's model of horse domestication starts with individual foals being kept as pets while the adult horses were slaughtered for meat. Foals are relatively small and easy to handle. Horses, being herd animals, need companionship to thrive, and the modern data show that foals can and will bond to other domestic animals to meet their intimacy needs. Levine envisions horses being repeatedly made into pets over time, preceding the great discovery that these pets could be put to work.
The traditional scenario, in which the horse would have been domesticated in one isolated locale in the 5th millennium BC, is not without some serious anthropological puzzles. For instance, how could the Ukraine's indigenous nomadic hunter-gatherers proceed to the sophistication of proto-Tocharian disk-wheeled ox-drawn wagons in such a short time span? Use of the wheel in this fashion commonly appears much later in the historical record (see Wheel), and wagon construction techniques require advances in carpentry that might seem beyond the reach of Neolithic peoples (see History of Ukraine). Also questioned is why these advanced peoples suddenly appear and then disappear from the local archaeological record. External influences are suggested but unknown; others may suggest transported evidence.
As Levine points out, the unequivocal date of domestication and use as a means of transport is circa 2000 BC, the date of the Sintashta [Синташта] chariot burials in the southern Urals. However, shortly thereafter the expansion of the domestic horse throughout Europe was little short of explosive. In the space of possibly 500 years, there is evidence of horse-drawn chariots in Greece, Egypt, and Mesopotamia. By another 500 years, the horse-drawn chariot had spread to China.Chariot driving versus riding
Another more difficult question posed for time and locale is whether the domestication of the horse or the invention of the wheel occurred first. This would have dictated whether technology or technique of equestrianism or chariot driving would have affected ancient warfare first.
David W. Anthony, one of the co-founders of the Institute for Ancient Equestrian Studies, wrote (Anthony, 1998):
- "The Dereivka stallion exhibits bit wear made by a hard bit - perhaps bone. The amount of wear would have required at least 300 hours of riding with a hard bit, according to our experiments. If the deposit containing the stallion skull and mandible dates to about 4000 BC, as Brown, Telegin and I would argue, it pre-dates the invention of the wheel. If the bit wear at Dereivka precedes the introduction of wheeled vehicles, it probably resulted from riding. The bit wear at Dereivka is the earliest evidence for the use of horses as transport animals anywhere in the world. "
However, there is dissent in regard to this answer, as a bit could be used to lead a horse, being seen as far less stressful than leading it by binding its neck. A horse could easily have been led by fastening a bit between its teeth that was connected to a leash, and conveying it to pull a primitive plow. Since oxen were usually relegated to this duty in Mesopotamia, two-thousand years before the generalised date of horse use in more northern climes, it could be guessed that elsewhere early plows might have been attempted with the horse, and a bit may indeed have been significant as part of agarian development rather than equestrian technology. Analysis on equine remains should also focus on shoulder and spine stress, to determine if heavy pressure such as a plow can be discerned.
Ancient or early-domesticated horses were relatively small by modern standards, perhaps 12.2 to 14.2 hands high or 1.27 to 1.47 meters, measured at the shoulder. The small stature of these horses, compared to modern riding horses of 15.2 to 17.2 hh (1.6 to 1.8 meters), led theorists to believe the ancient horses were too small to be ridden and so must have been driven.
However, this does not necessarily tally with the strength of equivalent modern breeds; for example Fell ponies, believed to be descended from Roman cavalry horses, are comfortably able to carry fully grown adults (although with rather limited ground clearance) at an average height of 13.2 hands (1.37 m).
As such, the understanding of early horse domestication will continue to evolve and continue to be hotly debated."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domestication_of_the_horse. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-15]
55 Kumāro rasmim ādāya gahetuṃ taṃ upāgami;
Pacchato āgataṃ disvā bhītā tejena tassa sā
56 Dhāvi 'nantaradhāyitvā; dhāvantim anubandhi so.
Dhāvamānā saraṃ taṃ sā sattakkhattuṃ parikkhipi;
55. - 56.
Der Prinz nahm einen Strick und ging, um sie zu fangen. Als sie sah, wie er von hinten her kam, lief sie aus Furcht vor seiner Macht davon ohne sich unsichtbar zu machen. Er verfolgte sie. Auf der Flucht umkreiste sie siebenmal den See.
57 Otaritvā Mahāgaṅgaṃ uttaritvā tato pana
Dhumarakkhaṃ pabbataṃ taṃ sattakkhattuṃ parikkhipi;
Sie stieg in die Mahāgaṅga, stieg wieder heraus und umkreiste den Dhūmarakkhabaerg siebenmal.
58 Taṃ saraṃ puna tikkhattuṃ parikkhipi; tato puna
Gaṅgaṃ Kacchakatitthena samotari; tahin tu so
59 Gahesi taṃ vāladhismiṃ, tālapattañ ca toyagaṃ,
Tassa puññānubhāvena so ahosi mahā asi.
58. - 59.
Wieder umkreiste sie den See dreimal, dann stieg sie in die Gaṅga bei der Kacchaka-Furt1. Dort erwischte er sie am Schwanz. Er ergriff ein Palmyrapalmblatt2, das im Wasser schwamm. Durch die Macht seines großen Verdienstes wurde es zu einem großen Schwert.
Abb.: Lage der Kacchaka-Furt
A ford in the Mahāvāluka-gaṅgā, near the Dhūmarakkha mountain. It was here that Pandukābhaya captured the Yakkhinī Cetiyā (Mhv.x.59). This was a strategic point in the wars with the Tamils, and we find Kākavannatissa entrusting its protection to his son Dīghābhaya (Mhv.xxiii.17). It is probable that, some time afterwards, the place fell into the hands of the Tamils, for we find Dutthagāmanī mentioned as having captured it from the Tamil general Kapisīsa (Mhv.xxv.12). According to the Mahāvamsa Tīkā (322, 366) the place was nine leagues from Anurādhapura, but Nimila journeyed there and back in one day.
The Anguttara Commentary (i.367) mentions that a man named Mahāvācakāla was once born there as a crocodile, a fathom in length, for having cast doubts on the efficacy of the Buddha's religion. Once he swallowed sixty carts with the bulls attached to them, the carts being filled with stone.
The ford is now identified with Mahāgantota, the spot where the Ambanganga and the Mahaveliganga meet (Geiger, Mhv.Trs., 72, n.2). The Ambanganga was probably called Kacchakanadī, and at the spot where it met the Mahaveliganga, King Subha built the Nandigāmaka-vihāra. See Mhv.xxxv.58, and MT.472; on this passage see also Geiger's Trs., p.250, n.2; MT.472.
See also Assamandala."
2 Palmyrabalmblatt: Borassus flabellifer
Abb.: Blätter der Palmyrapalme
[Bildquelle. FAO: http://www.fao.org/ag/againfo/resources/documents/WAR/war/W9980T/w9980e04.htm. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-15]
60 Uccāresi asiṃ tassā māremī ti tam āha sā:
Rajjaṃ gahetvā te dajjaṃ sāmi mā maṃ amārayi.
Er erhob das Schwert gegen sie und rief: "Ich töte dich!" Sie rief: "Herr, wenn ich das Königreich erobere, würde ich es dir geben. Töte mich nicht!"
61 Gīvāya taṃ gahetvā so vijjhitvā asikoṭiyā
Nāsāya rajjuyā bandhi; sā ahosi vasānugā.
Er packte sie am Hals, durchbohrte ihre Nase1 mit der Spitze seines Schwertes und band sie mit einem Seil. Sie war ihm gefügig.
1 d.h. die Nasenscheidewand (septum) wie bei einem Stier
[Bildquelle: uaeSignature @ AUS - Don of Abu Dhabi. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/signature/47657356/. -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-15]
62 Gantvā taṃ Dhūmarakkhaṃ so tam āruyha mahābalo
Tattha cattāri vassāni dhumarakkhe nage vasi.
Der Prinz, der ein großes Heer hatte, ritt auf ihr zum Dhūmarakkha-Berg und wohnte auf diesem vier Jahre lang.
63 Tato nikkhamma sabalo āgammāriṭṭhapabbataṃ
Yuddhakālam apekkhanto tattha satta samā vasi.
Von dort ging er mit seiner Heerschar zum Ariṭṭha-Berg1 und lebte dort sieben Jahre, während er den rechten Zeitpunkt für die Schlacht abwartete.
1 Ariṭṭha-Berg: vermutlich heutiger Ritigala
Abb.: Lage von Ritigala
Abb.: Ritigala, 2004
[Bildquelle: Dennis Sylvester Hurd. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/dennissylvesterhurd/36381561/. -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-15]
A mountain in Ceylon half-way between Anurādhapura and Pulatthipuva. It is identified with modern Ritigala, and is near the modern Habarane in the North-Central Province (Mhv.trans.72, n.3). Pandukābhaya lived there for seven years, awaiting an opportunity to make war on his uncles, and it was near there that he ultimately defeated them (Mhv.x.63-72). At the foot of the mountain, Sūratissa built the Makulaka Vihāra (Mhv.xxi.6). Lañjatissa built a vihāra on the mountain and called it Arittha Vihāra (Mhv.xxxiii.27).
Jetthatissa occupied the mountain before his fight with Aggabodhi III., and it was there that he organised his forces (Cv.xliv.86).
Sena I. built a monastery on the mountain for the use of the Pamsukulikas and endowed it with large revenues (Cv.l.63).
At the present day the place is extremely rich in ruins. See Hocart: Memoirs of the Arch. Survey of Ceylon i.44."
64 Dve mātule ṭhapetvāna tassa sesaṭṭhamātulā
Yuddhasajjā Ariṭṭhaṃ taṃ upasaṅkamma pabbataṃ
Die Schwesterbrüder ließen zwei zurück. Die übrigen acht zogen, zur Schlacht bereit, zum Ariṭṭha-Berg.
65 Khandhāvāraṃ nagarake nivesetvā camūpatiṃ
Datvā parikkhipāpesuṃ samantāriṭṭhapabbataṃ.
Sie errichteten bei einer Kleinstadt ein Heerlager, setzten einen Heerführer ein, und umzingelten den Ariṭṭha-Berg.
66 Yakkhiṇiyā mantayitvā tassā vacanayuttiyā
Datvā rājaparikkhāraṃ paṇṇākārāyudhāni ca
67 Gaṇhatha sabbān' etāni khamāpessāmi vo ahaṃ
Iti vatvāna pesesi kumāro purato balaṃ.
66. - 67.
Der Prinz beriet sich mit der Yakkhiṇī und sandte auf ihren listigen Rat hin eine Heeresabteilung voraus mit königlichen Requisiten, Waren und Waffen mit der Botschaft: "Nehmt dies alles, ich will Frieden mit euch schließen."
68 Gaṇhissāma paviṭṭhan ti vissatthesu tu tesu so
Āruyha yakkhavaḷavaṃ mahābalapurakkhato
69 Yuddhāya pāvisī; yakkhī mahārāvam arāvi sā,
Anto bahi balañ cassa ukkuṭṭhiṃ mahatiṃ akā.
Während diese erleichtert dachten, dass sie ihn wenn er ins Heerlager kommt, fassen würden, bestieg der Prinz die Yakkhiṇī-Stute und zog in die Schlacht an der Spitze eines großen Heeres. Die Yakkhiṇī stieß einen lauten Schrei aus. Seine Heeresabteilungen im feindlichen Heerlager und außerhalb brüllten laut Hurra.
70 Kumārapurisā sabbe parasenānare bahū
Ghātetvā mātule caṭṭha sīsarāsiṃ akaṃsu te.
Alle Männer des Prinzen töteten viele Männer des feindlichen Heeres sowie die acht Mutterbrüder. Sie errichteten einen Haufen mit den Köpfen.
71 Senāpati palāyitvā gumbaṭṭhānaṃ sa pāvisi;
Senāpatigumbako ti tena esa pavuccati
Der Heerführer floh ins Dickicht. Deswegen wird es Heerführer-Dickicht (Senāpati-gumbhaka) genannt.
72 Upariṭṭhamātulasiraṃ sīsarāsiṃ sa passiya
Lāburāsīva icc āha; tenāsi Lābugāmako.
Al der Prinz den Haufen aus Köpfen sah, auf dem die Köpfe seiner Mutterbrüder zuoberst lagen, rief er: "Wie ein Haufen Flaschenkürbisse1!" Deshalb heißt es Lābugāmaka2.
1 Flaschenkürbisse: Lagenaria siceraria
"Der Flaschenkürbis (Lagenaria siceraria) gehört zu den ältesten Kulturpflanzen der Welt und wurde 2002 zum Gemüse des Jahres gewählt.
Man vermutet die ursprüngliche Heimat des Flaschenkürbis in Afrika. In Mexiko, Peru und Thailand fand man bereits mehrere tausend Jahre alte Funde, in Ägypten wurden Kürbissamen den Toten mit ins Grab gelegt.
Die Flaschenkürbisranken werden bis zu 15 Meter lang, die drüsig-behaarten kräftigen Stängel tragen herzförmig-ovale, gelappte Blätter. Die Früchte werden von zehn Zentimetern bis zu einem Meter lang und bis ein Kilogramm schwer. Günstig sind warme und windgeschützte Ecken, der Platzbedarf ist recht groß. Die Jungpflanzen sind frostempfindlich und sollten deshalb nicht vor Ende Mai ins Freiland ausgesetzt werden.
Von der Gattung Lagenaria sind insgesamt sechs Arten bekannt. Lediglich L. siceraria konnte sich weltweit verbreiten, die anderen Arten sind auf Europa und Afrika beschränkt.
Der Name der Gattung stammt vom lateinischen Wort lagena für Flasche.
Die meisten Lagenaria Sorten sind durch Bitterstoffe für den Verzehr nicht geeignet. Durch seine Form und Struktur eignet sich der Flaschenkürbis jedoch zur Verwendung als Gefäß (Kalebasse) bzw. zum Bau bestimmter Saiteninstrumente (Sitar) bzw. Trommeln (Maracas).
Dem Flaschenkürbis wird auch eine medizinische Wirkung zugeschrieben. Das Fruchtfleisch äußerlich aufgelegt soll zur Linderung bei Fieber, Geschwüren, Gichtschmerzen beitragen, bei Verzehr zur Linderung von Nierenleiden. In der Traditionellen Chinesischen Medizin (TCM) [中医学]wird dem Fruchtfleisch des Flaschenkürbis folgende Wirkungen zugeschrieben: stärkt das Organ Milz, hilft Körperflüssigkeiten besser zu bewegen, Trocknet Feuchtigkeit im Körper, wandelt Schleim, Schweißtreibend – leitet Feuchtigkeit von Körperinnerem nach außen, tonisiert das Lungen-Qi. Im chinesischen Feng Shui [风水] sind die getrockneten Früchte (Hulu [葫芦]) ein wichtiges Hilfsmittel zur Harmonisierung des Raum Qi [气]."
[Quelle: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lagenaria. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-15]
Grundlegend zur Flora Sri Lankas:
A Revised handbook to the flora of Ceylon / sponsored jointly by the University of Peradeniya, Department of Agriculture, Peradeniya, Sri Lanka, and the Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., U.S.A. ; editorial board, M.D. Dassanayake and F.R. Fosberg. -- New Delhi : Oxford & IBH, 1980 - 2003. -- 14 Bde. : Ill. ; 24 cm.
2 Lābugāmaka: "Flaschenkürbisdorf", heutiges Labunoruwa (= Lābunagaraka = "Flaschenkürbisstädtchen")
Abb.: Lage von Labunoruwa
73 Evaṃ vijitasaṅgāmo tato so Paṇḍukābhayo
Ayyakassānurādhassa vasanaṭṭhānam āgami.
Als er so den Krieg gewonnen hatte, ging Pauṇḍkābhaya zum Wohnort seines Großonkels Anurādha.
74 Attano rājagehaṃ so tassa datvāna ayyako
Aññattha vāsaṃ kappesi; so tu tasmiṃ ghare vasī.
Der Großonkel gab ihm seinen eigenen Königspalast und ließ sich woanders nieder. Panṇḍukābhaya aber wohnte in diesem Palast.
75 Pucchāpetvāna nemittaṃ vatthuvijjāviduṃ tathā
Nagaraṃ pavaraṃ tasmiṃ gāme yeva amāpayi.
Er ließ einen Zeichendeuter befragen, der in der Wissenschaft der Geomantik1 kundig war. Dann ließ er dementsprechend in diesem Dorf die Hauptstadt erbauen.
1 Geomantik = vatthuvijjā = vāstuvidyā = Wissenschaft von der Bauplatzfindung und Bauplanung aufgrund von Zeichendeutung
(Vāstu- physical environment and Śāstra- knowledge/ text/ principles. The 't' in both the words is pronounced softly. Also spelled Vastu) is one of the traditional Hindu canons of town planning and architecture. These canons are codified in texts such as Mānasāra Śilpa Śāstra (by Mānasāra), Mayamatam (by Maya), Viśvakarma Vāstuśāstra (by Viśvakarma), Samarāṅgaṇa Sūtradhāra (by Raja Bhoja), Aparajita Praccha (by Viswakarma's son Aparajita) and Śilparatna. Other treatises such as Agni Purāṇa and works by Kauilya and Śukrācharya are not popular even though they preceded the previously mentioned documents. Distinction of style exists due to each documents place of origin. Mayamata and Mānsāra Śilpa Śāstra are considered Dravidian because they are from south India whereas Viśvakarma Vāstu Śāstra is considered Aryan due to its north Indian origin.
Vāstu Śāstra deals with various aspects of designing and building living environments that are in harmony with the physical and metaphysical forces/ energies of the cosmos such as the gravitational, electromagnetic and supernatural. Building practices based on limited interpretations of these principles are still sustained in specific areas of India.
Though Vastu is conceptually similar to Feng Shui [风水] in that it also tries to harmonize the flow of energy (Also called Life-force, and Prāṇa in Sanskrit, similar to Chi [气] in Chinese) through the house, it differs in the details, such as the exact directions in which various objects, rooms, materials etc are to be placed."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaastu_Shastra. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-16]
76 Nivāsattānurādhānaṃ Anurādhapuraṃ ahū,
Nakkhattenānurādhena patiṭṭhāpitatāya ca.
Man nannte sie Anurādhapura, weil dort die beiden Anurādha's1 gewohnt hatten und weil sie während des Mondhauses2 Anurādhā3 gegründet worden war.
1 beiden Anurādha's: nämlich
- Anurādha, der Begleiter Vijaya's und erste Gründer von Anurādhagāma. Siehe Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 7, Vers 43
- Anurādha, der Bruder Bhaddakaccānā's und zweite Gründer von Anurādhagāma, siehe oben
2 Zu den Mondhäusern siehe:
Payer, Alois <1944 - >: Dharmashastra : Einführung und Überblick. -- 10. Sakramente und Übergangsriten (samskara). -- Anhang A: Mondhäuser (Nakshatra). -- URL: http://www.payer.de/dharmashastra/dharmash10a.htm
3 Mondhaus Anurādhā: β, δ and π Scorpionis 03SC20-16SC40
Abb.: Karte des Mondhauses Anurādhā
77 Āṇāpetvā mātulānaṃ chattaṃ jātassare idha
Dhovāpetvā dhārayitvā taṃsare yeva vārinā
78 Attano abhisekaṃ so kārayi Paṇḍukābhayo,
Suvaṇṇapālideviṃ taṃ mahesitte 'bhisecayi.
77. - 78.
Er ließ den Schirm1 seiner Mutterbrüder bringen, ließ ihn in einem natürlichen See hier [in Anurādhapura] waschen, ließ ihn über sich halten und ließ sich mit dem Wasser in demselben See zum König weihen. Er weihte Gold-Pāli (Suvaṇṇapāli) zur Königin.
1 Schirm: als königliches Hoheitszeichen (Insignie), Rechtstitel (Regalie) und Machtmittel (Paraphernalie)
79 Adā Candakumārassa porohiccaṃ yathāvidhi;
Ṭhānantarāni sesānaṃ bhaccānañ ca yathārahaṃ.
Den Jüngling Canda machte er ordnungsgemäß zum Hofkaplan. Seinen übrigen Dienern gab er andere Posten entsprechend ihrer Würdigkeit.
80 Mātuyā upakārattā attano ca mahīpatiṃ
Aghātetvā va jeṭṭhaṃ taṃ mātulaṃ Abhayaṃ pana
81 Rattirajjaṃ adā tassa ahū nagaraguttiko;
Tadupādāya nagare ahuṃ nagaraguttikā.
80. - 81.
Da König Abhaya seine Mutter und ihn unterstützt hatte, tötete er diesen Mutterbruder nicht, sondern übergab ihm die Herrschaft während der Nacht: er wurde Stadtwächter (Nagaraguttika). Deswegen gibt es seither in der Stadt Stadtwächter.
82 Sasuraṃ taṃ aghātetvā Girikaṇḍasivam pi ca
Girikaṇḍadesaṃ tasseva mātulassa adāsi so.
Er tötete auch nicht Girikaṇḍasiva, seinen Schwiegervater, er gab diesem Mutterbruder das Girikaṇḍagebiet.1
1 siehe oben Vers 29.
83 Saraṃ tañca khaṇāpetvā kārāpesi bahūdakaṃ;
Jaye jalassa gāhena Jayavāpīti āhu taṃ.
Er ließ den See1 tiefer ausheben und wasserreich machen. Wegen seines Siegs2, als er ihm Wasser entnahm, nannte man ihn Siegesteich (Jayavāpi).
1 See: siehe oben Vers 77
2 Sieg: nämlich die Weihe zum König (oben, Vers 77f.)
84 Kālaveḷaṃ nivesesi yakkhaṃ purapuratthime;
Yakkhaṃ tu Cittarājānaṃ heṭṭhā Abhayavāpiyā.
Den Yakkha Kālaveḷa1 siedelte er östlich von der Stadt. Den Yakkha Cittarājā2 unterhalb des Abhaya-Teichs3.
1 Kālaveḷa: siehe oben Vers 4
2 Cittarājā: siehe oben Vers 4
3 Abhaya-Teich: heutiger Basawak-kulam
A tank in Anurādhapura built by King Pandukābhaya (Mhv.x.88). At its lower end was the settlement of the yakkha Cittarāja (Mhv.x.84).
In the hot weather it ran dry, and on one occasion Devānampiyatissa used its mud for building a temporary structure in which to deposit the relics brought from Jambudīpa (Mhv.xvii.35).
The hall which Dutthagāmani built round the Maricavatti Vihāra extended into a part of the Abhaya tank (Mhv.xxvi.20).
In the reign of Bhātikābhaya water was taken from the tank, by means of machines, up to the top of the Mahā Thūpa, for the sprinkling of the flowers offered there (Mhv.xxxiv.45).
The tank is generally identified with the modern Basavakkulam (Geiger, Mhv. trans. 74, n.3)."
85 Pubbopakāriṃ dāsiṃ taṃ nibbattaṃ yakkhayoniyā
Purassa dakkhiṇadvāre so kataññu nivāsayi.
Die Dienerin, die ihm früher geholfen1 hatte und die als Yakkhiṇī wiedergeboren wurde, siedelte er aus Dankbarkeit beim Südtor der Stadt.
1 siehe oben Vers 1 u.a.
86 Anto narindavatthussa vaḷavāmukhayakkhiṇiṃ
Nivesesi; baliṃ tesaṃ aññesañ cānuvassakaṃ
87 Dāpesi chaṇakāle tu Cittarājena so saha
Samāsane nisīditvā dibbamānusanāṭakaṃ
88 Kārento 'bhiramī rājā ratikhiḍḍāsamappito.
Dvāragāme ca caturo 'bhayavāpiñ ca kārayi.
86. - 88.
Innerhalb des königlichen Bezirks siedelte er die stutenköpfige Yakkhiṇī1. Jährlichbrachte er diesen und anderen Yakkhas Opfer dar. Zu Festzeiten saß er mit Cittarājā auf einem gleich hohen Sitz und veranstaltete ein Schauspiel mit Himmelswesen und Menschen. So vergnügte sich der König, vom Liebesspiele2 angezogen. Er ließ auch vier Vordörfer (vor den Stadttoren) bauen sowie den Abhaya-Teich3.
1 siehe oben Vers 53
2 das Schauspiel (nāṭaka) hatte wohl stark erotischen Inhalt
3 siehe oben zu Vers 84.
89 Mahāsusānāghātanaṃ, pacchimarājinī tathā
Vessavaṇassa nigrodhaṃ, vyādhidevassaa tālakaṃ,
90 Yonasabhāgavatthuñ ca mahejjāgharam eva ca
Etāni pacchimadvāradisābhāge nivesayi.
avar. lect: vyādhadevassa
89. - 90.
In der Umgebung des Westtors errichtete er:
1 Westliche Königinnen: wohl entsprechende Göttinnen
2 Banyanbaum: Ficus benghalensis
3 Vessavana (Sanskrit: Vaiśravaṇa): Herr der Yakkha
One of the names of Kuvera, given to him because his kingdom is called Visānā (D.iii.201; SNA.i.369, etc.). He is one of the Cātummahārājāno and rules over the Yakkhas, his kingdom being in the north (E.g., D.ii.207). In the ātānātiya Sutta he is the spokesman, and he recited the ātānātiya-rune for the protection of the Buddha and his followers from the Yakkhas who had no faith in the Buddha. D.iii.194; he was spokesman because "he was intimate with the Buddha, expert in conversation, well trained" (DA.iii.962).
He rides in the Nārīvāhana, which is twelve yojanas long, its seat being of coral. His retinue is composed of ten thousand crores of Yakkhas. (SNA.i.379; the preacher’s seat in the Lohapāsāda at Anurādhapura was made in the design of the Nārīvāhana, Mhv.xxvii.29). He is a sotāpanna and his life span is ninety thousand years (AA.ii.718).
The books record a conversation between him and Velukantakī Nandamāta, when he heard her sing the Parāyana Vagga and stayed to listen. When Cūlasubhaddā wished to invite the Buddha and his monks to her house in Sāketa, and felt doubtful about it, Vessavana appeared before her and said that the Buddha would come at her invitation (AA.ii.483).
On another occasion (A.iv.162; on his way to see the Buddha) he heard Uttara Thera preaching to the monks in Dhavajālikā on the Sankheyya Mountain, near Mahisavatthu, and went and told Sakka, who visited Uttara and had a discussion with him.
Once when Vessavana was travelling through the air, he saw Sambhūta Thera wrapt in samādhi. Vessavana descended from his chariot, worshipped the Thera, and left behind two Yakkhas with orders to wait until the Elder should emerge from his trance. The Yakkhas then greeted the Thera in the name of Vessavana and told him they had been left to protect him. The Elder sent thanks to Vessavana, but informed him, through the Yakkhas, that the Buddha had taught his disciples to protect themselves through mindfulness, and so further protection was not needed. Vessavana visited Sambhūta on his return, and finding that the Elder had become an arahant, went to Sāvatthi and carried the news to the Buddha. ThagA.i.46f. Just as he encouraged the good, so he showed his resentment against the wicked; see, e.g., Revatī.
Mention is made of Vessavana's Gadāvudha* and his mango tree, the Atulamba**. Alavaka's abode was near that of Vessavana (SNA.i.240).
* SNA.i.225; the books (e,g., SA.i.249; Sp.ii.440) are careful to mention that he used his Gadāvudha only while he was yet a puthujjana.
** J.iv.324, also called Abbhantaramba (see the Abbharantara Jātaka).
Bimbisāra, after death, was born seven times as one of the ministers (paricaraka) of Vessavana, and, while on his way with a message from Vessavana to Virūlhaka, visited the Buddha and gave him an account of a meeting of the devas which Vessavana had attended and during which Sanankumāra had spoken in praise of the Buddha and his teachings (D.ii.206f). Vessavana seems to have been worshipped by those desiring children. See, e.g., the story of Rājadatta (ThagA.i.403). There was in Anurādhapura a banyan tree dedicated as a shrine to Vessavana in the time of Pandukābhaya (Mhv.x.89). Vessavana is mentioned as having been alive in the time of Vipassī Buddha. When Vipassī died, there was a great earthquake which terrified the people, but Vessavana appeared and quieted their fears (ThagA.i.149). Vessavana accompanied Sakka when he showed Moggallāna round Vejayanta pāsāda. M.i.253; because he was Sakka's very intimate friend (MA.i.476).
As lord of the Yakkhas, it was in the power of Vessavana to grant to any of them special privileges, such as the right of devouring anyone entering a particular pond, etc. See, e.g., DhA.iii.74; J.i.128; iii.325 (Makhādeva). Sometimes, e.g., in the case of Avaruddhaka (DhA.ii.237), a Yakkha had to serve Vessavana for twelve years in order to obtain a particular boon (cf. J.ii.16,17). (Three years at J.iii.502.) Vessavana some times employs the services of uncivilized human beings (paccantamilakkhavāsika) DA.iii.865f. The Yakkhas fear him greatly. If he is angry and looks but once, one thousand Yakkhas are broken up and scattered "like parched peas hopping about on a hot plate" (J.ii.399). This was probably before he became a sotāpanna.
Vessavana, like Sakka, was not the name of a particular being, but of the holder of an office. When one Vessavana died, Sakka chose another as his successor. The new king, on his accession, sent word to all the Yakkhas, asking them to choose their special abodes (J.i.328). It was the duty of Yakkhinīs to fetch water from Anotatta for Vessavana's use. Each Yakkhinī served her turn, sometimes for four, sometimes for five months. But sometimes they died from exhaustion before the end of their term. (DhA.i.40; also J.iv.492; v.21).
Vessavana's wife was Bhuñjatī (q.v.), who, like himself, was a devoted follower of the Buddha (D.ii.270). They had five daughters: Latā, Sajjā, Pavarā, Acchimatī, and Sutā. For a story about them, see VvA.131f.
Punnaka was Vessavana's nephew. J.vi.265, 326.
The pleasures and luxuries enjoyed by Vessavana have become proverbial. See, e.g., Vv.iv. 3, 46 (bhuñjāmi kāmakāmī rājā Vessavano yathā); MT. 676 (Vessavanassa rājaparihārasadisam); cf. J.vi.313.
An ascetic named Kañcanapatti (J.ii.399) is mentioned as having been the favourite of Vessavana. See also Yakkha."
"Vaiśravaṇa (Sanskrit) or Vessavaṇa (Pāli) is the name of the chief of the Four Heavenly Kings and an important figure in Buddhist mythology.
The name Vaiśravaṇa is derived from the Sankrit viśravaṇa "hearing distinctly".
Vaiśravaṇa is also known as Kubera (Sanskrit) or Kuvera (Pāli).
Other names include:
- 多聞天 (simplified characters: 多闻天): Chinese Duō Wén Tiān, Korean Damun Cheonwang (다문천왕), Japanese Tamonten. The characters mean "Much hearing god" or "Deity who hears much".
- 毘沙門天: Chinese Wèishāmén Tiān, Japanese Bishamonten. This is a representation of the sound of the Sanskrit name in Chinese (Vaiśravaṇ → Weishamen) plus the character for "heaven" or "god".
- Tibetan rnam.thos.sras (Namthöse)
The character of Vaiśravaṇa is founded upon the Hindu deity Kubera, but although the Buddhist and Hindu deities share some characteristics and epithets, each of them has different functions and associated myths. Although brought into East Asia as a Buddhist deity, Vaiśravaṇa has become a character in folk religion and has acquired an identity that is partially independent of the Buddhist tradition (cf. the similar treatment of Kuan Yin [觀音]and Yama).
Vaiśravaṇa is the guardian of the northern direction, and his home is in the northern quadrant of the topmost tier of the lower half of Mount Sumeru. He is the leader of all the yakṣas who dwell on the Sumeru's slopes.
He is often portrayed with a yellow face. He carries an umbrella or parasol (chatra) as a symbol of his sovereignty. He is also sometimes displayed with a mongoose, often shown ejecting jewels from its mouth. The mongoose is the enemy of the snake, a symbol of greed or hatred; the ejection of jewels represents generosity.[...]
Vaiśravaṇa in Japan
In Japan, Bishamonten (or just Bishamon) is thought of as an armor-clad god of warfare or warriors and a punisher of evildoers – a view that is at odds with the more pacific Buddhist king described above. Bishamon is portrayed holding a spear in one hand and a small pagoda in the other hand, the latter symbolizing the divine treasure house, whose contents he both guards and gives away. In Shintō [神道] beliefs, he is one of the Japanese Seven Gods of Fortune [七福神].
Bishamon is also called Tamonten (多聞天), meaning "listening to many teachings" because he is the guardian of the places where Buddha preaches. He lives half way down the side of Mount Sumeru.Vaiśravaṇa in Tibet
In Tibet, Vaiśravaṇa is considered a worldly dharmapāla or protector of the Dharma. As guardian of the north, he is often depicted on temple murals outside the main door. He is also thought of as a god of wealth. As such, Vaiśravaṇa is sometimes portrayed carrying a citron, the fruit of the jambhara tree, a pun on another name of his, Jambhala. He is sometimes represented as corpulent and covered with jewels. When shown seated, his right foot is generally pendant and supported by a lotus-flower on which is a conch shell.Vaiśravaṇa in popular culture
- A character by the name of Uesugi Kenshin [上杉 謙信] from the Playstation 2 game: Samurai Warriors frequently prays to Bishamon for strength on the battlefield. He also attains the title "Bishamonten Avatar" at a certain point. This game was based on historical fact.
- In the video game series, Onimusha [鬼武者] (specifically Onimusha: Warlords) a Bishamon statue is seen in the game.
- Several artifacts in computer, video and role playing games are given the name Bishamon or Bishamonten."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vaishravana. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-16]
"Kubera (also Kuvera or Kuber) is the god of wealth and the lord of Uttaradisha in Hindu mythology. He is also known as Dhanapati, the lord of riches. He is one of the Guardians of the directions, representing the north.
Kubera is also the son of Sage Vishrava (hence also called Vaisravana), and in this respect, he is also the elder brother of the Lord of Lanka, Ravana.
He is said to have performed austerities for a thousand years, in reward for which Brahma, the Creator, gave him immortality and made him god of wealth, guardian of all the treasures of the earth, which he was to give out to whom they were destined.
When Brahma appointed him God of Riches, he gave him Lanka (Ceylon) as his capital, and presented him, according to the Mahabharata, with the vehicle pushpaka, which was of immense size and ‘moved at the owner’s will at marvellous speed’. When Ravana captured Lanka, Kubera moved to his city of Alaka, in the Himalaya.
Kubera also credited money to Venkateshwara or Vishnu for his marriage with Padmavati. Thats the reason devotees / people when they go to Tirupati donate money in Venkateshwara's Hundi so that he can pay back to Kubera. According to the Vishnupuran this process will go on till the end of Kali yuga"
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kubera. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-16]
4 Palmyrapalme: Borassus flabellifer
5 Yona: siehe Mahābhārata, Kapitel 12, zu Vers 39
91 Pañca satāni caṇḍālapurise purasodhake,
Duve satāni caṇḍālapurise vaccasodhake,
92 Diyaḍḍhasatacaṇḍāle matanīhārake pi ca,
Susānagopacaṇḍāle tattake yeva ādiyi
91. - 92.
1 Caṇḍāla: sie Mahāvaṃsa, Kapitel 5, zu Vers 43f. Heute gehörten die Caṇḍāla zu den Dalit/Outcasts/Untouchable (von Gandhi Harijan genannt)
93 Tesaṃ gāmaṃ nivesesi susānapacchimuttare.
Yathāvihitakammāni tāni niccaṃ akaṃsu te.
Für diese Caṇḍāla's baute er ein Dorf im Nordwesten der Leichenstätte. Sie erfüllten ihre Aufgaben stets auftragsgemäß.
94 Tassa caṇḍālagāmassa pubbuttaradisāya tu
Nīcasusānakaṃ nāma caṇḍālānam akārayi.
Im Nordosten des Caṇḍāladorfs ließ er eine Leichenstätte für Caṇḍāla errichten. Sie heißt "Niedrige Leichenstätte"
95 Tass' uttare susānassa Pāsāṇapabbatantare
Āvāsapāli vyādhānaṃ tadā āsi nivesitā.
Im Norden dieser Leichenstätte, zwischen ihr und dem Pāsāṇa-Berg wurde die Häuserreihe der Jäger errichtet.
96 Taduttare disābhāge yāva Gāmaṇivāpiyā
Tāpasānaṃ anekesaṃ assamo āsi kārito.
Im Norden davon bis zum Gāmaṇi-Teich1 hat er eine Einsiedelei für viele Asketen errichten lassen.
1 Gāmaṇi-Teich: nach Geiger der heutige Karambäwa-tank, nach Parker der Paramiyam-kulam
97 Tasseva ca susānassa puratthimadisāya tu
Jotiyassa nīgaṇṭhassa gharaṃ kāresi bhupati.
Im Osten jener Leichenstätte ließ der König für den Jaina1 Jotiya2 ein Haus bauen.
1 Jaina (nigaṇṭha):
[Bildquelle: Claude Renault. -- http://www.flickr.com/photos/clodreno/97089563/. -- Creative Commons Lizenz. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-16]
|"Jainism (pronounced in English as /ˈdʒeɪ.nɪzm̩/),
traditionally known as Jain Dharma (जैन धर्म),
is a religion and philosophy originating in the prehistory of South Asia. Now a minority in modern India with growing communities in the United States, Western Europe, Africa, the Far East and elsewhere, Jains have continued to sustain the ancient Shraman (श्रमण) or ascetic tradition.
Jainism has significantly influenced the religious, ethical, political and economic spheres in India for well over two millennia. Jainism stresses the spiritual independence and equality of all life with a particular emphasis on non-violence. Self-control (व्रत, vrata) is the means by which Jains attain moksha, Keval Gnan, or realization of the soul's true nature.
A lay Jain is termed a shravak (श्रावक) i.e. a listener. The Jain Sangha (संघ), or order, has four components: monks (साधु), nuns (sadhvi), lay men (श्रावक) and lay women (shravika).Overview of Jain Dharma
Jain philosophy is based upon eternal, universal truths. Over a period of time, these truths may lapse among humanity and then reappear through the teachings of enlightened humans, those who have reached enlightenment or total knowledge (Keval Gnan). Traditionally, in our universe and in our time, Lord Rishabha (ऋषभ or रिषभ) is regarded as the first to realize the truth followed by Lord Parshva (877-777 BCE) and Lord Vardhaman Mahavira (महावीर) (599-527 BCE).
Jainism teaches that every human is responsible for his/her actions and all living beings have an eternal soul, jīva. It insists that we live, think and act respectfully and honor the spiritual nature of all life. Jains view God as the unchanging traits of the pure soul of each living being, chiefly described as Infinite Knowledge, Perception, Consciousness, and Happiness (Anant Gyän, Anant Darshan, Anant Chäritra, and Anant Sukh). Jainism does not include a belief in an omnipotent supreme being or creator, but rather in an eternal universe governed by natural laws, and the interplay of the attributes (gunas) of matter (dravys) that make it up.
Jain scriptures were written over a long period and the most cited scripture is the Tattvartha Sutra, or Book of Reality written by Umasvati (or Umasvami), the monk-scholar, more than 18 centuries ago. The primary figures in Jainism are Tirthankars. Jainism has two main divisions: Digambar and Shvetambar and both believe in ahimsa (or ahinsā), asceticism, karma, sansar, and jiva.
Compassion for all life, human and non human, is central to Jainism. It is the only religion that requires monks and laity, from all its sects and traditions, to be vegetarian. Some regions of India have been strongly influenced by Jains and often, the majority of the local non Jain population is also vegetarian. In many towns, Jains run animal shelters, e.g. a bird hospital in Delhi is run by a Jain temple. History suggests that various strains of Hinduism became vegetarian due to a strong Jain influence.
Jainism's stance on nonviolence goes beyond vegetarianism. Jains refuse food obtained with unnecessary crueltyty. Many are vegan, due to the violence of modern dairy farms.The orthodox Jain diet excludes most root vegetables, as they believe this destroys life unnecessarily. Another reason for refusing root vegetables is to avoid destroying entire plants. If you eat apples, you do not destroy whole trees, but for root vegetables, whole plants are uprooted. Garlic and onions are avoided as these are seen as creating passion, meaning anger, hatred, jealousy. (In the west it is now understood that certain foods create certain moods.) Observant Jains do not eat, drink, or travel after sunset (which is called Chuavihar) and always rise before sunrise.
Anekantavada, a foundation of Jain philosophy literally meaning "Non-one-endedness" or "Nonsingular Conclusivity". Anekantavada consists of tools for overcoming inherent biases in any one perspective on a topic, object, process, state, or on reality in general. Another tool is The Doctrine of Postulation, Syādvāda. Anekantavada is defined as a multiplicity of views for it stresses looking at things from another's perspective.
Jains are remarkably welcoming and friendly toward other faiths. Several non-Jain temples in India are administered by Jain individuals. The Jain Heggade family has run the Hindu institutions of Dharmasthala, including the Sri Manjunath Temple, for eight centuries. Jains willingly donate money to churches and mosques and usually help with inter faith functions. Jain monks, like Acharya Tulsi and Acharya Sushil Kumar, actively promoted harmony among rival faiths to defuse tension.
Jains have been a palpable presence in Indian culture, contributing to Indian philosophy, art, architecture, sciences, and to Mohandas Gandhi's politics, which led to the mainly non-violent movement for Indian independence.Universal History and Jain Cosmology
According to Jain beliefs, the universe was never born, nor will it ever cease to exist. It is eternal but not unchangeable, because it passes through an endless series of cycles. Each upward or downward cycle is divided into six eons (yugas). The present era, a downward movement, is the fifth of these cycles. These ages are known as "Aaro" as "Pehela Aara" or First Age, "Doosra Aara" or Second Age and so on. The last is the "Chhatha Aara" or Sixth Age. These ages have well defined durations of thousands of years.
When this cycle reaches its lowest level, even Jainism will be lost in its entirety. Then, on the next upswing, the Jain religion will be rediscovered and reintroduced by new leaders,Tirthankars (literally "Crossing Makers" or "Ford Finders"), only to be lost again at the end of the next downswing, and so on.
Each enormously long cycle of time always has twenty-four Tirthankars. In our era, the twenty-third Tirthankar was Parshva, an ascetic and teacher, whose traditional dates are 877-777 BC, i.e., 250 years before the passing of the last Tirthankar, Lord Mahavir, in 527 BC. Jains regard him, and all Tirthankars, as reformers who called for a return to beliefs and practices in line with the eternal universal philosophy upon which the faith is based. The title Bhagavan ("Lord"), applied to Mahavir and all other Tirthankars, means Venerable.
The twenty-fourth and final Tirthankar of our age is called, Mahāvīr, the Great Hero (599-527 BC). A wandering ascetic teacher, he recalled Jains to the rigorous practice of their ancient faith.
Jains believe that reality consists of two eternal principles, jiva and ajiva. Jiva consists of infinite identical spiritual units (life); while ajiva (non-jiva) is matter in any forms or condition under which it exists: time, space, and movement.
Both jiva and ajiva are eternal; they are never born or created for the first time and will never cease to exist. The whole world is made up of jivas trapped in ajiva; there are jivas in rocks, plants, insects, animals, human beings, spirits, etc.
Any contact between jiva and ajiva causes the former to suffer and Jains understand that worldly existence inevitably means some suffering. Neither social nor individual reform can totally stop suffering. Every human has jiva which suffers because of its contact with ajiva. To avoid suffering, the jiva must leave the four gatis (stages) of Human Life, Heavenly Bodies, Plants/Animals/Insects/Fish Life, and Hell, by never forgetting the ultimate aim, by practising Jainism continuously and thus attain liberation,
Karma and transmigration keep jiva locked in ajiva. Liberation from the human condition is difficult. Jiva continues to suffer during its infinite reincarnations. Jains believe that every action, good or evil, opens up sense channels (sight, hearing, touch, taste and smell), through which invisible karma, filters in and adheres to the jiva within, weighing it down and determining the conditions of its next reincarnation.
The consequence of evil actions is heavy karma, which weighs the jiva down, forcing it to enter its new life at a lower existential level. Good deeds, on the other hand, lead to light karma, allowing jiva to rise to a higher level in its next life, where there is less suffering. However, good deeds alone can never lead to liberation.
The way to moksh (release or liberation) is withdrawal from the world. Karma is the cause-and-effect mechanism by which all actions have inescapable consequences. Karma keeps jiva chained in an endless series of lifetimes in which it suffers to a greater or lesser extent. Thus liberation means release from karma, its annihilation and avoidance of new karma.
Then, at death, with no karma to weigh it, jiva will rise free of all ajiva, free of the human condition, free of all future embodiments. It will rise to the highest state in the universe, Siddhashila, where jiva, identical with all other pure jivas, will experience its own true nature in eternal stillness, aloneness and liberation. It will be totally free. The way to burn up old karma is to withdraw from worldly involvement as much as possible, and close the senses and the mind to prevent karma. Such eternal liberation by freeing Jiva from Pudgala (ajiva), so no new reincarnation occurs, is Moksh. Ignorance (ajñāna) causes attachment, while true knowledge (keval jñāna)leads to liberation.
S. Vernon McCasland, Grace E. Cairns and David C. Yu describe Jain cosmology thus:
Jain monks practise strict asceticism and strive to make this birth their last. On the other hand, the laity, who pursue less rigorous practices, strive to attain rational faith and to do as much good as possible in this lifetime. Due to strict Jain ethics, the laity choose professions and livelihoods that revere and protect life and do not involve violence to living beings.
Jains believe that Devas (angels or celestial beings) cannot help jiva to obtain liberation. This must be achieved by individuals through their own efforts. In fact, devas themselves cannot achieve liberation until they reincarnate as humans and undertake the difficult action of removing karma. Their effort to attain the exalted state of Siddha, the permanent liberation of jiva from all involvement in worldly existence, must be their own.
The Jain ethical code is taken very seriously. Five vows are followed by both the laity and monks/nuns. These are:
For laypersons, 'chastity' means confining sexual experiences to marriage. For monks/nuns, it means complete celibacy. Nonviolence involves being vegetarian and some choose to be vegan. Jains are expected to be non-violent in thought, word and deed, towards humans and every living creature. While performing holy deeds, Jains wear masks over their mouths and noses to avoid spittle falling on texts or revered images.
Along with the Five Vows, Jains avoid harboring ill will towards others and practise forgiveness. They believe that Atma can lead one to becoming Parmatma and this must come from one's inner self; none can lead another on a path but can only show the way to the path. Jains know that anger towards another is one's biggest enemy and believe in “Jeeyo aur jeene do” (live and let others live).
Mahatma Gandhi was deeply influenced by this Jain emphasis on peaceful, protective living and made it an integral part of his own philosophy.Jain Symbols
Jains have some core symbols. One symbol incorporates a wheel on the palm of a hand. The holiest one is a simple unadorned swastika or svastik.
Major Jain symbols include:
Fasting is very common among Jains and a part of Jain festivals. Most Jains fast at special times during the year, during festivals and on holy days. However, a Jain may fast at any time, sometimes if s/he feels some error has been committed. The monsoon period (in India) is a time of fasting.The aim of fasting
Monks, nuns and laity fast as penance. Fasting purifies the body and the mind, reminding one of Mahavir's emphasis on renunciation and asceticism. Mahavir spent months fasting and contemplating. It is not sufficient for a Jain simply to stop eating when fasting, s/he must also stop wanting to eat. Control over one's mind is a major goal. If one continue to desire food, the fast is pointless.Types of fast
There are several types of fasts:
Other austerities are varshitap, Vardhaman, and visasthanak tap, etc.Jain literature
The oldest Jain literature is in Shauraseni and Ardha-Magadhi Prakrit (Agamas, Agama-tulya, Siddhanta texts, etc). Many classical texts are in Sanskrit (Tatvartha Sutra, Puranas, Koshas, Shravakacharas, Mathematics, Nighantus etc). Later Jain literature was written in Apabhramsha (Kahas, rasas, grammars, etc), Hindi (Chhahdhala, Mokshamarga Prakashaka, etc), Tamil (Jivakacintamani, Kural, etc), Kannada (Vaddaradhane, etc.). See Jain literature for more details. Tatvarth Sutra, Padma Puran (Rama Charitra), JinPravachanRahasya-Kosh, Chhahdhala and Shravakachars such as Ratnakarandak Sharavakachar and ShravakDharmaPrakash are available for free download at http://www.AtmaDharma.comJain worship and rituals
Jains have built temples where Tirthankar images are venerated. Jain rituals may be elaborate, for symbolic objects are offered and Tirthankars praised with chants. But some Jain sects refuse to enter temples or venerate images and only consider them as guides. The Sadhumargi Shvetambar Jains, such as the Terapanthi Jains, regard holy statues or temples as totally unnecessary. Every day Jains bow and say their universal prayer, the Namaskara Sutra. All good work and events start with this prayer of salutation and worship.
Jain rituals include:
Jain marriage ceremonies and family rites are usually variations of orthodox Hindu rituals.Digambar and Shvetambar traditions
It is generally believed that the Jain sangha became divided into two major sects, Digambar and Shvetambar, about 200 years after Mahāvīr's nirvana. According to the best available information, Bhadrabahu, chief of the Jain monks, foresaw a period of famine and led about 12,000 people, to southern India. Twelve years later, they returned to find that the Shvetambar sect had arisen. Bhadrabahu's followers became known as Digambar.
The Digambar monks do not wear clothes because they believe clothes are like other possessions, increasing desire for material things. Desire for anything leads ultimately to sorrow. The Shvetambar monks wear white clothes for practical reasons and because they believe there is nothing in Jain religious books to condemn wearing clothes. These differing views arise from different interpretations of the same holy books. Sadhvis (nuns) of both sects wear white clothes. There are minor differences in the enumeration and validity of each sect's literature.
There are some differences between Digambar and Shvetambar traditions. The former believe that women cannot attain moksha,while Shvetambars believe that women can attain liberation. Digambars belive that Mahavir was not married while Swetambars believe Mahavir was married.
Some historians believe that there was no clear division until the 5th century. The Valabhi council of 453 resulted in editing and compilation of traditional Shvetambar scriptures.
Excavations at Mathura have revealed many Kushana period Jain statues and Tirthankaras are represented without clothes. Some monks with only one piece of cloth, wrapped around the left arm. They are identified as belonging to the ardha-phalak sect mentioned in some texts. The Yapaniaya sect is believed to have originated from the Ardha-phalakas. They followed Digambar nudity, but held several beliefs from the Shvetambars.
Both traditions are subdivided into sects, such as Sthanakvasi, Terapanth, Deravasi, and Bisapanth. Some are divided into murtipujak (statue worshipper) and non murtipujak. In recent decades, many Jains have started simply calling themselves Jains and follow general traditions instead of the specifics of various Jain sects. In 1974, a new religious text Samana Suttam was compiled by a committee by representatives from all the sects.Geographical spread and influence
The pervasive influence of Jain culture and philosophy in ancient Bihar possibly gave rise to Buddhism. The Buddhists always maintained that during the time of Buddha and Mahavir, Jainism was already an ancient and deeply entrenched faith and culture in the region. For a discussion about the connections between Jainism and Buddhism see Jainism and Buddhism.
At 4 to 5 million adherents, Jainism is among the smallest of the major world religions, but in India its influence is much more significant than the numbers would suggest. The Jains live throughout India; Maharashtra, Rajasthan and Gujarat have the largest Jain population among Indian states. Other states of India with relatively large Jain populations among its residents are Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh.
Jainism has a large following in the Indian region of Punjab, especially the town of Ludhiana and Patiala. There were many Jains in Lahore (Punjab's historic capital) and other cities before the Partition of 1947. Many then fled to the Indian section of Punjab.
It is practiced by adherents in all the metropolitan cities such as Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata and Chennai as well as Ahmedabad, Bangalore, Hyderabad.
There are 85 Jain communities in different parts of India and around the world. They speak local languages and sometimes follow different rituals. However they all follow essentially the same principles.Outside of India, the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and East Africa (Kenya, Tanzania & Uganda) have large Jain communities. Smaller Jain communities exist in Nepal, Japan, Singapore, Australia etc. Jainism as a religion was at various times found all over South Asia including Sri Lanka and what are now Pakistan, Bangladesh, Burma and Afghanistan.
Jain philosophy and culture have been a major cultural, philosophical, social and political force since the dawn of civilization in South Asia, and its ancient influence has been traced beyond the borders of modern India into the Middle Eastern and Mediterranean regions. Jainism is presently a growing faith in the United States as well, where several Jain temples have been built. American Jainism tends to accommodate all the sects in its institutions.
Over several thousand years, Jain influence on Hindu philosophy and religion have been considerable, while Hindu influence on Jain temple worship and rituals can be observed in certain Jain sects. For a detailed discussion see Jainism and Hinduism.Jain contributions to Indian culture
While the Jains are only 0.4% of the Indian population, their contributions to culture and society in India have been considerable.
The Jains are among the wealthiest of the Indians. They are also among the most philanthropic, they run numerous schools, colleges and hospitals. They have been the most important patrons of the Somapuras, the traditional temple architects in Gujarat.
Jains have greatly influenced the cuisine of Gujarat. Gujarat is dominantly vegetarian, and its dishes all have pleasing and soothing aromas due to the lack of foods with pungent odors, such as onions and garlic.
In contrast to many other religious groups, the Jains encourage their monks to go for higher education, and also to get involved in research. As a consequence, Jain monks and nuns, particularly in the state of Rajasthan, have published numerous research monographs. This is unique among the religious groups in India, and a parallel is found only in among the Christian priests and nuns.
According to the 2001 census, the Jains are the most literate community in India. India's oldest libraries at Patan and Jaisalmer have been preserved by Jain institutions.
Literature The Jains have contributed writings in many of the India's classical and popular languages.
Archaeological evidence such as various seals and other artifacts from the Indus Valley Civilization (c. 3000–1500 BC) has been cited by some scholars as attesting to the faith's roots in pre-Indo-Aryan migration India. (Refer to the discussion page as well as the 'specialized sources', below.)
Decipherment of Brahmi by James Princep in 1788, permitted reading of ancient inscriptions in India, which established the antiquity of Jainism. Discovery of Jain manuscripts, a process that continues today, has added significantly to retracing the history of Jainism.
Jain archaeological findings are from Maurya, Sunga, Kushana, Rashtrakuta, Chalukya, and Rajput and later periods.
Several western and Indian scholars have contributed to the reconstruction of Jain history. They include western historians like Bühler, Jacobi, and Indian scholars like Iravatham Mahadevan who has worked on Tamil Brahmi inscriptions.Holy sites
There are many Jain tirthas (pilgrimage sites) throughout India.
There is also one temple in the United States that is considered to be a pilgrimage place. Siddhachalam is located in New Jersey.Jain temples in the West
The Jain Calendar gives the dates for major Jain festivals, vratas and fairs."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jain. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-16]
The name given to the Jains, the followers of Nigantha Nātaputta. Unlike the Acelakas, they wore one garment, a covering in front. But when praised for their modesty, they answered that their reason for wearing a garment was to prevent dust and dirt from falling into their alms dishes. For even dust and dirt are actual individuals and endowed with the principle of life (DhA.iii.489).
The chief precepts of the Niganthā are included in the cātuyāmasamvara - the fourfold restraint (for their beliefs and practices see Nigantha Nātaputta). The chief centres of the Niganthas, in the time of the Buddha, seem to have been Vesāli (e.g., J.iii.1; M.i.228) and Nālandā (M.i.371), though they had settlements in other important towns, such as Rājagaha (e.g., at Kālasilā, on the slopes of Isigili, M.i.92).
The chief patrons of the Buddha's time were:
The books contain several names besides that of Nātaputta of distinguished members of the Nigantha Order - e.g., Dīgha-Tapassī, and Saccaka, and also of several women, Saccā, Lolā, Avavādakā and Patācārā (J.iii.1).
The lay followers of the Niganthas wore white garments (M.ii.244).
In the Chalabhijāti classification of Pūrana Kassapa, the Ekasātaka-Niganthas occupied the third rank, the red (A.iii.384). The Buddha condemned the Niganthas as unworthy in ten respects:
Their fast resembled a herdsman looking after the kine by day, which were restored to their owners at eventide (Ibid., i.205f). The Niganthas were so called because they claimed to be free from all bonds (amhākam ganthanakileso palibujjhanakileso natthi, kilesaganthirahitā mayan ti evam vāditāya laddhanāmavasena Nigantho) (E.g., MA.i.423).
The Buddhist books record (M.ii.243f.; D.iii.117, 210) that there was great dissension among the Niganthas after the death of Nātaputta at Pāvā. The Commentaries state (DA.iii.906; MA.ii.831) that Nātaputta, realizing on his death bed the folly and futility of his teaching, wished his followers to accept the Buddha's teaching In order to bring this about, he taught his doctrine in two different ways to two different pupils, just before his death. To the one he said that his teaching was Nihilism (uccheda), and to the other that it was Eternalism (sassata). As a result, they quarrelled violently among themselves, and the Order broke up.
That the Niganthas lasted till, at least, the time of Nāgasena, is admitted (Mil.p.4) by the fact that Milinda, was asked to consult a teacher called Nigantha Nātaputta, who, if at all historical, was probably the direct successor to the teacher of the same name, contemporary with the Buddha.
There is evidence in the Jātakas to show that the Nigantha Order was in existence prior to the life of the Buddha. Saccatapāvī, mentioned in the Kunāla Jātaka (J.v.427), is described as a setasamanī, and may well have belonged to the Order of the Svetambaras, while in the Mahābodhi Jātaka (J.v.246) mention is made of a teacher who is identified with Nigantha Nātaputta himself.
There seems to have been a settlement of Niganthas in Ceylon from very early times. When Pandukābhaya laid out the city of Anurādhapura, he built also hermitages for several Niganthas - Jotiya, Giri and Kumbhanda (Mhv.x.97f). These continued to be inhabited even after the establishment of Buddhism in the Island, for we hear of them in the reign of Vattagāmanī (circa 44 A.C.). When Vattagāmanī pulled down the residence of the Nigantha Giri, because of his disloyalty to the king, he built on its site the Abhayagiri vihāra. (Ibid., xxxiii.42f.)"
A Nigantha, for whom Pandukābhaya built a house to the east of the Nīcasusāna at Anurādhapura (Mhv.x.97). The Mahāvamsa Tīkā (p.296) calls him a Nagaravaddhakī. The Abhayagiri-vihāra was later erected on the spot occupied by Jotiya's residence. MT.620."
98 Tasmiṃ yeva ca desasmiṃ nigaṇṭho Girināmako
Nānāpāsaṇḍakā ceva vasiṃsu samaṇā bahū.
In derselben Gegend wohnte auch der Jaina Giri und viele Asketen verschiedener Irrlehren.
99 Tattheva ca devakulaṃ akāresi mahīpati
Kumbhaṇḍassa nigaṇṭhassa; tannāmakam ahosi taṃ.
Ebendort baute der König auch einen Götterschrein für den Jaina Kumbaṇḍa. Er hieß nach diesem.
100 Tato tu pacchime bhāge vyādhapālipuratthime
Micchādiṭṭhikulānaṃ tu vasi pañcasataṃ tahiṃ.
Westlich davon und östlich der Hausreihe der Jäger lebten 500 irrgläubige Familien.
101 Pāraṃ Jotiyagehamhā oraṃ Gāmaṇivāpiyā
So paribbājakārāmaṃ kārāpesi, tatheva ca
102 Ājīvakānaṃ gehañ ca brāhmaṇāvatthum eva ca
Sivikāsotthisālaṃ ca akāresi tahiṃ tahiṃ.
101. - 102.
Jenseits von Jotiya's Haus, diesseits vom Gāmaṇi-Teich baute er ein Kloster für Wanderasketen, ein Haus für ĀjĪvaka's1, ein Wohngebiet für Brahmanen. Hier und dort baute er Gebär- und Krankenhäuser.
|"Ājīvika is an anti-Brahminical philosophy, which
literally translates to "following an ascetic way of life". The
Ājīvikas were contemporaries of the early Buddhists and historical
Jains; the Ājīvika movement may have preceded both of these groups,
but may have been a more loosely organized group of wandering
ascetics. Very little concrete information is known about the
Ājīvikas. Their scriptures and history were not preserved directly-
instead, fragments of Ājīvika doctrine were preserved in Buddhist
and Jain sources, and they are mentioned in several inscriptions
from the Mauryan empire. As a result, it is unknown to what degree
the available sources reflect the actual beliefs and practices of
the Ājīvikas; because most of what is known about them was recorded
in the literature of rival groups, it is quite possible that
accidental distortions or intentional criticism was introduced into
the records. Even the name 'Ājīvika' may have only been used by
observers from outside the tradition
Some regard Gośāla Maskariputra (c. 484 B.C.) as the founder of the Ājīvika faith; other sources state that Gośāla was a leader of a large Ajivia congregation, but not himself the founder of the movement. Gośāla is believed to have been a friend of Mahāvīra, the founder of Jainism. The Ājīvikas believed that transmigration of the human soul was determined by a precise and non-personal cosmic principle called Niyati (destiny) and was completely independent of the person's actions. They are believed to have been strict fatalists, who did not believe in karma or the possibility of free will. The emperor Ashoka's father, Bindusāra, was a believer of this philosophy, that reached its peak of popularity during Asoka's lifetime, and then declined into obscurity. The Ājīvikas are thought to have existed in India in the 14th Century, but the exact dates and extent of their influence is unclear. Inscriptions from southern India make reference to the Ājīvikas as late as the 13th Century, but by this point in history the term Ājīvika may have been used to refer to Jain monks or ascetics from other traditions."
[Quelle: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ajivika. -- Zugriff am 2006-06-16]
A class of naked ascetics (see, e.g., Vin.i.291), followers of Makkhali Gosāla, regarded, from the Buddhist point of view, as the worst of sophists. Numerous references to the ājīvakas are to be found in the Pitakas, only a few of them being at all complimentary. Thus in the Mahā Saccaka Sutta (*) they are spoken of as going about naked, flouting life's decencies and licking their hands after meals.
But they never incurred the guilt
It is mentioned that they did not always find it possible to adhere to this rigid code of conduct.
It is stated in the Tevijja Vacchagotta Sutta (M.i.483) that far from any ājīvaka having put an end to sorrow, the Buddha could recall only one ājīvaka during ninety-nine kappas who had even gone to heaven, and that one too had preached a doctrine of kamma and the after-consequences of actions. Elsewhere (M.i.524) they are spoken of as children of a childless mother. They extol themselves and disparage others and yet they have produced only three shining lights:
A fourth leader, Panduputta, of wagon-building stock, is mentioned in the Anangana Sutta (M.i.31); there is also the well-known Upaka.
There is no doubt that the ājīvaka were highly esteemed and had large followings of disciples (See, e.g., Pasenadi's evidence in S.i.68, apart from Ajātasattu's visit mentioned in the Sāmaññaphala Sutta; also S.iv.398). They had eminent followers such as high court officials (Vin.ii.166; iv.71) and that, for centuries at least, they retained an important position, is shown by their being thrice mentioned in the Asoka Edicts as receiving royal gifts (Hultsch: Asoka Inscriptions, see Index).
The doctrines held by the ājīvaka are mentioned in several places, but the best known account is in the Sāmaññaphala Sutta where they are attributed to Makkhali Gosāla by name (D.i.53-4. See also M.i.516f). He maintained that there is no cause or reason for either depravity or purity among beings. There is no such thing as intrinsic strength, or energy or human might or endeavour. All creatures, all beings, everything that has life, all are devoid of power, strength and energy; all are under the compulsion of the individual nature to which they are linked by destiny; it is solely by virtue of their birth in the six environments (chalabhijātiyo) that they experience their pleasure or pain. The universe is divided into various classes of beings, of occupations and methods of production. There are eighty-four hundred thousand periods during which both fools and wise alike, wandering in transmigration, shall at last make an end of pain. The pleasures and pain, measured out as it were with a measure, cannot be altered in the course of transmigration; there can be neither increase nor decrease thereof, neither excess nor deficiency.
The fundamental point in their teaching seems, therefore, to have been "samsāra-suddhi," purification through transmigration, which probably meant that all beings, all lives, all existent things, all living substances attain and must attain, perfection in course of time.
According to Buddhaghosa (DA.i.161), in the classification of the ājīvaka:
The division of men into six classes (chalabhijātiyo) is noteworthy. Buddhaghosa describes these as being kanha, nīla, lohita, halidda, sukka and paramasukka. This closely resembles the curious Jaina doctrine of the six Lesyas. Given, e.g., in the Uttarādhyāyana Sutra (Jacobi's Jaina Sūtras ii.213). This seems to involve a conception of mind which is originally colourless by nature. The different colours (nīla, etc.) are due to different habits or actions. The supreme spiritual effort consists in restoring mind to its original purity. Cp. with this the Buddha's teaching in A.iii.384ff. and M.i.36.
In the Anguttara Nikāya (iii.383-4) a similar doctrine is attributed to Pūrana Kassapa.
Gosāla's theory (D.i.54; see also S.iii.211) of the divisions of the universe into fourteen hundred thousand principle states of birth - (pamukhayoniyo) and into various methods of regeneration - viz.,
seems to show that the ājīvaka believed in infinite gradations of existence, in the infinity of time, and also in the recurrent cycles of existence. Each individual has external existence, if not individually, at least in type. In the world as a whole everything comes about by necessity. Fate (nigati) regulates everything, all things being unalterably fixed. Just as a ball of string when cast forth spreads out just as far as, and no farther than it can unwind, so every being lives, acts, enjoys and ultimately ends, in the manner in which it is destined (sandhavitvā, samsaritvā dukkhassantam karissanti). The peculiar nature (bhāva) (DA.i.161) of each being depends on the class or species or type to which it belongs.
Among the views of the Puthusamanas (other teachers), the Buddha regarded the doctrine of the ājīvaka as the least desirable. It denied
and was therefore despicable (patikhitto) (A.i.286).
The Buddha knew of no other single person fraught with such danger and sorrow to all devas and men as was Makkhali; like a fish-trap set at a river mouth, Makkhali was born into the world to be a man-trap for the distress and destruction of men (A.i.33).
According to Buddhaghosa (DA.i.166),
It has been suggested (E.g. Barua: Pre-Buddhistic Indian Philosophy, p.314) that Makkhali Gosāla's doctrine of the eight developmental stages of man (attha purisabhūmi) was a physical antecedent of the Buddha's doctrine of the eight higher spiritual ranks (attha purisapuggalā).
Buddhaghosa gives the eight stages as follows: manda, khiddā, vīmamsana, ujugata, sekha, samana, jina and panna. DA.i.162 ; see also Hoernle's Uvāsaga-Dasāo, ii. p.24, where pannaka is given for panna. op. J.iv.496-7, mandadasaka,khiddā-dasaka,anna-dasaka,etc.
This seems to indicate a development of the mental and spiritual faculties, side by side with physical growth, an interaction of body and mind.
There seems to have been a great deal of confusion, even at the time of the compilation of the Nikāyas, as to what were the specific beliefs of the ājīvakas.
There was a group of ājīvakas behind Jetavana. The monks saw the ājīvakas perform various austerities, such as squatting on their heels, swinging in the air like bats, scorching themselves with five fires, and they asked the Buddha whether these austerities were of any use. "None whatever," answered the Buddha, and then proceeded to relate the Nanguttha Jātaka (J.i.493f).
The ājīvakas used to be consulted regarding auspicious days, dreams, omens, etc. (See, e.g., J.i.287 and MT.190).
There was a settlement of ājīvakas in Anurādhapura, and Pandukābhaya built a residence for them. Mhv.x.102.
Thomas, following Hoernle, thinks that the term (ājīvaka) was probably a name given by opponents, meaning one who followed the ascetic life for the sake of a livelihood. Op. cit., p.130. But see DhA.i.309, where the different kinds of religieux are distinguished as acelaka, ājīvaka, nigantha and tāpasa.
For a detailed account of the ājīvakas see Hoernle's Article in ERA. and Barua's paper in the Calcutta University Journal of the Dept. of Letters, vol.ii. Hence we cannot infer that the name which was found as late as the thirteenth century always refers to the followers of Makkhali Gosāla. This point is certainly worth investigating."
103 Dasavassābhisitto so gāmasīmā nivesayi
Laṅkādīpamhi sakale Laṅkindo Paṇḍukābhayo.
Zehn Jahre1 nach seiner Königsweihe legte Paṇḍukābhaya, der König Laṃkās, auf der ganzen Insel Laṃkā die Dorfgrenzen fest.
1 ca. 427 v. Chr.
104 So Kālaveḷacittehi dissamānehi bhūpati
Sahānubhosi sampattiṃ yakkhabhūtasahāyavā.
Gemeinsam mit Kālaveḷa und Citta, die sichtbar waren, genoss der König, der Yakkha gewordene Freunde hatte, seinen Erfolg.
105 Paṇḍukābhayarañño ca Abhayassa ca antare
Rājasuññāni vassāni ahesuṃ dasa satta ca.
Zwischen dem König Paṇḍukābhaya und Abhaya gab es 17 Jahre1 ohne König.
1 ca. 454 - 437 v. Chr.
So paṇḍukābhayamahīpati sattatiṃsa -
Vasso 'dhigamma dhitimā dharaṇīpatittaṃ.
Ramme anūnam Anurādhapure samiddhe
Vassāni sattati akārayi rajjam etthā
Nachdem der fest entschlossene Herrscher Paṇḍukābhaya im Alter von 37 Jahren die Herrschaft über die Erde angetreten hatte, regierte er volle 70 Jahre1 im schönen und wohlhabenden Anurādhapura2.
(14 Silben: 8.6.; Schema: ta bha ja ja ga ga: uktā Vasantatilakā tabhajā jagau gaḥ)
1 ca. 437 bis 367 v. Chr.
Abb.: Plan von Anurādhapura mit den im Text genannten Lokalitäten, soweit diese identifizierbar sind
[Bildquelle: Mahānāma <5. Jhd. n. Chr.>: The Mahavamsa or, The great chronicle of Ceylon / translated into English by Wilhelm Geiger ... assisted by Mabel Haynes Bode...under the patronage of the government of Ceylon. -- London : Published for the Pali Text Society by H. Frowde, 1912. -- 300 S. -- (Pali Text Society, London. Translation series ; no. 3). -- Vor S. 137.]
Sujanappasādasaṃvegatthāya kate Mahāvaṃse
Paṇḍukābhayābhisekonāma dasamo paricchedo.
Zu Kapitel 11: Die Weihe Devānampiyatissa's zum König